consuming culture: extralocal exchanges and kalinago

Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth AmericaISSN: 2572-3626 (online)

Volume 5 | Issue 2 Article 3

December 2007

Consuming Culture: Extralocal Exchanges andKalinago Identity on DominicaKathryn A. HudepohlDepartment of Folk Studies and Anthropology, Western Kentucky University, [email protected]

Cover Page Footnote:Acknowledgments. Original data is based on periodic ethnographic research trips to the CaribTerritory between fall 1993 and summer 2007 that were funded by various grants, including theMiddle American Research Institute research grant from Tulane University, a Junior Faculty Grantfrom Western Kentucky University, and a Potter College travel grant. Particular thanks to PatsyThomas, Victoria Burton, Marilyn Auguiste and their families for their friendship and support.Special thanks to Kristina Arnold and the Potter College Writing Group for insightful editorialsuggestions made to earlier drafts of this paper.

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Recommended CitationHudepohl, Kathryn A. (2007). "Consuming Culture: Extralocal Exchanges and Kalinago Identity on Dominica," Tipití: Journal of theSociety for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 5: Iss. 2, Article 3.Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol5/iss2/3

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208 Kathryn Ann Hudepohl

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Tipití (2007) 5(2):208–230 © 2007 SALSA 209ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA

Consuming Culture: Extralocal Exchanges and Kalinago Identity on Dominica

KATHRYN ANN HUDEPOHLDepartment of Folk Studies and Anthropology, Western Kentucky [email protected]

INTRODUCTION

Tourism is a significant global force affecting indigenous residentsof numerous destination locales worldwide (e.g., Smith 1977; Bendix1989;deVidas1995;Xie2003;VanRekomandGo2006). Thisessayexamines the relationship between tourism and ethnic identity in theKalinago1 community of Dominica. It focuses on how handicrafts, aculturalfeaturecitedunanimouslybymembersofthecommunityasoneofthemostsalientsymbolsoftheiridentity(Hudepohl2002),canfunctionsimultaneouslyastouristcommoditiesandaslegitimateformsofculturalexpression, the value of which is not diminished by commodification.In fact, consumption of traditional handicrafts by tourists heightensawareness of the ethnic boundary and reinforces the cultural value ofthe circulated objects. When the case of ethnic tourism2 among theKalinagoisconsideredinabroadcommunitycontext,itbecomesevidentthat exchanges with tourists constitute just one type of interactionwith outsiders that functions as a catalyst to stimulate maintenance oftheethnicboundary. Briefconsiderationof twoothertypesofexternalexchanges—boundarydisputeswithcitizensofthelargernation-stateandcontact with regional indigenous populations—supports the conclusionthatlocal/extralocalinteractionsenhancepreservationofculturalidentity.”AccordingtoMassey,“…whatgivesaplaceitsspecificityisnotsomelonginternalized[oressentialized]historybutthefactthatitisconstructedofaparticularconstellationofsocialrelations,meetingandweavingtogetherataparticularlocus”(1991:28).Interactionswithoutsiders,then,playanimportantroleingeneratingmeaningatthelocallevelthatreaffirmsandpromotesKalinagoidentity. TheuseofextralocalculturalinteractionsasaresourcetoreinforceethnicidentitybycallingattentiontoboundariesorservingasacreativeresourceforethnicrenewalisnotuniquetotheKalinagocommunityofDominica.Conklin and Graham (1995) discuss ways that Brazilian indigenous

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communities use interactions with international environmentalists as astrategytofocusglobal-levelawarenessonlocalproblemsrelatedtolandrights and cultural patrimony. Jackson (1991, 1995) discusses how thecultural identity of theTukanoan people of Colombia is influenced byvarious external forces that include an indigenous rights organization,missionaries,andthenation-state.Withrespecttodifferentworldregions(NewGuinea,Philippines),Silverman(1999)discussesculturalborrowingthatcreatesnewartformsintheSepikRiverValley,andNiessen(1999)presents a similar process for theToba Batak textile repertory. Brown(1998)discussesanemergenthierarchyofprestigeattachedtodifferentlocalesassociatedwiththeAfricandiasporaandhowthisaffectsculturalborrowing between locales. Mato (2000) discusses exchange andcollaboration occurring at the institutional level between indigenousorganizationsinLatinAmerica.“Cultures”aredistinctinpart,accordingto Jackson, “as a function of their structural opposition to other socialentities”(1995:22).Interactionswithoutsiders,whethertheybefriendlyorhostile,at timesoperate tostrengthenorotherwise legitimizeclaimstodistinctordifferentculturalidentity.KalinagoidentityonDominicais shapedbyextralocal interactions inwayscomparable to theexamplesabove. TheCommonwealthofDominicaisnotatypicalCaribbeantouristdestination.PeoplegenerallypictureaCaribbeanvacationasatripwithconstant sunshine, miles of white sand beaches, and calm, aqua water.Caribbeandestinationshavebeenmarketedprimarilyas“sun,sand,andsea” destinations. As noted by numerous scholars (e.g., Patullo 1996;BoxillandSeverin2004),Dominicaisshortonwhitesandbeachesandconstantsunshine,butlongonothernaturalattributessuchasaboilinglake, rainforests, endangered parrots, numerous breathtaking waterfalls,and,supposedly,365rivers(“oneforeverydayoftheyear”).Theislandisawildparadise,but,untilrecently,notwhatmosttouriststhoughttheywantedorexpectedtofindontheirCaribbeansojourns. Dominica has relatively underdeveloped potential as a touristdestinationintwoimportantways.Thefirstisecotourism,whichshouldbeanobviousareaofemphasisduetothemanynaturalattributesoftheisland.Playingupthenaturalenvironmentalassetsoftheisland,officialtourism literature refers to Dominica as “The Nature Isle,” but fails togetmorespecific.Thesecondareaofunderdevelopedpotentialisethnictourismfocusedonthelocalindigenouspopulation.Dominicaishometo one of the last remaining indigenous communities in the Caribbeanislands. In fact, because the landscape and its products (e.g., sites ofmyths, food,andhandicrafts)figureprominently in tourism focusedontheKalinago,thiscanbeinterpretedasatypeofecotourism(cf.Slinger

