iv peasantry after the green revolution -...

CHAPTER – IV

PEASANTRY AFTER THE GREEN REVOLUTION

I

The introduction of high yielding varieties, use of fertilizers, pesticides, insecticides and

machinery in agriculture brought zsignificant changes in the agrarian economy of the

Punjab. The major changes were such as wheat-paddy rotation in the cropping pattern,

level of employment, income and farmer-farm workers relationship. There is no denying

the fact that the farming community in particular and agricultural population in general

benefited from the new agricultural strategy.

The success of the Green Revolution in Punjab has attracted lot of attention of the

researchers. Scholars belongings to different disciplines attempt to study the progress of

the Green Revolution and its implications. The discussion especially regarding the

distribution of benefits of Green Revolution has given rise to heated controversies.

Serious doubts have been raised regarding the impact of Green Revolution on the

peasantry and other classes allied to agriculture. It has been argued that the big farmers

benefited much more from the new technology as compared to the small and the marginal

farmers. It was also argued that only the big farmers who were in a position to afford the

new strategy package programme involving the use of high yielding varieties of seeds,

irrigation, fertilizers, pesticides etc benefited. Another set of scholars argue that though in

the initial year only rich farmers benefitted but over the period all rich, middle and small

farmers have reaped the fruits of the Green Revolution. Even the landless labour has

benefitted from the Green Revolution.1

1 See Francine R. Frankel, India’s Green Revolution : Economic Gains and Political Costs, p. 25-

26; Francine R. Frankel, India’s Political Economy, 1947-2004, pp. 582-583 ; G.S. Bhalla & G.K.

Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study of Income Distribution on Punjab

Agriculture”, in K.S Dhindsa and Anju Sharma, Dynamics of Agricultural Development, Land

Reforms, Growth and Equity, p. 155 ; S.S. Grewal and D.S. Sidhu, Prosperity of Punjab Farmers

– Reality or Myth?, Department of Economics and Sociology, Punjab Agricultural University,

Ludhiana, 1979, pp. 20-21 and G.R. Saini, “Green Revolution and the Distribution of Farm

Incomes”, Economic and Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture, Vol-XI, No. 13, March 27,

1976, p.A-17.

Peasantry After The Green Revolution Peasantry After The Green Revolution Peasantry After The Green Revolution Peasantry After The Green Revolution

122

There is another controversy that revolves around Green Revolution. It is often

argued that the Green Revolution has widened the gulf between the rich and poor

farmers. It has not only widened the income gaps, but has given rise to many other socio-

economic disparities i.e. in educational status, living standards and people’s perception.

The poor farmers and land less labourers have been pushed further backward.2

In 1983, G.S. Bhalla and G.K. Chadha, however concluded in Green Revolution

and the Small Peasants that the advent of the Green Revolution in Punjab has brought

overall prosperity to peasantry. Their argument is that as there was widespread

acceptance of new technology, all the classes of peasantry i.e. big, medium, small and

marginal farmers and agricultural labourers have reaped the benefits of Green

Revolution. But they have also concluded that about one-third of the marginal farmers,

one-fourth of the small farmers and about one-fifth of medium farmers were living below

poverty in the state as a whole.3

As far as gains to the agricultural workers are concerned, the majority agree that

money wages have increased. The bargaining position of the labourers have improved

considerably. The total income of labourers had increased by four fold in the Green

Revolution period because of more employment opportunities as a result of double

cropping pattern.4

There is, however difference of opinion regarding the trends in real wages. P.K.

Bardhan who has used data of Rural Labour Enquiries from 1964-65 to 1974-75 has

2 Similar kind arguments are given by Ramesh Kumar Lekhi, Technical Revolution in Agriculture :

A Case Study of Punjab, Classical Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1984, p.3 ; D.K. Gill & S.K.

Saini, “Social Implications of Green Revolution” in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds). Social,

Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution in India, pp. 60-61 ; Amarjit Singh,

“Maladies of Green Revolution”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.) p. 180 and Satish K.

Sharma, “Social Structure, Religious Pluralism and Violence in Punjab (Historical Roots)”, in

Gopal Singh (ed.) Punjab : Past, Present and Future, Ajanta Publications, Delhi, 1991, p.343.

3 G.S. Bhalla & G.K Chadha, Green Revolution and the Small Peasants - A Study of Income

Distribution in Punjab Cultivators, pp. 160-161. Also see, Mahesh V. Joshi, Green Revolution and

its Impacts, A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1999, p.13.

4 Partap C. Aggarwal, Green Revolution and Rural Labour – A Study in Ludhiana, Shri Ram Centre

for Industrial Relations and Human Resources, 1973, p.129. The author selected Ludhiana districts

of Punjab for this study. There is no doubt that Ludhiana occupies an outstanding position among

the Green Revolution districts. This study is based on data from three villages named Bhanguwal,

Gobindwal and Kalsi.


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concluded that the average daily earnings in agricultural operations by men belonging to

agricultural labour householders had declined by 12 percent in real terms for the whole of

India except in Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir and Karnataka.5

Deepak Lal has come to the conclusion that real wages increased very slowly over the

years i.e. between 1970-1979. According to him, the real wage rate actually fell down in

many states like Karnataka, Gujrat, Punjab and Tamil Nadu.6

It is now widely accepted that due to the creation of an assured irrigation base and

its fairly equitable distribution, all categories of cultivators have been able to gain

substantial increase in their output and income through the adoption of new technology.

Moreover, the benefits of the new technology have been gained more or less in

proportion to the initial land holding position. The Indian farmer has shown his

willingness to accept technical change in the pursuit of profit. He nullified the age-long

criticism against him that he is backward, traditional and unresponsive to the price and

productivity incentives. Wolf Ladejinsky remarked, “Where the ingredients for the new

technology are available, no farmer denies their effectiveness. The desire for better

farming methods and a better standard of living is growing not only among the relatively

small number of the affluent using the new technology but also among countless farmers

still from the outside looking in”.7

AGRARIAN CLASSES

The peasantry in the Punjab is not a homogenous class. It can be divided in to

number of classes. Punjab is a land of big peasants, middle and small peasant, occupancy

tenants, tenants at will and agricultural labourers. The different strata have different

problems, needs, perspectives and level of class consciousness.

