kalinago (carib) resistance to european colonisation of the caribbean author(s)- hilary mcd. beckles

7/25/2019 Kalinago (Carib) Resistance to European Colonisation of the Caribbean Author(s)- HILARY McD. BECKLES

1/19

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Kalinago (Carib) Resistance to European Colonisation of the CaribbeanAuthor(s): HILARY McD. BECKLESSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 4, The 60th Anniversary Edition: West Indian History(December, 2008), pp. 77-94Published by: andUniversity of the West Indies Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40654700Accessed: 20-01-2016 22:23 UTC

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2/19

77

Kalinago Carib) Resistance oEuropean

Colonisation

f

theCaribbean

HILARY

McD.. BECKLES

The resistance f nativeCaribbean eople to the colonialdispensation

established

y

Europeans

ollowing

heColumbus

andfall

f 1492 has

received

insufficient

ttention

rom cholars.

Unlike

the case

with the

experience

f

enslaved

African

eople

few tudies

ave

presentedystematic

ccounts

f their

anti-colonial

nd

anti-slaverytruggle.

he reasons

for

his

historiographie

imbalance

re not

ltogether

lear.

No one

has

suggested,

or

xample,

hat heir

fight

or

iberty,

ife

and land was

any

less endemic

r

virulent

han

hat

f

Africans.

n the

ontrary,-*most

ccounts f

European

ettlement

ave

ndicated

ina general ort fwaytheir eterminationndtenacitynconfrontinghenew

order

n

spite

f

their elative

echnological

imitations

ith

espect

o

warfare.1

This

study

eeks

to

specify

omeof

the

political

nd

militaryesponses

f

the

Kalinago people

(known

n

the

colonial documentation

s

Caribs)

to the

European

nvasion

s

they

ought

o maintain

ontrol ver

ands

nd ives

n the

islands f

theLesser

Antilles.

he examination

akes

eference

o the mmediate

post

Columbian

ecades,

nd ouches

rieflypon

he

arly

ighteenth

entury

o

the

Treaty

fUtrecht

n

1713,

but s concerned

rincipally

ith he

eriod

624to

1700whenKalinagoswereconfrontedyconsiderablemilitaryressuresrom

English

and French

olonising gents.

During

this

period

Kalinagos

in

the

Windward

nd Leeward

Islands

launched

protracted

ar of

resistance

o

colonisation

nd

slavery. hey

held

out

gainst

he

English

nd

French ntil

he

mid-

90

s,

protecting

ome

territory,

aintaining

heir

ocial

freedom,

nd

determining

heeconomic

nd

political

history

f

the

region

n

very mportant

ways.2

According

o recent

rchaeological

vidence,

he

Kalinago

were the

ast

migrantroup o settlell theCaribbean rior o the rrival ftheEuropeansn

1492. The

Columbus

mission ound

hree

ative

roups,

f different

erivation

and ultural

ttainments,

ut

ll

of

whom ntered

heCaribbean

rom he

egion

f

South

America

known s the

Guianas.

These were

the

Ciboney,

he Taino

(Arawaks)

nd

the

Kalinago.

The

Ciboney

ad arrived

bout

00

B.C.,

followed

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3/19

78

by heTaino, heir thnicelatives,bout 00yearsater ndwhoby650 A.D. had

migrated

orthwards

hrough

he slands

stablishingarge

ommunities

n

the

Greater ntilles.

tarting

heir

migration

nto he slands rom bout

1000

A.D.,

Kalinagos

were till

rriving

t

the ime f heColumbus andfall.

hey

were

lso

in

the

process

f

establishing

ontrol ver

erritory

nd communities

ccupied

y

Tainos ntheLesser

Antilles,

nd

parts

ftheGreater ntilles.When he

panish

arrivedn the

northern

aribbean,

herefore,

hey

ound heTainos o some xtent

already

n the

defensive,

ut ater ncountered

alinagos

who

they

escribed s

more

repared

or

ggression

Kalinagos,

ike their aino cousins

nd

predecessors,

ad

been

nhabiting

the slands

ong nough

o

perceive

hem s

part

f heir

atural,ncestral,

urvival

environment.s a

result,

otedG.K.

Lewis,

they

repared

hemselveso defend

their

homeland

n

a

spirit

f defiant

patriotism," aving

wished

that the

"Europeans

ad never et

foot

n

their

ountry."

From he

outset, owever,

European

colonial forceswere

technologically

ore

prepared

or

a

violent

struggle

or

space

since

in

real

terms,

he

Columbusmission

represented

n

addition othemaritimeouragenddeterminationfEurope,hemobilisationf

large-scale

inance

apital,

nd science nd

technology

or

mperialist

ilitary

ends. This

process

was also

buttressed

y

the frenzied earchfor

dentity

nd

globalranking y Europeans hrough

he

onquest

nd cultural

egation

f other

races.

In

the Greater

Antilles,

ainos

offered

spirited

ut

argely

neffective

military

esistanceo the

Spanish

ven

though

n occasions

hey

were

upported

by

the

Kalinago.

This was

particularly

lear

n

the

arly

ixteenth

entury

n

the

case of the truggleorPuertoRico inwhichKalinagosfrom eighbouringt

Croix ame oTaino

ssistance.

n

1494,

Columbused

an

armed

arty

f400 men

into he nteriorf

Hispaniola

n

search f

food,

old,

nd slavesto which aino

Caciques

mobilised heir

rmies or esistance.

uacanagari, leadingCacique,

who

hadtried

reviously

o

negotiate

n

accommodating

ettlement

ith

military

commander

lonso de

Ojeba,

marched

nsuccessfully

n

1494 with a few

thousand en

pon

he

panish.

n

1503,

nother

orty aciques

were

aptured

t

Hispaniola

ndburntlive

by

Governor vando'

troops;

nacaona,

he

rincipal

Cacique

was

hungpublicly

n Santo

Domingo.

n Puerto

Rico,

the

Spanish

settlement

arty,

ed

by

Ponce

de

Leon,

was attacked

requently

y

Taino

warriors;

many

panish

ettlers erekilledbut

Tainos and

Kalinagos

weredefeated nd

crushednthe

ounterssault,

i 1

11 resistancen

Cuba,

ed

by

CaciqueHatuey,

was

put

down;

he was

captured

nd

burnt

live;

another

ising

n 1

29 was also



4/19

79

crushed.nthese truggles,aino

fatalities ere

high.

Thousandswere

killed

n

battle

nd

publicly

xecuted or

he

purpose

f

breaking

he

pirit

f collective

resistance;

ome

rebels led

o themountains

nd forests here

hey

stablished

maroon

ettlements

hat

ontinued

ntermittently

he

war

gainst

he

panish.5

y

the

middle f the

ixteenth

entury,

owever,

aino and

Kalinago

resistance

ad

been

effectively

rushed

n the Greater

Antilles;

heir

ommunity

tructures

smashed.and

members educed

o

various forms f

enslavementn

Spanish

agricultural

nd

mining nterprises.