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Consuming Culture: Extralocal Exchanges and Kalinago Identity on

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Consuming Culture 211

2000).Tourismoverall—includingecotourismandethnictourism—hassteadilyincreasedinvolumeandimportancetothenationaleconomyinrecent years (Pattulo 1996; Hudepohl 2002; Boxill and Severin 2004).3Byspecificallyaddressingtherelationshipbetweenhandicraftproduction,tourism,andethnic identityfortheKalinagoofDominica,thefocusofthisessayconcernsethnictourism.

ETHNIC TOURISM AND HANDICRAFT PRODUCTION ON DOMINICA

Approximately 2,2004 Kalinago reside on five square miles ofcommunallyownedlandsituatedontheeastcoastbetweenMarigotandCastleBruce,anareaknowntodayastheCaribTerritory.Despitesomesimilaritieswiththelargerpopulationintermsoflanguage,religion,and,toadegree,physicalappearance,theKalinagocontinuetomaintainadistinctethnicidentity.Thisisdueinparttocontroloftheirownphysicalterritory.MyKalinagoinformantsidentifiedfivesalientsymbolsofethnicity:asenseof shared history with an emphasis on group struggle; the land (CaribTerritory);theofficeoftheKalinagoChief;physicalappearance;andthecontinuation of traditional practices, particularly handicraft production(Hudepohl,2002). Basedonthesecriteria,membersofthecommunityclearlyself-identifyandinturnarerecognizedbythelargersocietyasadistinctethnicgroup. Government-issued tourismpublicity refers toKalinagohandicraftsas important ethnic products suitable for tourist consumption, that is,theyaretangibleandeasilytransportableproofofcontactwithanexotic“other.” For instance, mention of the Kalinago occurs in an annuallypublishedcomplimentarymagazineproducedbytheDominicaNationalDevelopment Corporation, Division of Tourism. The Carib Territoryreceivesabriefdescriptionasoneentryinalonglistofsightseeinglocales.Thestandarddescriptionreads:

CaribTerritory:Anareaof3,700acresof landon thenortheast coastofthe island, has been given to the descendants of the original inhabitantsof theCaribbean islands—theCaribIndians. TodaytheCaribsengage inagriculture,fishingandtheirnativecraftsofdugoutcanoeandbasketmaking.ThealtaroftheSalybiaRomanCatholicchurchwhichismadefromacanoe,isanimmaculateworkofart.AtSineku,see“thesnake’sstaircase,”L’Escalier Tet-Chien,ahardenedlavaflowwhichjutsintotheseaandfeaturesinCariblegends. A number of craft shops can be found along the road (Discover Dominica: The Nature Island of the Caribbean,SeventhEdition).

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The Kalinago community also receives brief mention in the openinghistoricaloverviewoftheisland.Aphotoencompassingtheentirebackpage of the seventh edition depicts an older Kalinago man, seated andshirtless, weaving a traditional basket. Words overlaid at the top ofthe photograph read, “The Nature Island of the Caribbean: Unspoilt,Undisturbed, Natural” (Discover Dominica: The Nature Island of the Caribbean, Seventh Edition). This image, along with a small sectionattheendofanarticle inthesixtheditionentitled“Art,Craft,andtheArtisticTradition,” constitutes the bulk of advertising, government andprivate,whichpromotesethnictourism.5