In the rural society of the pre-partition Punjab also there were many categories

between the rural rich and the rural poor. Tenants and agricultural labourers were at the

5 P.K. Bardhan, Land, Labour and Rural Poverty, Ajanta Publications, New Delhi, 1984, p. 189.

6 Deepak Lal, “Treads in Real Wages in Rural India, 1970-1980”, in T.N. Srinivasan and Pranab K.

Bardhan (eds.), Rural Poverty in South Asia, New Delhi, 1980, p. 290.

7 Wolf Ladejinsky, “How Green is the Indian Green Revolution”, Economic and Political Weekly,

December, 1973, p.A-134.


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lowest rung of the rural Punjab. They were the most oppressed and exploited sections of

the society. The landowners themselves were different in regards to their status and

possession of land.8 Most of the categories continued in the post-independence Punjab but

situation started changing after the introduction of land reforms. There was some leveling

among the agricultural classes but peasantry is still not a homogeneous class. Various

categories of farmers have been categorized by different scholars.9

For my present study, I have divided peasantry into the following categories

according the land holdings.

Similar kind of division has been done by most of the scholars and Government

publications. For my present discussion, I have discussed the big and the middle farmers

8 Himadri Banerjee, “Changes in Agrarian Society in the late Nineteenth Century”, in Indu Banga

(ed.) Five Punjabi Centuries, pp. 333-334.

9 G.S. Bhalla and G.K. Chadha have categorized the farmers as per the land holdings i.e. Marginal

peasants with operational holdings* up to 2.5 acres, small peasants with operational holdings

between 2.5 – 4.99 acres, large middle peasants with operational holdings between 5.00-7.49

acres, Upper middle peasants with operational holding between 7.50-12.49 acres, big peasants

with operational holdings between 12.50 to 24.99 acres and very big peasants with operational

holdings 25 acres and more. See G.S. Bhalla and G.K. Chadha, Green Revolution and the Small

Peasants, pp. 28-29. Holly Sims has defined small peasants as those with up to 5 hectares,

medium peasants owning 5-10 hectares and large peasants owned more than 10 hectares. See,

Holly Sims, Political Regimes, Public Policy and Economic Development, pp. 62-63. As per the

Statistical Abstract of Punjab the farmers are categorized as under :

Category of Farmers Land in possession

Marginal Less than 1 Hectare (upto 2.5 acres)

Small 1-2 Hectares ()

Semi Medium 2-4 Hectares (5 – 10 acres)

Medium 4-10 Hectares (10-25 acres)

Large Above 10 Hectares (More than 25 acres).

* Operational land holdings means which operated under one management, although there may be

more than one ownership interest involved in this.

Category of Farmer Land in possession

Marginal Less than 1 Hectare (upto 2.5 acres)

Small 1-2 Hectares (2.5 – 5.0 acres)

Semi Medium 2-4 Hectares (5 – 10 acres)

Medium 4-10 Hectares (10-25 acres)

Large Above 10 Hectares (More than 25 acres)


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and similarly the small and the marginal as groups. This has been done on the assumption

that these groups share many commonalities and often there are over lappings of one

category into another category. There is much common among them at the social level

also. It becomes difficult to put them into water tight compartments.

THE MIDDLE AND THE BIG FARMERS

Medium peasantry is defined in terms of those cultivators who hold the land

holdings between 5 to 25 acres. Big cultivators cover those households whose land

holdings are above 25 acres. For agricultural operations, middle section of the peasantry

depends partly on hired labour, both permanent and seasonal and partly on their family

labour. On the other hand, the big cultivators generally cultivate land under their personal

supervision usually with hired labour. They also make maximum use of mechanical

farming.

After independence, the Government introduced land reforms nearly in all the

states of the country. The reforms succeeded to large extent in abolishing the tax-farming

system and consolidation of landholdings in certain states, especially Punjab, where land

was given to tiller. But, they partly failed to implement land ceilings. The failure in the

implementation of land ceiling acts became an important factor in the emergence of big

and middle farmers as the dominant class in peasantry.10

In the post-Green Revolution Punjab, the pre eminent position was enjoyed by the

middle and the upper middle peasants. This section owned 65.41 percent area of the

operational holdings in 1995-1996. They form nearly one-fourth to one-third of the

owning and operating households but command over 50 to 60 percent of the total area.

10 See, Chapter-II, pp. 48-50 for the failure of the Punjab Government in the implementation of Land

Ceilings Acts. Dr. Pavte who was the Governor of Punjab from 1967 to 1973 remarked that

despite the enactment of Ceiling Act, 1972, about 500 families in Punjab owned and cultivated

200-1000 standard acres. It was possible only with the help of politicians and local officers, D.C.

Pavte, My Days as Governor, Vikas Publishers, 1974, Delhi, pp. 83 & 227. Paul Brace, The

Politics of India Since Independence, Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 331. Also see, G.S.

Bhalla, “Political Economy Since Independence”, in Indu Banga (ed.) Five Punjabi Centuries :

Polity, Economy, Society and Culture C. 1500-1900 A.D., p. 384.