In the LesserAntilles, owever, heKalinagoweremore successfuln

defying

irsthe

panish,

nd hen ater

he

nglish

nd

French,

herebyreserving

their

olitical

reedomnd

maintaining

ontrol f heir

erritory.

ccording

oCarl

Sauer,

As

the abor

upply

n

Espaola

declined,

ttention

urnedo

the outhern

islands"

which

rom t.

Croix,

neighbouring

uerto

Rico,

to theGuianas

were

inhabited

y

he

Kalinagos.

panish oyal

dicts

atedNovember

,

1

08

and

July

3,1512,

authorised

ettlers

o

capture

ndenslave

Kalinagos

n "the sland

fLos

Barbados

[Barbados],

Dominica,

Matinino

Martinique],

anta

Lucia,

San

Vincente,a Asuncion Grenada], nd Tavaco [Tobago],"because of their

"resistance

o Christians."6

y

the end

of the sixteenth

entury,

owever,

he

Spanish

had

decided,

aving ccepted

s

fact he bsence

of

gold

n theLesser

Antilles,

nd the

nevitability

f

considerable

atalities

t

thehands f

Kalinago

warriors,

hat

twas wiser

o

adopt

"hands ff

olicy"

while

oncentrating

heir

efforts

ntheGreater

ntilles. s

a

result,

heGreater

ndLesser

Antilles

ecame

politically

eparated

t

this ime

y

what

roy loyd

escribed

s a

"poison

rrow

curtain."?

he

English

nd French

nitiating

heir

olonizing

missions

uring

he

early

seventeenth

entury,

herefore,

ad

a

clear

choice.

They

could

either

confront

he

panish

orth f

he

poison

rrow urtain"

r

Kalinago

forces outh

of

it. Either

way,

they xpected

o encounter

onsiderable

rganised

rmed

resistance.

hey

hose

he

atter,

artly

ecauseof

the

perception

hat

Kalinagos

were he

weaker,

ut

lso because

ofthebelief

hat

alinagos

were he

common

enemy'

of

all

Europeans

nd

that

olidarity

ould

be achieved

forcollective

militaryperations

gainst

hem.

Having

ecured

ome

respite

rom

he

pressures

f

Spanish

olonisation

y

the nd

ofthe

ixteenth

entury,hen,

a

Kalinagos

were

mmediately

onfronted

by

the more

economically ggressive

nd

militarily

etermined

nglish

nd

French

olonists.

Once

again,

theybegan

to

reorganise

heir ommunities

n

preparation

or ounter

trategies.

his

ime,

twouldbe

a clear

ase of

resistance

on

the retreat.

y

the

1630s,

their

apidly

iminishing

umbers

were

being



5/19

80

consolidatedround smaller roup fspecially hosen slands mostly

n

the

Windwards

ut also

in

the

Leewards.

By

this

time,

for

nstance,

arbados,

identified

n

a

Spanish

document f 1511

as an island

densely opulated

with

Kalinagos,

no

longer

had

a native

presence. Europeans

understood

he

significance

f his

eorganisation

ndresettlementf

Kalinago

ommunities,

nd

establishedheir

nfantolonies

n

peripheral

arts

ftheLeeward slands

where

their

resence

as ess

formidable,

nd nBarbadoswhere twas now bsent.

he

English

nd

French,hen,

ere

ware

hat

most f heir ettlements

ouldhave o

come

o terms ith

Kalinago

esistance.

his

expectation,

owever,

id

notdeter

them,

nd

they

ontinuedo seek out slandniches

where n effectiveoothold

couldbe

gained

ntil

uch ime s

Kalinago

orces ould

be subdued nd

destroyed

by

their

espectivemperial

orces.

The

English

nd French

ought

he

pacification

f the

Kalinago

for

wo

distinct,

ut related

reasons,

and overtime

dopted

different

trategies

nd

methods ut maintainedhe

deological

osition

hat

hey

houldbe

enslaved,

driven

ut,

r exterminated.

irst,

ands

ccupied y

the

Kalinago

were

required

for argescale commodity roduction ithin heexpansive, apitalist, orth

Atlantic

grarian omplex.

The effective

ntegration

f

theCaribbean

nto his

mercantilend

productive

ystem equired

he

ppropriation

f and

through

he

agency

f the

plantation

nterprise,

inance

apital,

hen,

ought

o

revolutionize

the market alue

of

Kalinago

lands

by making

hem vailable to

European

commercialnterests.

y resisting

and

confiscation

alinagos

were therefore

confronting

he full

ideological

and economic force of Atlantic

apitalism.

Second,

European

conomic

ctivities

n

the Caribbeanwere based

upon

the

enslavementf

ndigenes

nd

mported

fricans. he

principal

ole nd relation

assigned

o these ndother

on-Europeans

ithin he olonial ormationas

that

of servitude.

uropeans

n

theLesser

Antilles,

owever,

erenot uccessful

n

reducing

n economic umber f

Kalinago

o chattel

lavery,

r other

orms f

servitude.

nlike

he

Taino,

their abour ould notbe

effectively

ommodified,

simply

ecause

heir ommunities

roved mpossible

o subdue.

t

was

not

hat

he

Kalinago

weremore

militanthan heTaino.

Rather,

t

was because henomadic

nature f heir mall

ommunities,

ndtheir

mphasis pon

erritorial

cquisition,

in

part response

othe

eographical

eaturesf

he esser

Antilles,

nabled hem

to makemore ffectivese of the nvironmentna "strike nd sail"resistance

strategy. alinago,

hen,

while not

prepared

o suffer ither and or labour

o

Europeans,

erebetter

laced

o

mplement

ffective

ounter-aggression.



6/19

81

Primarilyecause f heirrrepressiblearofresistance,hich ntimidated

all

Europeans

n

the

region,Kalinago

were

targeted

irst or

an

ideological

campaign

nwhich

hey

were stablished

ithin

he

uropean

mind,

ot s noble

savages,'

s

was the ase

with he ess effective

ainos,

ut s

'vicious annibals'

worthy

f extermination

ithin hecontext f

genocidal

militaryxpeditions.8

Voluminous

etails

were

prepared

y

Spanish

and

later

English

nd

French

colonial

hroniclersn the

political

nd

ideological

mentality

f the

Kalinago,

most

fwhom alled

for

holy

wars"

gainst

Les

sauvages

as

a

principal

ay

o

achieve

their

ubjugation. iterature,ating

ack to Columbus

n

1494,

in

a

contradictory

ashion,

enied

Kalinago

humanity

hile t the ame

time utlined

their

eneral

nti-colonial

nd

anti-slavery

onsciousness

nd attitudes.

n

the

writings

f

Jean-Baptiste

e

Tertre,

ieurde

la

Borde,

nd

Pere

Labat,

for

example,

all

late

seventeenth

entury

rench

reporters

f

Kalinago

ontology,hey

re

presented

s

a

people

who

would

"prefer

o die of

hunger

han ive s

a slave."9

abat,

whocommented

ost f

their

sychological

profile,

ound

hem obe "careless

nd

azy

reatures,"

ot

tall

suited

mentally

o

arduous, ustained abour. In addition,he considered hena "proudand

indomitable"

nd

exceedingly

indictive"

eople

who one

has tobe

very

areful

not

o

offend,"

ence he

popular

rench

aribbean

roverb,fight

Caribe nd

you

must

illhim

r

be killed."10

The French

iscovered,

ikethe

Spanish

efore

hem,

oted

abat,

that

t

was

always

est,

f

possible,

to have

nothing

o do

with he

Kalinago."11

utthis

was

not

ossible.