Today, a number of outlets exist for handicrafts, both within andoutside of the CaribTerritory. Owners of large shops in theTerritorymakecontractswithindividualsforcertaincrafts.Oneshopownerinanorthernvillagehasinformalcontractswithtendifferentcraftmakersforavarietyofobjects.Theownersofalocalguesthousecontractforlargequantitiesofparticularitemswhentheyareexpectingbusloadsofcruiseshiptourists.Inaddition,anumberofthesmallershopsandtemporarystands are runeitherby a single craftmakeror a small groupof them.Morerecently,spacedesignatedforhandicraftdemonstrationsandsalesto tourists is available at theKalinagoBaranaAutê, the cultural villageopenedinSalybiahamletinspring2006. Onewomanrecalledtravelingto townasachild in the1970swithcraftsmadebyhergrandparents.Todaysomehandicraftproducerstaketheircraftstotownondayswhencruiseshipsaredueinport.Theysetuptablesattheportoratapublicsquareandhopeforsalesfrompassersby.TheKalinagoCentreinRoseau,nowclosed,usedtosellcraftsonconsignment.TheCentre,acombinationhistoricalgalleryandcraftshop,wasestablishedbyWaikada6inthe1990s.Kalinagomayalsoselltheir crafts wholesale to non-Kalinago merchants who have shops inRoseauandPortsmouth.Imetonemerchantatawaterfallpopularwithtourists.She,alongwithanumberofothervendors,hadtakenherwaresontheroad.ShebroughtanumberofhighqualityKalinagobasketstomeettheexpectedbusloadsoftouristsfromarecentlydockedcruiseship.For cruise ship passengers, particularly those taking prepackaged tours,timeforshoppingislimited.Bringingsouvenirstothetouristsmaximizestheirtimeandexperienceontheisland.Italsoincreasesthelikelihoodoftouristsspendingmoremoneyontheisland. Themostdistinctive,andthusthemostheavilypromotedandwidelyavailableofKalinagocraftformsconsistofvarioussizesofbasketsmadefromareedknownlocallyaslarouma(Lat.Ischnosiphon arouma).Harvestedanddried inthesunbeforebeingcut intopliablestripsofvaryingsize,thenaturalcolorsofthereed—brownontheoutside,tanontheinside—

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areahallmarkofKalinagobasketry. Craftspeopleusebothsidesofthereed to achieve desired patterns by alternating which side of the reedfacesoutward.Black,athirdcolorcommonlyincorporatedintobaskets,isachievedbydepositing larouma strips inmudholes foruptoaweek,afterwhichtheyarecleanedanddriedagaininthesun. Inadditiontobaskets,thelaroumareedisingeniouslywovenandshapedtocreateotherobjects,suchashats,suitcases,atraditionalbackpack,amoldedcoveringforglassbottles,andwatertightpurses.“Wifeleaders”areanotherpopularcraftitem.Theseobjectsaretube-shaped,fourtosixinchesinlength,andwoven on a diagonal from the same reed used to manufacture baskets.Oneendhasanopeningslightlysmallerindiameterthanafinger,andtheotherendisfinishedwithaloop.Thediagonalweaveenablesthetube,includingtheopening,toexpandwhentheendsarepushedtowardseachother.Anunsuspectingvictimisencouragedtoputhisorherfingerintotheexpandedopeningandbecomestrappedwhenthetubeisreleasedtoregainitsnaturalshape.Thevictimcanthenbeleadaroundbytheloopon the other end. It is similar in shape, on a much smaller scale, to a

Figure 2. Larouma baskets displayed for sale

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cassavasqueezer(or“tipití”astheyarenowgenericallycalled),andthereareendless,amusingstoriesaboutnowtheycameintoexistenceandwhousesthem. Theprocessofpreparinglaroumaforweavingistimeconsuming,andsomebasketmakersprefertopurchasethepreparedstripsratherthandoitthemselves.Certainindividualsspecializeinsupplyinglaroumastrips,splittinganddryingcollectedreedsonrooftops.Anotherproblemwithlaroumaisthatitisdifficulttofind.Locatedinsparsepatchesalongtheupperreachesofmountainrivers,ithasbecomescarcerduetoincreasingdemand.TheKarifunaCulturalGroup,acommunityculturalperformancegroup replants larouma in an effort to ensure that craft makers havecontinuedaccesstothisrequisiterawmaterial. Other common craft forms are created from materials includingcalabash(Crescentia cujete),whitecedar(Tabebuia heterophylla),andbamboo(Bambusa vulgaris).Calabash,agourd,issawedinhalfandthepoisonousinsidesarepainstakinglyscoopedout. Thehollowedouthalvesare left

Figure 3. Making a screwpine basket

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todrynaturallyorsmokedoverafiretoachieveadarkenedexterior.Theoutsidesurfaceofthegourdisthendecorativelycarved,mostcommonlywithlandscapeandmask-faceimages.Kalinagoancestorsusedcalabashforavarietyofpurposes,includingservingfood,transportingwater,andstoringobjects.Whitecedar,ontheotherhandiscarvedintomortarsandpestles,whilebambooisusedtoconstructcraftstandsanditemssuchaswindchimes,cups,andplayfulanimalfigures. A few artists are known for unique objects. One craftsman fromCrayfishRivermakeswalkingcaneswithcarved,snake-headhandlesandzemi7facescarvedfromthetrunksofgiantrainforestferns.AcraftsmaninSt.Cyrmakes tipitísusing larouma. Hewas theonly sourceof thisspecializedobject.Havingassumedthathewasthekeeperofuniquefamilyknowledge,Iwasinterestedtodiscoverthathehadonlyrecentlytaughthimselfhowtomaketipitísafterseeingaphotoinamuseumcatalogue.8

FortheKalinago,craftsfunctionasbothaneconomicresourceandaculturalsymbol.Fromaneconomicstandpoint,craftproductionconstitutesthesecondmostimportantnonfooditemproducedforcashintheCaribTerritory.Perhapsbecausetheyaretangible(unlikeoraltraditions,ideas,orstories)andeasilytransported,smallhandicraftssuchasbaskets lend