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Middle level peasantry, both in number and area has been continuously dominating in the

Punjab’s agrarian structure. 11

The new agricultural technology benefitted the big farmers because they were

capable of making heavy investments in the forms of fertilizers, tube wells, agricultural

machinery and other required output. It was an important factor in strengthening the

position of the big farmers. The Government policies such as easy credit, price supports

and subsidizes on fertilizers, water, electricity, also helped the rich farmers more than the

marginal.12

The big farmers benefitted more from the new agricultural strategy because they

possessed the necessary resources to adopt the new technology and capacity to bear risks

and uncertainties involved in shifting to new varieties and methods of cultivation. As the

success of the new agricultural technology depends on the adequate availability of credit,

market requirement and size of holding, so, it was the big farmers who gained more from

the Green Revolution.13

During my interviews with rich farmers it was found out that educated farmers

who had large holdings were the bigger gainers of the Green Revolution in the early

years. When the new seeds arrived, they were the first ones to know about them and

approach the Agriculture University in time. They also had connections and were given

more seeds than the others. Many of them became the seed suppliers in the early years of

the Green Revolution. They themselves say that they minted money and bought land with

money in less fertile areas. They brought those lands under cultivation and made more

money.14

11 Manjit Kaur, Milkho Kaur & P.S. Rangi, “Small Farmers : Their Problems and Possibilities of

Development in Punjab State”, Political Economy Journal of India, Vol. 10, No. 1, January –

June, 2001, pp. 59-60 ; G.S. Bhalla, “Political Economy Since Independence”, In Indu Banga

(ed.), Five Punjabi Centuries, pp. 381-382 and G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic

Transformation, p. 345.

12 Sucha Singh Gill, “Socio Economic Contradictions Underlying Punjab Crisis” in Gopal Singh

(ed.), Punjab: Past, Present and Future, pp. 293-294 ; Paul Brace, The Politics of India Since

Independence, p.330 and G.S. Bhalla, “Political Economy Since Independence”, pp. 384-385.

13 C. Muthiah, “The Green Revolution- Participation by Small Versus Large Farmers”, Indian

Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3, July-September, 1981, p. 53. Also see,

Bipan handra, India After Independence, 1947-2001, p. 416.

14 Interview with Mota Singh Chabhal ,Surjit Singh Chabhal, Gurbans Jasinder Singh.


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The price subsidization of agricultural inputs including fertilizers, irrigation,

seeds, electricity, credit and insurance has been a common practice in the developing

countries. In India, too, the agricultural sector received large subsidies on account of

fertilizers, power, irrigation and credit. The rich Punjabi peasant has been the major

beneficiary of the subsidies. As he uses relatively more of the modern agricultural inputs,

therefore, he has benefitted more. Punjab received Rs. 7,162 million as annual subsidy

during the 1980s.15

It is now a well accepted fact that the maximum benefits of subsidization of inputs

is reaped by large and medium farmers, who possess the capacity to buy inputs at higher

prices. More recently, the big and the middle farmers are also enjoying free or highly

subsidized electricity. It was thought that this would stimulate agricultural production.

Though these subsidies were launched to help the small farmers, but the real beneficiary

have been well to do farmers who have their own water resources mainly electrical tube

wells. They consume the lion’s share of electricity. Actually, it has become an

impediment to agricultural growth and has saddled State Electricity Board with

unbearable loss. It has severely affected its ability to add to generation capacity and

improving distribution. As a result, irregular voltages and entirely inadequate power

supply has actually resulted in burdening the farmer even more. They have to either make

alternative arrangements to save their crops or to accept the loss due to inadequate power

supply.16

Favourable price policy since the establishment of the Agricultural Price

Commission in the mid-1960 was another important factor in the rapid growth of

agriculture in India, particularly Punjab. From 1967-68 to 1985-86, the procurement price

of wheat paid by the Food Corporation of India rose from 104 to 152 percent of the

average cost of production. The procurement price for paddy ranged between 107 to 124

15 G.S. Bhalla, “Political Economy Since Independence”, in Indu Banga (ed.) Five Punjabi

Centuries : Polity, Economy, Society and Culture C. 1500-1900 A.D., p. 391.

16 K.M. Prasad, India’s Rural Problems, p. 176 ; “The Looming Crisis in Indian Agriculture,”

Agriculture Today, August, 2005, pp. 16-18 and Karam Singh, “Agricultural Development of

Punjab, Entrapped in Bitter Economic Environment, Needs Massive Investments and Overhauls”

in R.S. Bawa & P.S. Raikhy & Paramjit Kaur Dhindsa (eds.), Globalization and Punjab Economy

: Issues in Agriculture and Small Scale Industry, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 2007, pp.

157-158.


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percent of the average cost. The peasantry of Punjab that produced large quantity of

wheat, rice and cotton for the market were the major beneficiaries of the new price

policy. Among the different categories of the farmers, the medium and the large farmers

were the major beneficiaries of the Government price policy because they have large

quantity of marketable surplus.17

In the pre-Green Revolution period, the middle and the rich peasantry used to

employ siris18 in the Malwa belt. A rich farmer with large size holding, and having two

pairs of bullocks usually employed two or three siris. They were given 1/10th to 1/15

th of

the produce by the landowners. Sometimes, landowners gave them interest free loan and

other facilities. In the post-Green Revolution period, the practice of employing siris

among the middle and the big peasantry is becoming less common. Now, farmers find it

more profitable to appoint permanent or casual hired labour.19

The big farmers use large number of hired labourers. By the virtue of their status,

education and temperament, they do not involve their family labour in agriculture

activities. They also hire labour for animal husbandry. They only perform supervisory or

management tasks in their holdings. The youth from big farming families has stopped

doing manual labour. They limit themselves to playing tractors and attending to other

machines. In many agricultural families, hired labour attend even to these jobs.20

It is well known that the biggest gainers of the Green Revolution were large

farmers who were able to fully exploit the capital intensive technology made available

17 G.S. Bhalla, “Punjab Agriculture and its Development”, pp.242-243. Also see, Paul Brace, The

Politics of India Since Independence, p. 317.