Relations

adtobe

established,

nd

here

uropeans

iscovered,

Labat

noted,

hat he

Kalinago

knew how

to ook

after heir wn

nterests

ery

well.,,12There renopeople ntheworld," estated,so ealousoftheiriberty,

or who

resentmore

he mallest

heck o their

reedom."13

ltogether,

alinago

world

iewwas

anathema

o

Europeans,

hus he

general

iew,

choed

by

Labat,

that

no

European

ation

asbeen ble

to ive

n

he

ame sland

with

hem ithout

being ompelled

o

destroy

hem,

nddrive hem

ut."14

The

English

and French

tarted ut

simultaneously

n

1624

with

the

establishment

f

agricultural

ettlements

n St. Kitts.

From

there,

he

English

moved

on to

Barbados

n

1627,

and between

1632

and 1635

to

Antigua,

MontserratndNevis,while he rench oncentratedheirffortsuringhe1 30s

at

Martinique

nd

Guadeloupe,

hefirsthree

ears

t St.

Kittswere

difficultor

both

nglish

nd French ettlers.

hey

wereharassed

nd attacked

y

Kalinago

soldiers,

nd

in

1635 the

French

t

Guadeloupe

were

engulfed

n

a

protracted

battle. rench uccess

ntheir ar

with

Kalinago

t

Guadeloupe

ncouraged

hem



7/19

82

during

he emainderfthe ecade o

expand

heir olonial

missions,

ut ailed o

gain

effective ontrol f the

Kalinago

inhabited slands

of

Grenada,

Marie

Galante,

nd

La

Desirada.

Meanwhile,

small

nglish xpedition

rom t.Kitts o

St. Lucia

n

the

Windwards,

heheart f

Kalinago

erritory,

as

easily epelled

n

1639.

the

following ear Kalinagos

aunched full-scale ttack

pon English

settlementst

Antigua, illing ifty

ettlers,

apturing

heGovernor'swife nd

children,

nd

destroyingrops

ndhouses.15

While

English

ettlementsn the Leewards

struggled

o

make

progress

againstKalinagoresistance, arbados lone of theWindwards,orged head

uninterrupted.

nlike theirLeewards

counterparts,arly

Barbadian

planters

rapidly

xpanded

heir

roduction

ase,

made

living

rom he

xports

f

obacco,

indigo

nd

cotton,

nd feared

nly

their ndentured

ervants nd few African

slaves.

By

1650,

following

he uccessful ultivation

f

sugar

ane

with

African

slaves,

he

slandwas. considered

y

mercantileconomic

heoristss the ichest

agriculturalolony

nthe

emisphere.

t.Kitts

olonists,

oth

nglish

nd

French,

determinedo

keep up

with

heir

arbadian

ompetitors,

ere first o

adopt

common

military

ront ith

espectoKalinago esistance.uringhe1630s hey

enterednto

greements,

n

pite

f heir ival laims oexclusive

wnership

f he

island,

o combine orces

gainstKalinago

communities.n

thefirst

ccasion,

they pooled

their

alents,"

nd

in

a

"sneak

night

ttack"killed over

eighty

Kalinagos

nd drove

many

ff he sland.After

elebrating

he uccessof their

military

lliance,

heFrench nd

English

ontinued heir

ivalry

ver

he sland

until 1713 when the

matterwas settled n favour of

the

English

by

the

Treaty

f

Utrecht.16

The successof Kalinagos n holding n to a significantortion f the

Windwards,

nd their

eakening

f

planting

ettlements

n

the

Leewards,

ueled

the determinationf the

English

and French to

destroy

hem.

By

the

mid-seventeenth

entury, uropean

merchants,

lanters

nd

colonial

officials,

were

n

greement

hat

alinagos

were

arbarousnd ruel

et f

avagesbeyond

reason r

persuasion

ndmust hereforee

eliminated.."17

y

this ime twas also

clear hat he

lave-based

lantationystem

emandedn

"absolute

monopoly"

f

the

Caribbean,

nd

tolerated o "alternative

ystem."18

hat

RichardDunn

referred o as "Carib

independence

nd

self-reliance"

onstituted

major

contradictiono the nternal

ogic

of

capitalist

ccumulation ithin he

lantation

economy.

9

As

a

result,

therefore,

he economic

leaders and

political

representatives

f this

ncreasinglyowerful roduction

nd trade

omplex

were



8/19

83

determined o

bring

the

contradiction o

a

speedy

resolution

by any

means

necessary

or

possible.

By

the

mid-seventeenth

entury,

he

need

for

a full scale war

against

the

Kalinagos,

though learly

stablished

nd articulated n

Spanish

colonial

thinking

during

he sixteenth

entury,

ow

assumed

greater rgency

with the

English

and

French.

By

this time the

English

were

first o

successfully

establish

productive

structures ased on

sugar

cultivation nd black

slavery,

nd

not

surprisingly

ook

the lead in

attempting

he removal

of

principal

obstacles to the

smooth and

profitable xpansionof thesystem.Also, theEnglishwiththe argestnumber f

enslaved

Africans

n

the

region,

were

concerned that efficient

ontrol on their

plantations

would be

adversely

ffected

y

the

persistence

f

Kalinago

resistance

It

did not take

ong

for

he Africans o

become aware of

Kalinago struggle gainst

Europeans,

and

to realise

that

hey

ould

possibly

secure

their reedom

y fleeing

to their

erritory.

abat,

who studied

inter-island lave

marronage

n the

Lesser

Antilles,

during

his

period,

stated that slaves knew that St.

Vincent was

easily

reached from

arbados,

and

many

scaped

there from

heirmasters

n

canoes and

rafts."

During

the

formative

tage

of this

development,

etween 1645 and

1660,

the

Kalinago

generally

took

"the

runaway

slaves

back to their

masters,

or sold

them o the

French nd

Spanish,"

but

as the

Kalinago

came undermore ntensive

attack

during

he

mid-century,

abat

noted,

heir

olicy

towards

African

maroons

changed.

They

refused o return he

Africans,

e

stated,

nd

began

regarding

hem

"as an addition o their

ation."

By

1

70,

Labat estimated hat ver 500 Barbadian

runaways

were

living

in

St. Vincent.