Figure 4. Detail of Larouma baskets displayed for sale

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themselvestoreplicationforconsumptionbyoutsiders.TheKalinagoalsoconstruct traditional canoes fromgommier trees (Lat.Dacryodes excelsa)thatarestillusedforfishingbytheKalinagoandotherDominicans.Forobviousreasons,touristsrarelypurchasethemassouvenirs.Bycontrast,atraditionalbasketisaneatlypackaged,culturallyladenobject,aperfectlysizedtouristtrophyprovidingevidenceofcontactwiththeexotic“other.” Curiously, though produced in quantity, handicrafts are used in afunctionaleverydaycontextwithlessfrequencybytheKalinagothemselvesthan one might expect for a unanimously cited cultural symbol. Withthe exception of sparse decorations in two guesthouses and the twoCatholicchurches,andoneindividualwhowearstraditionallywovenhats,widespreaduseofthecraftsbyKalinagoisconspicuouslylimited.Theyaresoldalmostexclusivelytooutsiders,thetouristswhofrequentthecraftshops.Ratherthanemployingtraditionallymadeobjectsfordecorativeorutilitarianpurposes,individualsaremorelikelytouseinexpensive,store-boughtobjectsmadewithmodernmaterials. APeaceCorpsvolunteerwhoworkedintheCaribTerritoryandconstructedasetofcalabashbowlstouseasdishesenduredendlessteasingfromcommunitymembersforherchoice.OneKalinagoasked,“Whywouldweusebasketsand[calabash]whenwecanuseplasticandglass?”(Hudepohl2002). Becauseofadisparagingattitudeheldbysomecommunitymemberswith respect to the everyday (utilitarian) use of traditional objects,handicraftsdonot initiallyappear tobean important symbolof ethnicidentity. Tosomeextent, itmightseemdisingenuoustoproclaimasanethnic symbol an object that appears to function primarily as a touristcommodity.ItispossiblethattheKalinagoarelabelingthesecraftobjectsasanethnicsymbolinacalculatedmovemeantonlytoheightentheirvalueasaneconomiccommodity.Itisalsopossiblethatskepticismmayarisefromanattitudethattheculturalvalueofanobjectistaintedorotherwiseunderminedoncetheobjectiseasilyavailableforsaletooutsiders.Deeperconsiderationofsuchquestionsindicatesthat,regardlessoftheirplaceinthetouristeconomy,handicraftsmadebytheKalinagoretaintheirculturalintegrity. Additionally,saleofcraftobjectsprovidesaninteractionwithoutsidersthatservesnottoerodebut,infact,tosupportandstrengthenKalinagoculturalidentity. To the Kalinago, handicrafts constitute a physical manifestationof ethnicity. When questioned about the historical shift in handicraftutilization (based on interview data collected by me in 1997, 2005,and 2007), Kalinago informants explained that cultural value is in theknowledgeandprocessofproduction,notnecessarilyintheendproductitself.Handicraftproductionreliesonaseriesoftraditionalskillspassed

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downtointerestedcommunityartisans,regardlessofage,gender,oranyotherconsideration.Suchskillsincludeidentifyingrawmaterialsinthelandscape, preparing those products, and weaving, carving or otherwiseassembling the resulting materials into quality handicrafts. Knowledgeand ability to make crafts represents a link to Kalinago ancestors, andbecausethereexistsaclearhistoryofcraftproductioninthecommunity,present-day activity constitutes a continuation of established tradition.The end product, for instance a basket, is a physical embodiment ofancestralknowledgeandof theconnection toancestors. While for theKalinago,constructionofcraftsrepresentsatypeofinteractionwiththeirownancestors across time, for tourists crafts represent contactwith theindigenous“other”acrossspace.Becauseitistheprocessofconstructionthat provides the cultural link for the Kalinago as they conceive it, themanner inwhich this endproduct isused, andbywhom,becomes lessconsequentialtothem.

ETHNIC TOURISM: COMMODIFCATION OR SOLIDARITY?

The Kalinago interpretation of their own situation corresponds toone of two theories common in academic scholarship. Both scholarlyexplanations address the central question of whether or not tourismunderminestheinternalvalueoflocalculture.Thefirstinterpretation,articulated by Greenwood (1989), concludes that the commodificationof a local practice for tourist consumption inevitably erodes its culturalvalueinthecommunity.Greenwooddevelopedthephrase“culturebythepound”todescribetheprocessbywhichcultureisturnedintoaproductforeconomicgain.VandenBergheandKeyes(1984)usetheterm“touree”to conveya similar idea focusedonpractitioners insteadofpracticesorproducts.Thelocalsbecomeactors,“tourees,”stagingtheirtraditionsfortouristentertainment.Thealternatescholarlyinterpretationsuggeststhattourismdoesnotinevitablyunderminetheinternalvalueoflocalcultureandinfactmayactuallyenhanceitbyinspiringself-respectandsolidaritywithinthecommunity(e.g.,seeBoissevain1996;Grunewald2002;Oakes1997).AnentireissueofthejournalCultural Survival Quarterly (Summer1999)providesnumerousexamplesofthewide-rangingeffectsoftourismonlocalcultures. OneofthemostobviouseffectsoftourismintheCaribTerritoryistheeconomicbenefit.ThetwoguesthouseownersandthenumerouscraftmakersreceivedirectmonetaryrewardfortheirparticipationinthetrickleoftouristactivitythatreachestheCaribTerritory.Throughsalesofcrafts,