18 Siris were the attached labour mostly from Scheduled Castes on a yearly fixed payment. The

practice to employ siris very common in the Malwa belt in the pre-Green Revolution Period. Siris

got 1/5th to 1/6

th of the produce if tilled land with a single pair of bullocks and 1/10

th to 1/15

th of

the produce if tilled land by two or more pairs of bullocks. Siris were also required to pay their

share of input costs in the same proportion.

19 M.S. Dhami, “Caste, Class and Politics in the Rural Punjab: A Study of Two Villages in Sangrur

District” in Paul Wallace & Surendra Chopra (eds.) Political Dynamics and Crisis in Punjab, pp.

234-235.

20 A survey was carried out in 15 villages of District Hoshiarpur and 15 villages of District

Gurdaspur. This fact came to my notice and was confirmed by my interviews with middle and big

farmers. The villages under the survey were Rajpura Garhi, Ranga, Allubhatti, Nathuwal, Sahota,

Pherojpur, Bhangala, Talwandi, Mehmoodpur Batala, Kolpur, Hardo Khundpur, Khushi Nagar,

Mansar, Behalan and Jandwal of Distt. Hoshiarpur and of Saidonwal Kalan, Munnana Khurd,

Gunjian, Bhattian, Rasoolpur, Milwan, Gunnopur, Khanne, Bhandiyal, Chawa, Shale, Kulian,

Pachhwalan, Jagowal and Darapur of Distt. Gurdaspur.


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through the Green Revolution. They also became politically supreme. The centre of their

activities both political and economic is outside the rural areas. A large number of the big

farmers invest their surpluses generated from agriculture in the urban areas. They have

invested their resources mainly in transport, hotels and other entertainment business like

cinema houses etc. A few of the large farmers have also entered in the industrial sector.

This has led to total lack of investment of agricultural surpluses in the rural area. Most of

the big farmers have shifted their children and even their residence to big cities.

THE SMALL AND THE MARGINAL FARMERS

The small farmer is defined in terms of average size of the farm, i.e. those who

own below two hectares i.e. five acres of land. Those below one hectare are considered to

be the marginal farmers.21

Punjab is a land of small farmers. About 33 percent of farmers belong to small

and marginal categories of peasantry.22 In the post Green Revolution period, it was

observed that the size of the ownership holding had progressively diminished. Firstly, due

to the high rate of population growth and secondly, laws of succession were also

responsible for the sub-division and fragmentation of holdings. As a result, a large

proportion of the farming community was forced to depend upon almost uneconomical

size of holdings. Many of the small and marginal farmers are not in a position to adopt

the new agricultural technology to ensure high productivity. They are forced to depend on

21 Report of the APO Symposium on Impact of the Changing Economy on Small Farmers held in

Tokyo from 9 to 15 September, 1998, N.K. Nair (ed.), Impact of the Changing Economy on Small

Farmers in Asia and the Pacific, Asian Productivity Organisation, Tokyo, 2001, p.1. A.M. Khusro

has observed that under Indian conditions, holdings of less than five acres are considered to be too

small to constitute either a minimum plough unit or a minimum work unit or an income unit and

they are taken to be uneconomic because they do not provide for adequate family employment or

adequate bullock employment and do not generate surpluses over and above farm family

requirements. See, A.M. Khushro, “An Approach to Farm Planning Among Small Farmers”,

Seminar cum-workshop On Problems of Farm Production, Planning and Programming, Seminar

Series IV. Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, Bombay, 1964, pp. 105-106.

22 Manjit Kaur, Milkho Kaur and P.S. Rnagi, “Small Farmers : Their Problems and Possibilities of

Development in Punjab State”, Political Economy Journal of India, Vol. 10 No. 1. January-June,

2001, p. 59.


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non agricultural earnings as a part of livelihood. Some of their earning from other sources

go into agriculture.23

It has often been argued that as small and marginal farmers did not posses enough

financial capital, the Green Revolution has not been very helpful to them. It has widened

the gap between the large and small farmers. In view of C. Muthiah, Ladjasaiky,

Freebairn, Frankel, Poleman and Pearse, the high yielding varieties programme is

responsible for widening the gap between the small and large farmers. According to

them, the large farmers possess the necessary resources to adopt the new technology.

They also have the capacity to bear risks and uncertainties involved in shifting to new

varieties and methods of cultivation in comparison to small farmers.24

Some writers like R.N. Ghosh and Tirath Singh believe that the small farmers and

agricultural labourers have benefitted more from the Green Revolution than the large

landowners. They argue that contrary to misgiving and popular misconceptions, farm size

was not a hindrance to technological changes. The high yielding seed varieties were

adopted by the small farmers almost as fast as large farmers. The demand for labour

increased under the new agricultural strategy. The small farmers were able to maximize

the benefits of Green Revolution by using their idle family labour.25

However, all of them agree that the High Yielding Varieties Programme was an

important tool that improved the economic conditions of the small farmers. The small

23 Dinesh Chandra,”Crucial Agriculture Problems Facing Small Farmers”, Political Economy

Journal of India, Vol. 10 No.1. p.1 ; A.S. Kahlon, “Modernization of Punjab” p.120 and K. Rajan,

“Indian Agriculture : Challenges Ahead”, Yojna, 15 August, 1993, p. 48.

24 C. Muthiah, “The Green Revolution-Participation by Small vs Large Farmers” Indian Journal of

Agricultural Economics, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3, July-September, 1981, p.53 ; Francine R. Frankel,

India’s Green Revolution, Economic Gains and Political Costs,, p.23 ; Francine R. Frankel,

India’s Political Economy, 1947-77, pp, 335-340 ; Donald K. Freebairn, “Income Disparities in

the Agricultural Sector : Regional and Institutional Stresses” in T.T. Poleman and Donald K.