This

community

was reinforced

n

1675

when

a

slave

ship

carrying

hundreds of Africans to Jamaica via

Barbados

ran

aground

offthe coast of

Bequia.

Survivorscame ashore at St.

Vincent and were

integrated

in

the maroon

communities.

By

1700,

Labat

stated,

Africans

outnumbered

alinagos

at

St. Vincent.20

n

1675,

William

Stapleton,governor

f

the

Leewards,

noting

he

significant resence

of

Africans

among

the

Kalinagos

suggested

hat f the

1,500

native bowmen"

in theLeewards six hundred f them

"are

negroes,

ome

runaway

from

Barbados elsewhere."21

Throughout

the second

half of the seventeenth

enturyEuropeans

tried

unsuccessfully

o

exploit

the sometimes

trained elationsbetween

Kalinagos

and

Africans

by encouraging

the former to

return

runaways

to their

owners.

Miscegenation

bet}

Veen the

predominantly

male Africanmaroon

community

nd

Kalinago

females

was

a

principal

ause of

social tensionbetween the two ethnic

groups.22

oth the French

nd

English alleged

that

Kalinago

leaders

occasionally

sought

heir ssistance

n

ridding

heir ommunities f Africans.The

significance



9/19

84

of such

llegations,

owever,

hould e

assessed

gainst

he

background

f

two

important

developments

n

African-Kalinago

elations.

First,

by

the

mid-seventeenth

entury,

he

group

mixed

bloods,

now known s the

Garifiina,

was

increasing apidly

n

numbers,

nd

by

1700 had outnumberedoth

parent

groups

n

St.

Vincent.23

econd,

oint African-Kalinago

ilitary xpeditions

against

the French nd

English

were

common,

nd

represented

principal

characteristiceaturef

anti-Europeanctivity

on both and

nd sea.24 he full

scale attack n the French

t

Martinique uring

he mid-

650s,

for

xample,

involved

oth

African nd

Kalinago

forces.25he warriors ho attacked rench

settlementst Grenada

during

he same

period

nd

kept

themn a weak and

defensive onditionwere also described

s

having

an

African

omponent,

similarly,

oted

abat,

he

English xpeditions

rom arbados ent o

capture

t.

Vincent

uring

he1670s

were

epelled y

both

Africansnd

Kalinagos.26

The

presence

of effective nti-colonial

alinago

communities

n the

outskirts

f

the lave

plantations,

herefore,

onstituted

major roblem

or

lave

owners

n

so

far

as

they

fostered nd

encouraged

African

nti-slavery.

he

merging

f

Kalinago

nti-colonialnd African

nti-slaverytruggles,

herefore,

represented

he twinforces hat

hreatened

he

very

urvival f the

colonising

missionn heWindwards. s

such,

uropeans

ith he

reatest

conomic take n

the

enterprise

f

the ndieswastedno time

n

adopting range

f measures o

suppress

he

Kalinago.

Both the

English

nd French

ursued

n initial

olicy

characterised

y

the

projection

f

anti-Kalinago

ocial

images

n

Europe,

while

seeking

t

the ametime o

promote iplomatic

ffortso settle erritoriallaims.

In 1664 Barbados ocumentntitledThe

State f

he

Case

concerning

ur

Title o St.

Lucia,

"described he sland s

being infected"

ith

Kalinagos

who

were "abetted

y

the

French"

n

their

war

againstEnglish

settlers.

n

this

document,

arbadians

ought

o

reject

rench laims

o

the slands

y tating

hat

they

ad

purchased

t

from u

Parquet,

heGovernor f

Martinique,

who had

bought

t from

he

Kalinagos

in 1650 for

1,500

ivres.27

ikewise,

n

1668,

Thomas

Modyford,

overnor f

Jamaica,

ormer arbadosGovernornd

sugar

magnate,

escribed t.

Vincent,

nother

alinago tronghold

n

the

Windwards,

as a

place

which the ndiansmuch nfect."28hese statements

epresent

art

f

the

deological reparation

f the

English

mindforwhatwouldbe

a

genocidal

offensive

gainst

he

Kalinago

that

London merchant ouses were

eager

to

finance.

But full-scale

ar,

he

nglish

ndFrench

new,

wouldbe

costly,

oth

n

terms fhumanife nd

capital,

nd

hoped

t ouldbe averted. he

significance

f



10/19

85

an ultimatemilitaryolutionwas clearlyperceived y Kalinagoleaders nd

colonial officials like. The

Kalinago, by participating

n

tactful

iplomatic

intrique

esigned

o

exploit

differencesnd conflicts etween

uropeans,

he

Kalinago ought

o advance heir

wn

nterests.

n

1655,

for

xample, aptain

Gregory

utler nformed liver

Cromwell,

he

Protector,

hat he ettlementt

Antigua

was unable o

get

ff o a

good

start n

account

f

frequent

olestations

by

he

Kalinagos,

ho t hat ime eemed obe n

eague

with he rench.29

gain,

in

1667,

Major

John

cott,

n

mperial

ommander-in-Chief,

eported

hat

e led

an

expeditiongainst

utch ettlements

n

Tobago

with

he assistance f

a

party

of Caribs."30

uring

he second Dutch

War,

1665-1667,

n whichFrance nd

Holland

allied

against

he

English

n

the

Caribbean,

he

Kalinago played

an

important

ole

n

shifting

hebalanceof

power

between

uropeans

while t the

same time

eeking

o

expand

he

scope

and effectivenessf their wn

war of

resistance.31

n June

667,

HenryWilloughby

tationedn the eewards nformed

his

father

illiam

ord

Willoughby,

overnor f

Barbados,

hat

whenhe arrived

at

St.

Kittshe received

intelligence"

f furthertrocities ommitted

y

the

Kalinagos gainst

he

English

whichwere

instigated"

y

theFrench.

uropean

rivalry,

ichaelCraton

oncluded,

as

effectively

sed

by

he

Kalinago

nation s

evident

n

the

elayed

oss ofSt.Lucia and

Grenada,

nd

n

the

onger

etentionf

full ontrol ver t. Vincent

ndDominica.32

The

English

and French also

targeted

he

Kalinago

for

diplomatic

offensives.

he first

ystematicallyursued iplomatic

ffort

y

the

English

o

establish

footing

within

Kalinago

territory

n

the Windwards

was the

Willoughby

nitiativef 1667.

William

ord

Willoughby,

overnor f

Barbados,

had

long recognised

he

great

financial

ain

thatwould accrue to

himself,

Barbados,

nd

England,

f

the

Windwards,

he last island

frontier,

ould

be

converted

nto lave-based

ugar lantations.

orover

decade,

he

ugar ings

f

Barbadoshad been

signalling

heir emand or andson which

o

expand

heir

operations,

ndtheWindwards ere he

erfect

lace given revailing

conomic

concepts

bout he conditionalities

f laved-based

ugar

ultivation.mall cale

militaryxpeditions

ad been

repelled y

the

Kalinago

ince

the

1630s,

nd so

Willoughby,

ot

yetorganised

or

large

cale

military

ssault,

pted

o send

missaires

o

open

negotiations

ith

Kalinago

eaders.