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roomrentals,andthelittlebitoffoodthatissold,cashmovesintothelocaleconomy. Indirect benefits include improvements to the infrastructure,suchastherepairandconstructionofpavedroads,whichincreaseeaseoftouristaccess. Inadditiontothebroadeconomicbenefit,therearealsoatleasttwosubstantialculturalimpactsofethnictourismintheKalinagocommunity.Oneimportantresultisthethrivinghandicrafttradition.Theemphasisoncraftsasaprimetouristcommodityhelpstomaintainthevitalityofthissegmentoftraditionalancestralknowledgeinthecommunity.Also,thetouristgazereifiesthelegitimacyoftheethnicboundary.Thenatureofethnictourismissuchthatitfocusesattentiononsubjectsdefinedas“other.”Touristsdemonstrate,throughtheiractions,thattheKalinagoareanappropriateandvaluedsubjectofattention.Inthisway,ethnictourismenhancesethnicdistinctionsandbarriers. Vidas(1995)foundasimilarsituationamongindigenouspeoplesintheAndes.Hecreditsinternationaltourismwithbeingthecatalystforanincreaseinhandicraftproduction.Vidasdefineshandicraftas“aspecificformofproductionandemploymentwhich creates as its product an object which represents a social group”(1995:68).Thus,heseestherelationshipbetweenindigenousgroupsandtourismas apotentially collaborativeone that is exploitedby locals foreconomic and cultural gains. He concludes that survival of handicraftproduction,nomatterhowtheobjectsareultimatelyused(“consumed”),often serves to support andenhance social identity. In referring to theArima Caribs of Trinidad, Forte says that “It is the boundary that isdrawnaroundabodyofpractice,morethanthebodyitself,thatisusedtoarticulateCaribidentityandheritage”(2005:179). According toNobukiyoEguchi, apossiblenegative consequenceofethnic tourism is that its growth may cause increased conflict with thelargerpopulationbecausethebasisofethnictourism—difference—isalsoasourceoftension(1996:379).Emphasizingdifferencefortourismwillalsoheightenitindailyinteractionsbetweenmembersoftheindigenousgroupandrepresentativesofthelargerpopulation.Apossiblemitigatingfactor, as in the caseof theKalinago, is the economicbenefitof ethnictourismtothenationaleconomy.Ifsuchacontributionisvaluedbythelargerpopulation,thenanyresultingconflictmaybemuted.DatareportedinthepreviouslymentionedCultural Survival Quarterlyalsosuggestthatthe effects of ethnic tourism isnotpurely a black andwhite issue, andthatakey factoraffectinghowbeneficialorhowexploitative tourismisin a community is the level of agency exerted by the host communityintourismendeavors. Growingethnictourismmayenhancetheethnicboundary,then,inthreeways:itvalidatescommunityclaimstoadistinct

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identity;ithelpstomaintaintraditionalpractices;anditbolstersnationalsupportforethnicdistinctionsbecauseitbenefitstheeconomy.

LAND DISPUTES, CANOE PROJECTS, AND CULTURAL IDENTITY

When viewed in a broader perspective within the community,it becomes apparent that tourism is not the only situation in whichinteractionswithoutsidersreinforceKalinagoidentity.Theseinteractionsare varied in character and include landboundarydisputes and theGliGli andSisseroucanoeprojects.Theexampleoflanddisputesconstitutesafundamentallydifferenttypeofinteractionwithoutsiders—adversarialversusaccommodating—thanthatseenwithethnictourism.Yet,inbothcases, the interaction strengthens ethnic identity for the Kalinago byamplifyingself-consciousawarenessof it. Anotherexamplevariesfromthesefirsttwointermsofwhoconstitutesthe“other”andthenatureoftheinteraction,butnonethelessexhibitssimilareffects. The CaribTerritory consists of approximately five square miles ofwedge-shapedlandgrantedtotheKalinagoin1902bytheadministratoroftheisland,HenryHeskethBell.Thelandiscommunallyowned,anduseisdeterminedthroughestablishedusufructrights.Outsidersareinterestedinreservelands,primarilyforpurposesoffarming,andoccasionallychallengetheexactlocationofboundaries,particularlyonthesouthernandwesternedgesoftheCaribTerritory(Owen1974;Layng1983).Threatstoreserveboundariesarecommonlyjustifiedbyreferencestolossoftraditionalculture,inessencequestioning thecontinued legitimacyof theethnic label thatenabledthelandgrantinthefirstplace.Theresolutionofconflictscarriessignificant consequencesbecausecommunitymembers liveandwork indisputedareasandbecausesuchactionmakesastatementabouttheethnicstatusofthepresent-daycommunity. Boundarydisputeswithoutsiderscause a strong emotional response that rallies the Kalinago communityintoaunifiedfront. OrganizedactionsincludelobbyingbycommunityparliamentaryrepresentativesandprotestsstagedbycommunitymembersatlocationswithinandoutsideoftheCaribTerritory. The possible consequences of a negative outcome in boundarydisputeswithoutsiders,andthemultifacetedrole that landplays in thecommunity, provide insight to this unusually uniform response. Thelandliterallyandmetaphoricallynourishesthecommunitybysupplying,amongotherthings,food,plantsforherbalremedies,andrawmaterialsforhomesandhandicrafts.Thelandscapeisalsodottedwithlocationsof