Freebarin (eds,), Food, Population and Employment : The Impact of the Green Revolution,

Preagar, New York, 1973, pp. 107-109, Wolf Ladjasiky, “ The Green Revolution in Punjab : A

Field Trip”, Economic and Political Weekly, June 28, 1969, p. A. 73-79, T. I Poleman, “Food and

Population in Historical Perspective”, T.T. Poleman and Donald K. Freebairn (eds.), Food,

Population and Employment : The Impact of Green Revolution, p. 15 and Andrew Pearse, Seeds of

Plenty, Seeds of Want : Social and Economic Implications of Green Revolution, Clarendon Press,

Oxford, 1980, pp. 116-119..

25 R.N. Ghosh, Agriculture and Economic Development with Special Reference to Punjab, p.107-

108. Also see, Tirath Singh, Impact of Farm Technology on Income Distribution and Agricultural

Development in Punjab, unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, Punjab University Chandigarh, 1983, pp. 308-

309.


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farmers cultivated their lands intensively. As the new agricultural technology is labour

intensive, it provided an opportunity to small and marginal farmers to convert their idle

labour into increased earnings. Moreover, the new high yielding varieties of crops

demand more personal care and management. The small farmers could take better and

proper care of their small farms. On the other side, the large farmers had many limitations

such as social status, education and temperament. Expenditure on seeds, manure and

fertilizers, maintenance of bullocks, diesel, electricity, hiring of implements and other

items vary in different categories of the farmers.26 The small and marginal farmers used

to spend a large share of their income on bullocks. In the post-Green Revolution period,

the introduction of tractors displaced the bullocks. The custom of hire service, helped the

small farmers to save the cost of maintaining a pair of bullocks. It also helped to reduce

the area under fodder. In the pre-Green Revolution period, these farmers had to lease

their land to others. Now instead of leasing their land they got it cultivated by tractors.

This has weakened the old custom of share cropping. However, the marginal farmers are

spending slightly less on per acre application of manures and fertilsers.27

Irrigation facilities have been enjoyed equally by all the categories of Punjab

peasantry. Even, during the mid-fifties, the small holders improved their position with the

canal irrigation. However, middle sized holdings enjoyed slightly superior position.

Many of the small farmers have tube wells of their own. The rest, share the surplus

capacity through a hire exchange system. Some tube wells were jointly owned by two or

26 B.K. Choudhary, “Disparity in Income in the Context of High Yielding Variety”, Economic and

Political Weekly, Vol. V. No. 39, September 26, 1970, p.A-91. Also see, B.D. Talib & A. Majid,

“The Small Farmers of Punjab”, Economic and Political Weekly, June, 1976, p. A-43 ; Himmat

Singh, Green Revolution – Reconsidered, p. 157 and C. Muthiah, “The Green Revolution-

Participation by Small vs Large Farmers”, pp.57-58. B.D. Talib and A. Majir conducted a survey

in the state in 1973. Six investigators including the authors spent about four months in the villages.

They covered all the 12 districts of Punjab. Instead of selecting a large number of villages and

surveying them quickly, they selected only one from each district and spent more time in it.

Besides gathering, impressions they selected 10 small farmers in each village and interviewed.

Selection was done with the help of knowledgeable persons, especially Kisan Sabha activists. The

finding of the survey were that the Green Revolution has benefited the small and the marginal

farmers also. With the help of the family labour, this category of peasantry could take proper care

of their small farms and successfully increased their family income.

27 G.S. Bhalla and G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study of Income

Distribution in Punjab Agriculture” in K.S. Dhindsa & Anju Sharma (eds.), Dynamics of

Agricultural Development, Land Reforms, Growth and Equity, p.161 and Green Revolution – The

Unfinished Task, Centre for the Study of Social Change, Minervira Associates Publications,

Calcutta, 1974, p. 93.


132

three small farmers. From the production point of view, small farmers practice multiple

cropping to a much larger extent than all the higher categories on the irrigated land. The

assured availability of their family labour may be regarded as a major contributory factor.

Small and marginal farmers also take loan for productive purposes.28

In the post-Green Revolution period, the small and marginal farmers have

adjusted their cropping patterns fully to the opportunities available to them. Under the

new agricultural technology, a small land area is not a special disadvantage nor is a large

land area an extra advantage in the choice of crop combination. As a result, the marginal

and small farmers of Punjab are quite close to the medium and large farmers because of

their equally strong irrigation base.29

The small and marginal farmers of the Punjab are doing everything possible to

follow the medium and large farmers in the matter of production technology even in their

limited land area. They try to increase their income by non-farm sources. Marginal and

small farmers get 60 to 70 percent income from non-farm sources. Dairying constitutes

the most important source of non-farm income among the small and marginal farmers.30

A strong tendency has also developed among the small and marginal land holders

to lease out some land and resort to part time farming. They have been supplementing

their income from outside the farm. Even large agricultural holders are sending out some

members of the family in the secondary and tertiary sectors to increase farm incomes. As

a result of all these development in Punjab agriculture, operational size of all other farm

size groups has tended to increase except for the marginal holdings.31

It was found out during my survey that the small and the marginal farmers of

Punjab did not lag much behind the big farmers in adopting the new agricultural strategy.

They have improved farm practices like big farmers. Initially their rate of participation

28 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation – The Case Study of Punjab, 1950-

85, pp. 73-74. Also see, B.D. Talib and A Majid, “The Small Farmers of Punjab”, p. A-43.

29 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation – The Case Study of Punjab, 1950-

85, pp. 110-111. Also see, G.S. Bhalla and G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small

Peasant – A Study of Income Distribution in Punjab Agriculture” pp.157-158.

30 Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions – Reconsidered, pp. 166-168. Also see, G.S.Bhalla and G.K.

Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study of Income Distribution in Punjab

Agriculture” pp. 85-89.