The

Kalinagos,

n

response,

howed ome

degree

f

flexibility,

s is often

the ase

with

eoples

nvolved

n

protractedtruggles. illoughby

anted

peace

treaty

hatwould

promote

nglish

nterests

y removing

bstacles

to

slave

plantationxpansionism,

ut he

Kalinago

were

uspicious

nd

vigilant.

n

1666,



11/19

86

theywere rickedy

the

English osign way by treaty

heir

rights"

o inhabit

Tortola,

nd weredriven

ff

he sland.33 he

Windward

slandswere

heir ast

refuge,

nd their

iege

mentality

as now more

eveloped

han

ver.

On March

23, 1667,

Kalinago

eaders

of St.

Vincent,

ominica nd St.

Lucia metwith

Willoughby's

elegation

n order o

negotiate

he

peace.34

t the

signing

of

the

Treaty

were

Anniwatta,

he Grand

Babba,

(or

chief of all

Kalinagos),

hiefs

Wappya,

Nay,

Le

Suroe,

Rebura nd Aloons.The conditions

of he

reaty

ere

verything

heBarbadian laverswanted t that

articulartage

ofdevelopment:

1

The Caribsof St.

Vincent hallever

acknowledge

hemselves

subjects

fthe

King

of

England,

nd

be friendso

all

n

amity

ith

the

English,

nd enemies o their nemies.

2 The Caribs shall have

liberty

o come to and

depart

rom,

t

pleasure,

nyEnglish

slands nd receive heir

rotection

herein,

andthe

English

hall

njoy

he ame

n

St.

Vincent nd St. Lucia.

3.His

Majesty's subjects

aken

by

the

French nd Indians nd

remainingmong

he

ndians,

hall e

mmediately

elivered

p,

s

also

any

ndian

aptives mong

he

English

when emanded.

4.Negroes

ormerly

un

way

from arbados hallbe delivered

o

His

Excellency;

nd such s shallhereafter

e

fugitives

rom

ny

English

sland

shall be

secured

and

delivered

y

as soon as

required.35

The

Willoughby

nitiative as

designed

o

pave

the

way

for

English

colonisationftheWindwards,singBarbados s the pringboardor ettlement.

In

essence,

t

was

an

elaborationf

similar

greement

hat

was madebetween he

defeated

alinago

and victorious rench orces t

Martinique

fter he war of

1654-1656.

On that

ccasion,

noted

Jean-Baptiste

u

Tertre,

ho described

n

detail henature f the onflictnd ts

resolution,

heFrenchwere ble to obtain

settlement

ights

rom he

Kalinago,

s well s

guarantees

hat

hey

would

ssist

n

the ontrol frebel laves

by

not

ncouraging,

ndmore

mportantly,

eturning

ll

runaways.36

Within womonths f the

Kalinago-Willoughby reaty, party

f

fifty-fournglish olonists rom arbados arrived t St. Vincentn order o

pioneer

settlement.he

Kalinago,

Garifuna,

nd Africans

bjected

o their

presence,

rove hem

ff he

sland,

ndbroke he

Treaty

ith

arbados.

The

collapse

of

the Barbados

diplomatic

mission

angered

Governor

Willoughby

ho

swiftly

moved to the next

stage

of his

plan

-

full

military



12/19

87

offensive. is

opportunity

ame

in

March the

following earwhenEnglish

military

ommander,

ir

John

arman,

eft

ehind

n

Barbados

regiment

ffoot

soldiers nd five

rigates.

illoughby

nformedheColonial

Office hat incehe

knew othow o

"keep

he oldiers

uiet

nd

without

ay"

he

nly

ourse

pen

o

him

was to

"try

is fortune

mong

heCaribs t St.

Vincent."37nce

again,

he

Kalinago proved

too

much for

Willoughby,

nd

the

expedition

eturnedo

Barbados

aving

uffered

eavy

osses.

English

wareness f

Kalinago solidarity

nd efficient

ommunications

throughouthe slands f he esserAntillesmeanthathey adreasons oexpect

reprisals

or the

Willoughby

ffensive

nywhere

nd at

anytime.

Governor

Modyford

f

Jamaica,

most

knowledgeable

man about

EasternCaribbean

affairs,

as

opposed

Willoughby

s war

plan.

He told heDuke ofAlbermarlehat

while

Willoughby

as

"making

arwith

heCaribs f St. Vincent"

e feared he

consequences

or ettlerst

Antigua,

nd other

laces.

Such an

untimely

ar,

he

said,

may gain ut

hose

lantations

n

hazard,

r

t

best nto ear roils." Ithad

been

far

etter,"

e

continued,

to havemade

peace

with

hem,"

or

f

they

ssist

the French gainstus the resultwould be "the total ruinof all theEnglish

Islanders" nd "waste fthe evenue f

Barbados."38

Modyford

as

perceptive

nhis

assessmentf

Kalinago esponses. report

sent o

theColonial

Office n

Londonfrom fficialsn Nevis dated

April

1669,

entitled

An

ntelligence

f

n

ndian

Designupon

he

People

of

Antigua,"

tated

that "The Caribbee ndians have

lately

broken he

peace

made

with

Lord

Willoughby,

ndhavekilled wo nd

eft eadtwomore fHis

Majesty's ubjects

in

Antigua."

eference as made o

twenty-eightalinago

warriors ho arrived

fromMontserratntwocanoes nd whoparticipatedntheraiduponAntiguan

response

o

Willoughby'

war

n

St.Vincent.39n

addition,

overnor

tapleton

f

the

Leewards,

n a

separate

ocument,

utlined is fear or he ives of Leeward

Islanders,

ncluding

hose

who had

gone

to work

n a

silvermine

n

Dominica

under n

agreement

ith the

Kalinago.40

he Barbadians lso offered heir

criticismsf

Willoughby'

war ffort.

n

1676,

Governor tkins escribedt s a

"fruitless

esign,"

hose

verall esult as

that

here emainno ikelihood f

ny

plantationspon

Dominica,

t.

Vincent,

t. Lucia and

Tobago.,,41

Meanwhile,

the

Antiguans

ereforced o

keep"fourteen

iles f

men,"doubled hree ays

before nd after fullmoon" s a

protective

easure

gainst

alinago

warriors.