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significantmythicalandhistoricalevents.Underlyingallotherpurposesistheknowledgethattheirancestorslivedhere.Atafundamentallevel,landisatouchstoneforidentity.Present-dayboundarydisputesareremindersthatnow,aswellasinthepast,outsidershavetriedtoundermineKalinagosocietyandstealresources,especiallyland. The overall effect of boundary disputes with outsiders is that theKalinagocome together indefenseof akey community resource. Thisresponse represents an example of Frederick Barth’s (1969) observationthatethnicity ismost stronglyemphasizedatpointsof interactionwithoutsiders.Inthecaseoflanddisputes,theinteractionisatypeofconflict.NancyOwen,whoworkedwiththeKalinagointhe1970s,statedthat“…ethnicitymaybefurtheredbycertaintypesofconflict. Infact itseemslikelythatcertainpressuresemanatingfromthewidersocietyplayamajorroleinthemaintenanceofanymodernethnicgroup”(Owen1974:192–193).JacksonnotedasimilareffectfortheTukanoansofColombiawhenshestatedthat,“Indeed,theabsenceofanurgentthreatsometimesmakes

Figure 5. Kalinago canoe

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attempts at grassroots organization more—rather than less—difficult”(1995:5). Quinn expands the point with her statement that “… theoutcome of local-global interaction is a continuous emergence of new,recreatedandhybridformsofdifference”(2005:248).Intheirstatements,Owen and Jackson focus on contentious interactions, whereas Quinn’sallowsforeffectsderivedfromawiderrangeofcontactexchanges. AnotherexampleofextralocalexchangeintheKalinagocommunityincludes two specific endeavors, the GliGli and Sisserou Carib canoeprojects.Eachinvolvesconstructionofatraditionalcanoeaspartofanenterprise to recover lost traditionalpracticesandraiseawarenessaboutKalinagohistoryandculture.Eachcanoeisnamedforabird:theGliGliis,dependingonwhoyouask,eitheraKalinagomythicalbirdofpreyoraKalinagohawk;theSisserouistheKalinagonameforanendangeredparrotindigenoustoDominica.TheGliGlicanoe,builtin1995and1996,sailedfromDominicatoGuyanaandbackagainin1997.CommunitymembersperceiveSouthAmerica tobe the landof theirancestors. The journey,documentedinthefilm,Quest of the Carib Canoe, includedseveralstopsin the Lesser Antilles so that crew members could present educationallectures before eventually sailingup theOrinoco to a remote village tomeetotherindigenouspopulationsandexchangeculturalknowledge.InMayandJuneof2007,crewmembersmadeatenthanniversaryvoyagefromAntiguatotheVirginIslands,stoppingatvariousplacestopresentlecturesandculturalperformances. TheSisseroucanoeproject,whichisunderdevelopment,intendstoestablish contact with Kalinago relatives in another direction. A largegroupofIslandCaribsweredeportedbytheBritishfromSt.Vincentin1796andsentbyshiptotheislandofRoatanoffthecoastofHonduras.Present-daydescendants,knownasGarifuna,liveincoastalvillagesfromHondurastoBelize.ThegoalsoftheSisserouprojectaresimilartotheGliGliproject.TheyaretoestablishanenduringrelationshipwithGarifunacommunities inMiddleAmerica, to increasecommunityunderstandingofKalinagohistory,andtoeducateoutsidersaboutKalinagohistoryandculture.Specifically,theSisserouProjecttries:

TocompletethesymbolicunificationoftheCarib/Garifuna/Kalinagotribesthatstartedonthe1997GliGliExpeditionfromDominicatoGuyana.TheGarifunapeopleofBelizearethedescendentsoftheCarib/KalinagopeopleofSt.VincentwhowereforciblyremovedfromtheirislandbytheBritishinthe1780s.ThereconnectionbetweentheCaribsoftheSouthernCaribbeanandtheGarifunapeopleofBelizewillcompletethesymboliccircleofunitywithintheCaribtribe.

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Figure 6. Christening the GliGli canoe with coconut water

To search for, meet with, make connections between, and draw attentiontothesurvivingindigenouspeopleoftheGreaterAntillesandtheYucatanCoast.

Toresearchanddocumentthe influencethatthe indigenouspeopleoftheCaribbeanhaveleftoncontemporarysociety,andtopromotetheimportanceofthatlegacyforasustainablefutureintheregionforallpeople.

TopromoteandfindnewmarketsforCaribcraftproductsthroughouttheregion.

To visit and exchange knowledge with craft producing communitiesencounteredonthejourney.

Topresentlectures,films,andslideshowsabouttheCarib/Kalinagopeopleatschools,universities,andculturalcentersalongtheintendedroute. Theintention being to redress some of the myths existing about the Caribs.Particularlythoserelatingtocannibalism(Dick-ReadandJoseph2000).