31 A.S. Kahlon, Modernization of Punjab Agriculture, pp.120-121.


133

had been much lower for variety of reasons. In the initial years of the Green Revolution it

was the more innovative and enterprising groups of the peasantry that came forward. But

after sometimes, others also started using better seeds, fertilizers, insecticides, pesticides,

improved irrigation facilities and modern technology for farming. It was also found out

that the economic conditions of the small and marginal farmers has improved.32

TENANCY AND THE GREEN REVOLUTION

Tenants are of two types such as occupancy tenants and tenants-at-will. As

mentioned earlier in chapter III, according to the Punjab Tenancy Act, 1887, any tenant

who at the time of commencement of this Act, held land more than two generations or

had settled in a village along with the founder of the village and occupied the land since

then or on the 21st day of October, 1868, continuously and did not pay the rent more than

the amount of the revenue was bestowed with occupancy rights. A tenant-at- will

cultivated the land of the land owners and bore the cost of cultivation. Under the British

rule, batai system or share cropping was largely prevalent among the tenants-at-will in

the Punjab. Under the system one half of the crop was paid to the landowner. The tenant

also paid half of the revenue and half of the water charges. No legal protection was

granted to the tenants-at-will as regards security of tenure or fixing of rent was

concerned. If the tenant-at-will required money on loan, the terms and conditions of the

loan were unfavorable to him. He could not offer land as security. In the post-

independence period of Punjab, the share cropping system started disintegrating. From

1955 to 1964, the number of registered tenants declined from 583,400 to 80,500. 33

32 A survey has been carried out in the 15 villages of Gurdaspur (Saidonwal Kalan, Munnana Khurd,

Gunjian, Bhattian, Rasoolpur, Milwan, Gunnopur, Khanne, Bhandiyal, Chawa, Shale, Kulian,

Pachhwalan, Jagowal and Darapur ) and Hoshiarpur (Rajpura Garhi, Ranga, Allubhatti, Nathuwal,

Sahota, Pherojpur, Bhangala, Talwandi, Mehmoodpur, Kolpur, Hardo Khundpur, Khush Nagar,

Mansar, Behalan and Jandwal) districts. Information was received from 50 farmers of each

category i.e. big and medium; small and marginal and agricultural labourers. These farmers were

those who had witnessed the Green Revolution in 1970s and 1980s. During the survey various

types of questions were asked (i.e. Seeds for High Yielding Varieties, Fertilizers, Irrigation,

Mechanization, Cropping pattern, Labour and their Economical conditions).

33 See Report of the Punjab Provincial Banking Enquiry Committee, 1929-30, Vol. I, 1930, p. 31;

Mridula Mukherjee, Colonialising Agriculture – The Myth of Punjab Exceptionalism , p.120 and

Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj (1849-1947), Manohar Publisher, New Delhi, 1988, p.15. Also see,

Sunil Sen, “Agrarian Changes in Punjab”, in Varinder Grover (ed.) The Story of Punjab :

Yesterday and Today, 1995, pp.108-109 and Dalip S. Swamy, “Agricultural Tenancy in the


134

The new agricultural strategy encouraged owner cultivation. Even educated

farmers started cultivating land themselves. The second reason was the abolition of Ala

Malikiyat and Talukdari Rights Act in 1952 and 1954. According to these Acts, all

proprietary rights of superior landowners were abolished.34 Imposition of ceiling on land

holdings, consolidation of holdings and fixation of rent in respect of land given to

tenants-at-will and restrictions imposed on their ejectment also encouraged the owner

cultivation. In 1970-71, 89.42% of the land was cultivated by land owners themselves

and only 10.48% was under the cultivation of tenancy. Earlier small land owners would

take some land on lease to increase their family incomes and to enlarge the operational

holding units.35

The decade of 1970s brought major changes in the land relations of Punjab. The

area cultivated by pure tenants declined from 7.4% in 1970-71 to 0.8% in 1980-81.

Punjab agriculture continued to be dominated by owner cultivation. Ownership holdings

increased from 80.81% in 1970-71 to 82.30% in 1980-81 but there was decline in the

area operated from 82.41% to 78.77%. There was 97.5% increase in the owner-cum-

tenant holdings during the same period.36

To give land on rent remained common only amongst such landowners as

widows, minors, landowners in military and civil services and suffering from some

physical or mental disabilities. Only in a very insignificant number of cases, land owners

gave their lands on rent for enjoying the city life or to sit idle.37

In 1980-81, there was rise in the proportion of holdings as well as the area

operated in the categories of medium, large and extra large holdings. On the other hand,

there was decline in the proportion of number and area of wholly or partially rented

1970s”, Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 43, No. 4, October-December, 1988, p.

565.

34 Report of the Third Agricultural Census, 1970-71 C. July 1970 to June 1971, p. 58.

35 A. Vidyanathan, “Agrarian Relations in the Context of New Agricultural Technology : An Issue

Paper”, Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol.49, No. 3, July-September, 1994, p. 321.

Also see, G. Parthasarthy, “Land Reforms and the Changing Agrarian Structure”, in Uma Kapila

(ed.), Indian Economy Since Independence, Vol. I, p. 141.

36 Sucha Singh Gill, “Changing of Land Relations of Punjab and Implications for Land Reforms”, in

K.S. Dhindsa & Anju Sharma (eds) – Dynamics of Agricultural Development, pp. 115-116.

37 Report of the Third Agriculture Census, 1970-1971, p.91.


135

holdings. It concentrated in the category of marginal and small holdings. It was reverse

tenancy. This indicated that tenancy was shifting from small operators to large operators.