Governor

tapleton,eflecting

n the

ollapse

fthe

Willoughby

nitiative,

and

considering

he

prospects

or

English

settlements

n

the Leewards and

Windwards,

uickly

moved o

the ront

tage

what adbeen

Willoughby

s hidden



13/19

88

agenda.Only hedestructionf

all

theCaribbee ndians" econcluded,ouldbe

the best

iece

of ervice or he ettlementf hese

arts."42

n

December, 675,

petition

f "SeveralMerchantsf London" ddressed o theLordsof Trade nd

Plantations

n

support

f

governortapleton's

xtermination

hesis,

alledfor he

granting

f commissiono

Philip

Warner,

tapleton's eputy,

oraise oldiers o

go

into

ominica

o

"destroy

he arbarous

avages."43

Stapleton,

owever,

ad

pre-empted

heColonialOffice

n

their

esponse

o

theLondonmerchantsndhad

already

entWarner with ix small

ompanies

f

foot," otaling00 men, ntoDominica o "revenge" n the heathens or heir

bloody erfidious

illanies.

sic]"44

ne William

Hamlyn

who

participated

n

the

Warner

xpedition,

escribedhe ssault

pon

he

Kalinago

s a

massacre.

t east

thirty

alinago,

he

said,

were aken nd killed n thefirst

ound,

ot

ncluding

"three hatwere drawn

by

a

flag

of truce" nd shot.After

hese

executions,

Hamlyn

eported,

nother

sixty

r

seventy

men,

women

nd children"were

invited o Warner's

amp

o settlemattersver ntertainment.

hesewere

given

rum o

drink,

ndwhenWarner

gave

the

ignal,"

he

nglish

fell

pon

hem nd

destroyedhem."46ncludednthosekilledbytheEnglishwas IndianWarner,

Phillip

Warner's wn

half-brother,

hosemother as a

Kalinago,

nd who had

risen obecome

powerful alinago

eader.Warner as

mprisoned

n

he

Tower,

tried or hemurderfhis

brother,

ut

was found ot

guilty.

he decision

leased

the London

merchants ho described im as "a man of

great

oyalty"

whose

service

to the Crown n the destructionf the

Kalinagos

"who have often

attempted

o

ruin he

lantations"

hould e commended.47

In

spite

f osses sustained

n

Dominica,

Kalinagos

here ontinuedo use

the sland s a militaryase for xpeditionsgainstheEnglish.nJuly 681, 00

Kalinagos

rom t. Vincent ndDominica n six

periagos,

ed

by

one whonamed

himself

aptain

Peter,

nd who was described s a

"good speaker

f

English

having

ived for some time

n

Barbados,"

attacked he

unguarded nglish

settlements

n

Barbuda.48The

English

were

caught y surprise. ight

f them

were

killed,

nd their ouses

destroyed.

he actionwas described s swift nd

without

arning.

Frustrated

gainby

his

nability

o

protect

he ives nd

property

f

Leeward

Islanders, tapleton eiterated is call for war of exterminationgainst he

Kalinagos.

He wrote otheColonialOffice:

I

beg

your

ardon

f am

tedious,

ut

I

beg

you

to

represent

he

King

he

necessity

or

estroying

heseCarib ndians."

"We arenow s much n our

guard

s

if

we had Christian

nemy,

either

an

any

such

surprise

s butthese annibalswho never

ome 'marte

perto'...

f

their



14/19

89

destructionannot e "total,"nsisted tapleton,tleastwe must drive hem o

themain."49 e was

aware,however,

f the

nability

f Leeward slanders o

finance

major

war

ffort,

nd had also become

espectful

or

Kalinagos'

bility

toobtain

intelligence"

ith

espect

otheir

lans,

iven

hese wo

ircumstances,

Stapleton

nstructedondonto order he

Barbados

government

o

prepare

he

granddesign against

he

Kalinagos.

Barbados,

he

added,

was closer

to the

Kalinago

infested'

slands f St. Vincent

nd

Dominica; lso,

on account f the

colony's

wealth,

t

would

be the best

piece

of service"

hey

ouldoffer

ngland

whilst here as

"amity

ith

heFrench."50

Colonial fficials

n

London

ccepted

tapleton;s lan

n

ts

ntirety.hey

instructed

im o make

lans

o

"utterlyuppress"

he

Kalinagos

r drive

hem o

themain"51

hey

lso directed overnor

utton fBarbados o make

ll

possible

contributions

o thewar ffort.

utton, owever,

ouldhaveno

part

f

t,

utnot

wishing

o contradict

he

King's

orders,

e

informedhe Colonial Office

hat

though

e was n

greement,

arbadians ould

upport

o such

design gainst

he

Kalinagos

or hree easons.

irst,

hey

onsider he ffairs

f he eeward slands

noneof their usiness. econd,theydo not consider he advancementfthe

Leewards

s

good

thing,

ndeed

hey

onsider

t

n

theirnterest

f

theLeewards

would decline

rather han

progress.

hird,

lanters

onsidered

eace

with he

Kalinagos

n

the Windwards better

bjective

s this would

assist them

n

securing

utwood ndother

uilding

materials

rom hose slands.52

The Leeward

slanders,

herefore,

ad to look to their wn resources

o

finance heir

military perations.

n June

1682,

a bill was

proposed

o

the

Leewards

Assembly equesting

unds ooutfit

n

expedition

gainst

he

Kalinagos

inDominica.The council greed, uttheAssembly f Nevis dissentedn the

grounds

hat ince

hey

ad notbeen attacked

y

the

Kalinagos

n over

twenty

years:

hey

id

not ntendo

endanger

heir

eace.53

Monthswent

y

nd

Stapleton

failed

o

get

his

planters

o

agree

n

a

financial

lan

for he

xpedition. y

1700,

the

grand

esign

ad not

yet

materialised.

When n

the

1

th

April,

713,

England

nd

France ettled heirAmerican'

difference

ith

he

Treaty

f

Utrecht,

alinagos

were

till

olding

n

tenaciously

to considerable

erritory.

t. Vincent nd

Dominica,

hough

nhabited

y

some

Europeans, ere till nder heirontrol,ndtheywerefightingrear uardwar

to

retain ome

space

at St.

Lucia,

Tobago

and Grenada.

ince theFrench eared

that uccessful

nglish

ettlementf

Dominica

would lead to the

cutting

f

communications

etween

Martinique

nd

Guadeloupe

n

timesof

war,

they

continued

oassist he

Kalinagos

with nformation

nd

occasionally

ith

weapons



15/19

90

intheir nti-English esistance.The best theEnglishcould do was to continue he

attempt

o settle

rivate

reaties

with

he

French,

s

they

had done

during

he

peace

of

Ryswick

in

1697,

which enabled

them

o

go

unmolested

o Dominica forthe

sole

purpose

of

purchasing

umberfrom he

Kalinago.

Kalinagos,

then,

succeeded in

preserving

some of their territorial

sovereignty

nd

by

so

doing

were able to

maintain

heir reedomfrom

uropean

enslavement.While othernative Caribbean

peoples

suffered

arge

scale

slavery

t

thehands of

Europeans,

the

Kalinagos

were neverfound n

arge

numbers

working

themines, atifudia, r plantations n the Lesser Antilles.Though Spanish slave

raids

during

the sixteenth

entury

did take

many

into the Greater Antilles to

supplement

aino labour

gangs, European

controlled

roductive

tructuresn the

Lesser

Antilles

were

not built and maintained n the basis of a

Kalinago

labour

supply.