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Landdisputesandthetwocanoeprojects,alongwithethnictourism,provide various examples of ways in which interaction with outsidersheightensethnicattachments.Ethnictourismconstitutesanambivalentsituationinwhichthereisasenseofanuneasybalancebetweenpotentialcostsandbenefits to thecommunity ingeneral,andtocultural identityspecifically. Land disputes stand out as the one example in which adecidedly negative situation functions as the catalyst for strengtheningethnic identity. By comparison, the two canoe projects form positiveinteractionsbasedonactivecollaboration. Thetypesofoutsidersineachsituationalsovary.Inthesituationsofethnictourismandlanddisputes,outsidersarenonindigenouspeoplefromeitherDominicaorsomeothercountry.Inthecaseofthecanoeprojects,realandanticipatedinteractionsoccurprimarilyamongindividualsfromregionalindigenouspopulations.Anotableexceptionisthatoneofthecanoe project co-organizers is an artist from Tortola who, with helpfromhisbrother,collaboratedwithKalinagocommunitymember JacobFredericktodevelopthecanoeprojects. Thoughthesignificanceisnotclear,itisinterestingtonotethatthetwosituationsinvolvingnonindigenousoutsidersrangefromcontentioustoaccommodatinginapotentiallyexploitativeway.Bycontrast,thesituationinvolving indigenous outsiders is apparently positive. It is tempting toconclude that interactions with other indigenous groups are naturallymoreharmoniousduetoculturalaffinity.However,theKalinago’slevelofagencysuggeststhatthisexplanationmaybeincomplete.EthnictourismandlanddisputesaresituationstowhichtheKalinagorespondprimarilyinadefensiveratherthanoffensiveway.LanddisputesarerarelyinitiatedbyKalinago,andthoughthecommunitymembershavetriedperiodicallytoinitiatetourismprojects,theyhavemetwithlimitedsuccess(e.g.,theunsuccessful attempt by the Carib Chief and Council to organize andmarket tour packages of the CaribTerritory). On the other hand, thetwocanoeprojectswereinitiatedandcontrolledbytheKalinago,andthusamplifythelevelofKalinangodecision-makingcontroloverthesituation.Differinglevelsofagencymaycontributetowherethevariousinteractionsfallonacontinuumfromcontentioustoharmonious.

CONCLUSION

Ethnicity,aconstructedsocialidentitybasedonbeliefinacommonancestry,isaninherentlydynamicandself-consciousprocess.ThechangingneedsoftheKalinagocommunity,andexternalforcesactingonit,affect

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Figure 7. GliGli canoe at inaguaral launch, 1996

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howethnicityisexpressedandhowitchangesovertime.Inthecurrentcase,ethnictourismwascomparedtotwoothertypesofinteractionswithoutsiders occurring in the Kalinago community: land disputes and thetwocanoeprojects.9 Eachof thedifferent interactions, thoughvariableinnature, strengthensKalinago identity by enhancing awareness of theethnicboundariesthatdifferentiatethecommunityfromoutsiders.TheKalinagodeliberatelychoosetocommoditizehandicrafts—animportantsymbolof their identity—inorder toparticipate in theglobaleconomy.Butatthesametime,thischoiceeffectivelyreinforcestheculturalvalueof these objects by promoting outsider consumption of them. Thecommunityunitestoprotectitslandfromexternalthreats,strengtheningawarenessofboththeliteralboundariesofthecommunityaswellasthemetaphoricalonesderivedfromsharedculturalexperiences.Finally,theKalinagoactively seekout interactionswithother indigenousgroups inordertostrengthentheirownidentity,bothculturallyandpolitically. Onabasiclevel,itislogicalthatonepossibleoutcomeofinteractionswith culturally dissimilar individuals would be to undermine culturalvaluesandtraditions,afactclearlydemonstratedinsomecasesofethnictourism (e.g., McLaren 1999). Alternatively, as with the Kalinagocommunity, interactions with outsiders might strengthen attachmentto one’s own cultural background. Thus, in terms of identity politics,extralocalinteractionsconstituteapotentiallyvaluablearenainwhichtodisplay,negotiate,anddefendidentity.Theinteraction,however,isnotasoliloquythatmerelyreinforcespreexistingideasaboutculturalidentity.Incorporating the idea of the “middle ground,” a mutually constructedaccommodationofinterculturalexchange(seeConklinandGraham1995),draws attention to thedialecticalnatureof the extralocal exchange, anideathatalsoallowsforthepossibilitythatinteractingpartiesbringtheirown,potentiallyconflicting,agendastotheexchange. For instance, thehandicraftsthattouristsaremostinterestedinpurchasingmayormaynotbethemostculturallysignificantonesavailableonthemarket.Artisansmaychoosetoproduceonetypeofproductforoutsiderconsumptionandanother for insideruse. AssuggestedbyConklinandGraham:“Theseintersecting forcespropelnative activists to frame their identitypoliticsin terms of ideas, images, and symbols that communicate to outsiders”(1995:706). Inasimilarway,Jacksonusesajazzanalogytodescribethedynamicnature of culture: “… just as a jazz artist’s music depends on engaginganaudienceandfellowmusicians,sodoesaculturecomeintoexistencebecausea‘we’anda‘they’interact”( Jackson1995:18).Inasimilarway,theKalinagoofDominicahavemaintainedadistinctidentityinpartby

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findingwaystoturnrecentinteractionswithoutsiderstotheiradvantage.Ascogentlystatedbythecommunityitself,insloganspaintedonbuildingstomarkthefivehundred-yearanniversaryofColumbus’so-calleddiscoveryofthenewworld:“500yearsofColumbusalie,yetwesurvive.”