Actually, land has been shifting from the small holders to large holders, a capitalist

dimension of agrarian structure of Punjab.38

A large percentage of tenants are big cultivators with a substantial land area of

their own, fully equipped with modern production assets, entrepreneurial skills and high

commercial status. These capitalist farmers have entered the land lease market in a big

way. They try to get more land through the lease market to achieve the optimal utilization

of their capital stock.39 The extent of reverse tenancy is quite high in south-western parts

of Punjab where holdings are large. The number of tractors is also more than in other

parts of Punjab. The production efficiency in leased area was found to be as good as that

of owned area. The Green Revolution gave a big push to the growth of capitalistic

farming. It strengthened the tendency towards more and more concentration of land in the

hands of efficient farmers.40

In fact, the marginal farmers are giving up farming. An important factor in the

decline in proportion of marginal holdings during nineties is to the reason that the

marginal owner farmers are leasing their land to others as they have little scope for

38 During my survey I was told and also observed that share cropping system has disappeared. There

was increase in the owner-cum-tenant holdings in the post-Green Revolution period. Tenancy has

shifted from the small farmers to big farmers. A large percentage of tenants are big cultivators

with substantial land area of their own and fully equipped with modern assets. The marginal

farmers are giving up farming. They are leasing their lands to others. They no longer depend upon

the income from land only. They are also driving income from non-farm sources, such as dairy,

poultry, pensions, salaries etc. See, Sucha Singh Gill’ “Changing Land Relations of Punjab and

Implications for Land Reforms”, in K.S. Dhindsa and Anju Sharma (eds.), Dynamic of

Agricultural Development, pp.116-117. Also see, Dinesh Chandra, “Crucial Agriculture Problems

Facing Small Farmers”, Political Economy Journal of India, Vol. 10, No. 1, July-December,

2001, p. 1.

39 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation, pp. 226-227. Also see Indradeep

Sinha, “Development af Agricultural Production and Agrarian Relations during the Seventies”, in

Y.V. Krishna Rao, G. Parthasarthy, C.H. Rajeshwara Rao, M. Yadava Reddy and Waheeduddin

Khan (eds.) Peasant Farming and Growth of Capitalism in Indian Agriculture, pp. 174-175 and

A. Vaidyanathan, “Agrarian Relations in the Context of New Agriculture Technology : An Issues

Paper”, p. 321

40 G.S. Bhalla, “Punjab Agriculture and its Development”, in K.P Kaliranjan, G. Maythili and U.

Shankar (eds.), Accelerating Growth through Globalization of Indian Agriculture, p. 232 ;

Indradeep Sinha, “Development af Agricultural Production and Agrarian Relations During the

Seventies”, in Y.V. Krishna Rao, G. Parthasarthy, C.H. Rajeshwara Rao, M. Yadava Reddy and

Waheeduddin Khan (eds.) Peasant Farming and Growth of Capitalism in Indian Agriculture,

pp.166-167 and R.N. Soni, Leading Issues in Agricultural Economics, pp. 450-451.


136

improving their incomes from small holdings.41 It has created a class of gentleman

farmers comprising ex-serviceman, retired civil servants and urban based businessman

who have adopted agriculture as an industry. It has increased inequalities among different

classes of farmers and turned out to be essentially favorable to already rich. It created a

new class of land grabbers in Punjab as well as other parts of India.42

THE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS AND THE GREEN REVOLUTION

The Agricultural labourer refer to that group of rural population which earn their

income by working on land belonging to others. They may be paid their wages in cash or

in kind. The National Commission on labour regards agricultural workers as one who is

basically unskilled and unorganized and has nothing but physical labour to exert. The

major part of the income of such workers comes from wages for work on land.43 In the

census of 1961, those agricultural workers were taken as agriculture labour whose main

sources of income was through wage earning. Similarly, in the Census of 1971, emphasis

was given in main on activity of those who work on another’s fields against which

payment was taken as agriculture labour. Thus, agricultural workers can be considered as

all those who work in the agricultural sector on wages, or those who work as wage-

labourer for a large part of the year, i.e. whose incomes is derived mainly from wage

labour in agriculture.44

The National Commission on Labour divided agricultural workers into two major

groups. Under the first group there are two categories. Permanent labourers and casual

labourers. Permanent labourers are those who are permanently attached to big landlords.

Their relations with the landowner are dependent on some sort of contract. Their wages

are fixed by custom or tradition. They are not free to work anywhere. Others are casual

labourers who are engaged only during the period of heavy work. Their appointment is

41 Manjit Kaur, Milkho Kaur & P.S. Rangi, “Small Farmers : Their Problems and Possibilities of

Development in Punjab State”, p. 59 and Punjab Development Report, 2002, p. 113. Also see,

Dinesh Chandra, ”Crucial Agricultural Problems Facing Small Farmers”, p.1.

42 K.N. Prasad, India’s Rural Problems, p.177.

43 Report of the National Commission on Labour cited in S.K. Malhotra, Dynamics of Punjab

Economy. Modern Publishers, Jalandhar, l986, p. 180.

44 Ibid. p.180.


137

temporary. They are paid according the market rate. They are free to leave the job any

time as they desire. They get their wages for the art of work done by them.45

The second group of labourers are small farmers. They are divided into three

categories such as marginal farmers, share croppers and tenants. Marginal farmers are

those who possess very little land. Consequently they work on the fields of others as

labourers beside working on their own fields. Share croppers are those who till the land

of others on share cropping basis and also work as agricultural labourer. Tenants are

those who have leased land but also work as labourers on other’s farms.46 After the Green

Revolution many of the big farmers started self cultivation as it was more profitable.

They evicted tenants from their holdings. As a result, a large number of tenants and share

croppers have lost their land and have been compelled to join the rank of agricultural

labourers.47

Agricultural labourers are not a new category. They have been there much before

the commercialization of agriculture was started by the British. In many parts of the

Punjab ploughing was regarded as degraded occupation among the high caste

landowners. As cultivation was not done by higher castes, it was left to lower castes to

cultivate. Himadri Banerjee gives evidence of existence of agricultural labourers in the

rural society of Punjab in the first half of the nineteenth century. They were mainly

recruited from the lowest social categories of people.48 It was the most exploited and

oppressed class in the rural hierarchy of India. They were compelled to perform all types

of ‘begar’ on the land owner’s land and house. They were the victims of social

discrimination and economic exploitation.49 Even after independence the condition of

45 S.K. Malhotra, Dynamics of Punjab Economy, p.180. Also see, Mohan Prasad & Hari Devi

Gagneja, Rural Economics, pp. 35-36.