The involvement f

Kalinagos

intothe colonial

economy,

hen,

ended o be

small

scale,

and confined to

areas such as

fishing, tracking

and

hunting,

agricultural onsulting

nd a

range

of

petty

omestic ervices.

When,

for

xample,

a group of Barbadian sugar planters,concerned about the shortageof white

indentured

ervants,

nd the

rising

cost of African

slaves,

encouraged Captain

Peter

Wroth n 1673 to establish a slave trade in

Kalinagos

from he

Guianas,

colonial officials nstructed overnor

Atkins o

make

arrangements

or he return

of

all

those

"captured

and enslaved." The reason

being, they

stated,

was

that

"considering

he

greater

mportance

f a fair

correspondence

between the Carib

Indians

and

the

English"

in

establishing

ettlements

n the Amazon

coast,

it was

necessary

that

provocation

be avoided" and

all

proper

measures be takento

gain

their goodwill and affection."54 overnorAtkins, n informing is superiorsof

this

ompliance

ndicatedhis

agreement

hat t

was

necessary

o

"keep amity"

with

Kalinagos,

since

they

have

"always

been

verypernicious, specially

to the maller

Leeward Islands."55

Between 1492 and 1700 the

Kalinago

population

n

the Lesser Antilles

may

have fallen

by

as much as 90

percent,

noted Michael

Craton,

but

they

had

done

much to

"preserve

and extend their

ndependence."56 y

this time the Dominica

population, ccording

o

Labat,

"did notexceed 2000" and warriorswere too weak

innumbers o do anyseriousharm" oEuropeancolonies.57Nonetheless, olonists

in

the

"outlying

districts"

till had reasons

to believe

that

any

night Kalinago

warriors

could take them

by

surprise

and "cut their throats and burn their

houses."58

By refusing

o

capitulate

under the

collective

militarymight

of the

Europeans, Kalinagos certainly ept

theWindwards slands in a

marginal

elation



16/19

91

to the slaveplantationomplex f the NorthAtlanticystem or wo hundred

years,

and

in

so

doing,

made a

principal

ontributiono the Caribbean's

anti-colonialnd

anti-slavery

radition.

(Reproduced

rom aribbean

Quarterly,

ol.38,

Nos.2&3,

Special

ssue

-

Caribbean

uincentennial,

une-

ept.

1992)

Notes

1 See Michael

Craton,

esting

he hains:Resistance

o

Slavery

n the

BritishWest

Indies

Ithaca,

1

982) pp.

2 1

23

Hilary

eckles,

The

200 Years War: Slave

Resistance

n

the

BritishWest Indies:

An

Overview f the

Historiography,"

amaica

Historical

eview^

oV

13, 1982,

1-10.

2.

See

J.Paul

Thomas,

The Caribs f St. Vincent:

Study

n

mperial

Maladministration,

763-73

"

Journal

f

Caribbean

History,

ol.

18,No.2, 1984,

pp.

60-74;

Craton

esting

he

Chains,

p.

141

153, 183-194;

Richard

.

Sheridan,

The

Condition

f laves

n

the ettlementnd Economic

evelopment

fthe

British

Windwardslands, 763-1775," ournal fCaribbeanHistory, ol. 24, No.2, 1991,pp.

128-129;

Bernard

Marshall,

Slave Resistance

ndWhiteReaction

n

the

British

Windward

slands, 763-1833,"

ee

this olume.

3.

David

Watts,

he Westndies:Patterns

fDevelopment,

ulture

nd

Environmental

hange

ince 1492

'Cambridge,

987)

pp.

41,

51-52.

W.

Borah,

The

Historical

emography

f

Aboriginal

nd Colonial

America:

An

Attempt

t

perspective,"

n

W.

Denevan,

TheNative

opulation f

he Americas

n 1492

Madison,

Wisconsin

niv.

Press,

976)

pp.

13-34.J.M.Cruxent

nd .

Rouse,

Early

man n the

West

ndies"

cientific

merican,

o.

221,

1969,

pp.

42-52.

B.

Meggers

ndC.

Evans,

"Lowland outhAmerica

ndthe

Antilles,"

n

J.D.

Jennings,

ncient ative

Americans

(San

Francisco,

W.H.

Freeman,

978)

pp.

543-92.

4. Gordon

ewis,

Main Currents

n

Caribbean

Thought:

heHistorical volution

f

Caribbean

ociety

n its

deologicalAspects,

492-1900

Heinemann, ingston,

83)

41.

5.

On

Kalinago

ssistance o

Tainos n Puerto

ico,

ee

Carl

Sauer,

The

Early

panish

Main

Berkeley,

niv. fCalifornia

ress,

A,

1966)

pp.32,

8,

192.See

Eric

Williams,

Documents

f

Westndian

History,

492-1655

Port-of

pain,

PNM

Publishing

o.,

1963)

pp.

62-70,

9-94.Robert

reenwood,

Sketchmap

History

f

heCaribbean

(MacMillan, 991)pp.18,23.

6.

Sauer,

C. The

Early

panish

Main,

pp.

35, 180, 193;

see

also

Lewis,

Main

Currents,

.

64.

7.

Troy

.

Floyd,

TheColumbian

ynasty

n the

Caribbean,

492-1526

(Albuquerque,

niv.ofNew

Mexico

Press,

973)

p.

97. For an account f

the

panish



17/19

'hands ff

olicy

with

espect

o theLesser

Antilles,

ee K.R.

Andrews,

rade,

lunder

and Settlement: aritime

nterprises

nd theGenesis

f

heBritish

mpire,

480.1630

(Cambridge,

1986)

p.

282.Craton,

esting

he

Chains,

.

22.

See

also,

NellisM.

Crouse,

The

French

truggleor

theWestndies1665-1713

N.Y.

Columbia

University

ress,

1943)

p.

8-10.

8. See

Sauer,

.

35;

Lewis,

p.

64.

9. See

Lewis,

p.

64;

Richard

unn,

ugar

nd Slaves: the ise

of

he

lanterClass in

the

nglish

West

ndies,

624-1713

N.Y.,

1973)

p.

24;

Sieurde la

Borde,

Relacindes

Caraibes

Paris,

Coleccin

Billaine,

1694);

Jean

aptiste

e

Uertre,

istoire

Generale

des

Antilles abites

ar

les Fran,cais

(Paris,1667-71);

John

aden, d.,

The

Memoirs fPere

Labat,

1 93- 05 1 70

edition,

rank

ass,

London).

10. Memoirs f

Pere

Labat,

p.

75.

11.

Ibid, .

S3,

12.

Ibid,p.9S.

13.

Ibid,

.

104.

14.

Ibid,

.

109.

1

Watts,

p.

1 1 1

2. Richard

heridan,

ugar

nd

slavery:

n

Economic

History f

theBritish

Westndies

Caribbean

niversities

ress,

ridgetown,974) pp.

80, 85,

87,456.

16. See

Dunn,

.