NOTES

Acknowledgments.Originaldataisbasedonperiodicethnographicresearchtripsto the CaribTerritory between fall 1993 and summer 2007 that were fundedby various grants, including the Middle American Research Institute researchgrant fromTulane University, a Junior Faculty Grant fromWestern KentuckyUniversity,andaPotterCollegetravelgrant.ParticularthankstoPatsyThomas,Victoria Burton, Marilyn Auguiste and their families for their friendship andsupport.SpecialthankstoKristinaArnoldandthePotterCollegeWritingGroupforinsightfuleditorialsuggestionsmadetoearlierdraftsofthispaper.

1. Most community members refer to themselves as Caribs. However, asmallbutincreasingnumberofCaribs,particularlywhendiscussingtheirethnicidentity,refertothemselvesasKalinago.Forinstance,aculturalcenterlocatedinthecapitalofRoseauformostofthe1990swascalledtheKalinagoCentre.Theterm“Kalinago”mayeventuallyreplacetheterm“Carib,”muchlikethehistoricallyrelatedBlackCaribsofMiddleAmericahavebecomeknownasGarifuna.Becausemyessayfocusesonaspectsofethnicidentity,IusethetermKalinagohere.Morerarely, the community uses the term“Karifuna.” For instance, Karifuna is thenameofthefirstculturalperformancegroupestablishedinthecommunity,andthe full name of WAIKADA, a defunct community nongovernmental agencyfoundedin1993,isWaitukubuliKarifunaDevelopmentAgency.Notethatthe/k/inKarifunaandthe/g/inGarifunaare,respectively,voicedandvoicelessvelarstops. 2.IusethetermasitisdefinedbyValeneSmith(1989:4–5)tomeantourismfocusedontheculturesofindigenouspeoples.However,thecaseonDominicaseemstobluroverintoherdefinitionof“culturaltourism”aswell. 3.ThefastestgrowingtypeoftourismonDominicaiscruiseshiptourism,tothepointthatDominicaspentoverUS$28milliontoimproveitsportfacilitiesinthecapitalcityofRoseauandbuildanewterminalatPortsmouth.Thistypeoftourismcanbecostlyforhostcountries(seeHudepohl2002;andseealsoPattulo1996). 4. Census data for Dominica is unreliable, so this is a rough estimate ofKalinago residing within the boundaries of the Carib Territory. Additionalindividuals,possiblynumberingcloseto1,000,liveinotherpartsoftheisland. 5. That is, until the inauguration of the Carib HeritageTour in 1996, amultistop, cultural tourism package created by a tour operator for cruise shippassengers.

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6. Waikada is a sort of acronym for Waitukubuli Karifuna DevelopmentAgency,aKalinagonongovernmentalorganizationformedin1993.Waitukubuliis the Kalinago ancestors’ name for the island of Dominica. Karifuna is analternative traditional name for the community infrequently used because it isthought tobegender specific. Thecommunity leaderswho formed thegroupchosethenamebecauseitincorporatesvocabularytermsfromthebarelyspokentraditional language(noone isafluentspeaker,butsomevocabularytermsarestillknown).WaitukubuliistheindigenousnamerecordedinEuropeancolonialdocumentsforDominica.“Karifuna”isthenameofthepeopleinthetraditionallanguage.Namingtheorganizationwas,inandofitself,aself-consciousdisplayofethnicity.Thestatedmissionofthegroupis“topositivelystrengthentheCaribPeople’sability to improve thequalityof life in theCaribTerritory.” It servesasanumbrellaorganization insupportof smallergroup. Theactivitiesof thisgrouprangefromculturalrenewaltoeconomicdevelopment,oftencombiningthetwo. 7.“Zemi”isageneraltermusedtorefertodeities,naturespirits,andancestorspiritsreveredbyprehistoricindigenousoccupantsoftheCaribbean(Rouse1992;Oliver1997). 8. Cassava squeezers,knowngenerally as tipitís (amongothernames)arelong,narrow,tubularbasketsconstructedwithadiagonalweave.Eachendhasstrong,loopedhandles,andoneendisleftopen.Theseitemswereusedtoprocessbittermanioc,arootfoodthatisdeadlyifthepoisonisnotleachedfromit.Therootisgratedintoamash,thesqueezeriscompressedfromeitherendtocreateawidespacetoloadthemash,andthenitishungfromatreebranch,opensideup.Aweightisoftenattachedtotheloopontheotherend.Thepoisonousliquidispressedoutasthebasketslowlyresumesitsoriginalshape.Theremainingflourcanbeusedinfoodstuffs.BittermaniocisusedbyindigenouspeoplesinSouthAmerica,andtheKalinagogrowittodayonDominicaindemonstrationgardens,but,Idonotknowanyonewhoeatsit.ItispossiblethatKalinagoancestorsdideatthistuberandmayhavehadsimilarbasketsforprocessingit. 9. Other examples of extralocal contact affecting identity occur in theKalinago community. Two examples include Kalinago participation in theCaribbeanOrganizationofIndigenousPeoples(COIP)(Hudepohl2002;Palacio2006)andculturalborrowing fromregional indigenouspopulations to recreatetraditionaldancing(Hudepohl2002).

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consuming culture: extralocal exchanges and kalinago

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