8.

17.

Lewis,

p.

104.

18.

Ibid,

p.

105.

20. Memoirs f Pere

Labat,

p.

137.

21

Governor

tapleton

ftheLeewards o theLords fTrade nd

Plantations,

ov.

22,

1676,Calendar f StatePapers, olonial eries C.S.P.c.) 1676,p.499.

22.

See C.

Gullick,

Black Caribs

Origins

nd

Early ociety,"

n

Transactionsfthe

Seventhnternational

ongress

n Pre-Columbianultures f

theLesserAntilles

(Quebec, 1978)

pp.

283-87.

23. See

William

oung,

An Account ftheBlack

Caribs

n

the sland f St. Vincent's

(London,

795

reprint,

ondon

1971)

pp.

5-8;

Also

Vancy

Gonzalez,

ojourners f

he

Caribbean:

thnogenesis

nd

Ethnohistoryf

he

Garifunta

Chicago,

1988).

24.

See Vincent

Murga,

d.,

Historia ocument e Puerto

ico,

Vol.

I

(Rio

Pedras,

n.d.)

p.

227. 25. See for n account fthe

battles

t

Martinique,

u

Tertre,

istoire

General . 467-68.

26. See

Hilary

eckles,

BlackRebellion

n

Barbados:

the

truggle gainst lavery,

1627-1838

Carib

Research nd

Publications,

ridgetown,

988)

p.

36.

92



18/19

27.

'The State f

theCase

Concerning

ur

itle o St.

Lucia," 1664;

C.S.~.,

1661-68,

No. 887. See

also,

Rev. C.

Jesse,

Barbadians

uy

St.

Lucia from

aribs,"

ournal

f

he

Barbados

Museum

nd Historical

ociety,

J.B.M.H.S.)

Vol.

32,

Feb.

1968,

pp.

180-182.

28. Governor

ir

Thomas

Modyford

o the

Duke of

Albermarle,

arch

16, 1668,

C.S.P.c.

1661-68,

No.

1714.

29. Vere

LOliver,

he

History

fthesland

f

Antigua

London

1894-99)

Vol.

I,

p.

xix,

XXV;

also, Sheridan,

ugar

nd

Slavery, .

87.

30.

Petition f

Major

John

cott o

the

King,

1667,

C.S.P.c,

1661-68,

No. 1525.

31. Governor

William ord

Willoughby

o the

King,

eb.

1

1,

1668,

C.S.P.CA

1661-68,

p. 547; Watts,heWest ndies, . 24243.HenryWilloughbyoWilliamWilloughby,

June

5,

1667,

C.S.P.c,

1661-68,

No. 1498.

32.

Craton,

esting

he

Chains,

p.

22-23.

33.

Governor

William

ord

Willoughby

o

the

King,

July

,

1668,C.S.P.C,

1661-68;

No.

1788.

34.

Copy

of a

Treaty

etween

William

ord

Willoughby

nd

several fthe

Chief

Captains

f

Caribs,

march

3.1668,

C.S.P.C.

1661-68,

No.

1717.

35.

Ibid

36. Du Tertre, istoire enerale, p.467-68.

37.

Lord

Willoughby

o the

King,

March

13,

1668,

Colonial

Papers,

ol.

22,

November

5,es.p.c,No.

1714.

38. Governor

ir

Thomas

Modyford

o

theDuke of

Albemarle,

arch

16, 1668,

C.S.P.C.

,

No. 1714.

39. Governor

tapleton

o

theLords

f Trade nd

Plantations,

ay

27,

1672;

Colonial

Papers,

Vol.

28,

No. 61.

40.

Ibid. The

English

laimed

hat heDominica

ilver

mine

was

"lawfully urchased"

from heKalinagoswhorecognisedhe ontract.eolinLloydtoSecretaryrlington,

Colonial

Papers,

oL, 29,

No.

46; also,

Colonial

Papers,

ol.

28,

No.

12.

41. Governor

tkins o Lords

fTrade

nd

Plantations,

uly

,

1676,

Colonial

Papers,

Vol.

37,

No.

22.

42. Governor

tapleton

o Council

fTrade nd

Plantations,

ecember

675,

Colonial

Papers

Vol.

35,

No.63.

124

43.

Petition f

SeveralMerchants

f London

n

Adventures

o theCaribbean

slands o

the Lords

of Trade nd

Plantations,

676,

Colonial

Papers,

ol.

36,

No.5.

44. Governor

tapleton

o theCouncil

for

lantations,

ebruary

,

1675,

C.S.P.C.

1675-76,

No.

428.

45.

SirJonathan

tkins

o

Secretary

or

olonies,

ebruary

7,

1675

C.S.P.C,

1675-76,

No.

439.

46. ibid

47. Petition f

SeveralMerchants

f London

Adventurers

o theCaribbee

slands

o

Lords ftrade

nd

Plantations,

anuary

0,1676,

.S.P.c, 1675-76,

No. 774.

93



19/19

48. Governor

tapleton

o Lords

fTrade nd

Plantations,

ugust

6, 1681,

Colonial

Papers,Vol.46,No. 45; see also C.S.P.c. 1681-85, os. 410-41 .

49. SirWilliam

tapleton

o Lords f

Trade nd

Plantations,

ugust

6, 1681,

C.S.P.c.

1681-85,

No. 204. See

Also,

Journal

f

Lords

of

Trade nd

Plantations,

ctober

8,

1681,

No. 259.

50.

Ibid.

51. The

King

o Sir William

tapleton,

ebruary,

682,

C.S.P.C.

1681-85,

No.

411.

52. Sir Richard utton o Lords

f

Trade

nd

Plantations,

anuary

, 1682,

C.S.P.c.

1681-85,

.

181,No.357;

also colonial

Papers,

Vol.

48,

No.l.

53. Journal f heAssemblyfNevisJun4,1682,C.S.P.C. 1681-85.

54. The

King

o

Sir

Jonathan

tkins,

ecember

0, 1674,

C.S.P.C.

1675-76,

No.

401

55. SirJonathan tkins o

Secretary

f

Plantations,.S.P.C,

February

7,

No. 439.

See

Jerome

andler,

Amerindiansnd their ontributionoBarbados

Life

nthe

Seventeenth

entury,

.B.M.H.S., 971,35,

112-117. TheAmerindian

lave

Population

of

Barbados n the eventeenthnd

early ighteenth

enturies,

.B.M.H.S.,

ol.

xxxiii,

No.3,

May

1970,1

1-135.For

an

account fthis

ttempt

o establish

Barbados-Guianas

slave trade

n

Kalinagos,

.G.

Breslaw,

Price s

-

His

Desposition

:

Kidnapping

Amerindiansn

Guyana,

674,

J.B.M.H.S.,

ol.

39, 1991,

pp.

47-50.

56.

Craton,

esting

he

Chains,

.

23.

57 Memoirs

f

Pere

Labat,

p

115.

58.

Ibid,,

p.

110-111.

94