46 S.K. Malhotra, Dynamics of Punjab Economy, pp180-181. Also see, Mohan Prasad & Hari Devi

Gagneja, Rural Economics, pp. 35-36.

47 D.N. Dhanagare, “Green Revolution and Social Inequalities in Rural India”, Economic and

Political Weekly, Annual Number, May, 1987, p. AN-139. Also see, Bipan Candra, India After

Independence, p. 417.

48 Himadri Banerjee, “Agricultural Labourers in Punjab C Late Nineteenth Century” in Reeta

Grewal & Sheena Pall (eds.), Pre Colonial and Colonial Punjab : Society, Economy, Politics and

Culture, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 307-308. Also see, Mridula Mukherjee,

Colonializing Agriculture – The Myth of Punjab Exceptionalism, p.131.

49 Himadri Banerjee, Agrarian Society of the Punjab, pp. 176-177.


138

agricultural workers did not change much. They still were the most disadvantaged

economic group. Their wages remained low, conditions of work hard and one sided and

employment frequently irregular. The level of living condition from their earning from

agricultural labour was very poor.50

Historically, the number of agricultural labourers in Punjab has always been

small. In 1901, the proportion of agricultural labourers compared to the entire body of

agricultural workers was 8.1 percent. Even after independence, the proportion of

agricultural labourers remained very small. It was only after the 1960s that there was a

phenomenal rise in the number of agricultural labourers. From 1961 to 1991, the

percentage of agricultural labourers compared to total main worker for the entire country

increased from 16.70 percent to 26.15 percent. In Punjab, it increased from 9.65 percent

to 23.31 percent during the same period. However, in Punjab, there has been a very low

participation of females as agricultural labourers. This is different from rest of India. In

Punjab, males constituted 93.78 percent of agricultural labourers while female formed a

meager 6.22 percent.51

The Green Revolution has provided some relief to the agricultural labourers. It

has benefited not only the landowners but also the farm workers. The overall

mechanization of farm economy has pushed up the employment opportunities and

increased the wages of agricultural labourers. During the Green Revolution upsurge

period from 1967 to 1973, the wage rate of agricultural field worker and skilled worker

increased by little more than 100 percent.52

Intensive farming generated demand for more farm labour. Use of labour in per

cropped acre has been increased due to increase in intensive irrigation, changes in

cropping pattern, higher use of inputs such as fertilizers, insecticides and herbicides.

More labour was required for harvesting, thrashing and transplanting the crops. The shift

50 Daniel and Alice Thorner, Land and Labour of India, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962, p.

173.

51 Punjab Human Development Report, Government of India, New Delhi, 2009, p. 168.

52 J.L. Sharma, “The Impact Green Revolution on Income and Employment in Punjab”, in B.S.

Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution,

pp. 166-167. Also see, M.S. Randhawa, Green Revolution in Punjab, Punjab Agricultural

University, Ludhiana, 1975, p.44 and Francine R. Frankel, India’s Green Revolution : Economic

Gains and Political Costs, pp. 37-38.


139

from grazing crops to fodder cultivation, better sowing methods, increase in weeding due

to irrigation and use of fertilizers and better field preparations further increased the labour

demand.53 The increase in labour demand could not be met by the local labour supply

resulting in periodic labour shortage. Another reason for the short supply of labour force

was that the sons’ of landless workers have started entering into other professions and

skilled jobs. They were less interested in working on farms as unskilled labourers. The

shortage in labour supply during sowing and reaping is being partially filled up by the

migrant labour from Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar.54

In the initial years, tractors did displace labour at the time of sowing and tractor

driven implements helped the farmers in rapidly clearing and re-planting of the land for

multiple crops. But soon, intensive and exhaustive cultivation increased demand for

labour. More labour is required at the time of harvesting as well as for intervening

agricultural operations. The greater need for labour harvesting is met by using combined

harvesters. But the combine harvesters do not clear the land for the next crop which has

to be done by human labour. This facilitated the multiple cropping system. Double,

sometimes triple cropping and shortening of production period of various crops have also

increased the demand of labour.55

Individual labour saving technologies being used in the context of the quick

rotation of crops has now turned out to be labour absorbing. It has not only reduced the

time required for these functions but has also reduced the cost for the preparation of

lands. Mechanical thrashers have been found to be half costly as the traditional animal

driven thrashers.56

S.S. Grewal and M.S. Sidhu believe that the mechanization through tractors and

harvest combines has displaced the human labour. The number of tractors in Punjab was

53 Iqbal Singh, “Agrarian Change & Labour Absorption in Agriculture : A Case of Punjab”, in Balbir

Singh (ed.), Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies, p .86.

54 Harnek Singh, “Green Revolution and Social Strains of Agricultural Labourers”, Paper presented

at Seminar on Development and Social Tensions, January 30 – February 1, 1987, Punjabi

University, p.121. Also see, M.S. Randhawa, Green Revolution in Punjab, pp. 45-46.

55 R.N. Soni, Leading Issues in Agricultural Economics, p. 471. Also see, Wolf Ladejinsky, “How

Green is the Indian Green Revolution”, Economic and Political Weekly, December, 1973, p. A-

135 and Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, pp.134-135

56 Sheila Bhalla, “Trends in Employment in Indian Agriculture : Land and Asset Distribution”,

Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 42, No.4, October-December, 1987, p.542.


140

around 11,000 in 1965-66, which increased to more than 4,00,000 in 2002-03. There

were 3100 self propel and 5300 tractor operated combines in Punjab during same time. A

harvest combine can do an estimated 24,000 person’s days of the work in a year.57 It is

argued that increased use of weedicides for control of weeds in wheat and paddy has also

decreased the use of human labour. Punjab consumed 60 percent of weedicides used in

India though it has only 1.53 percent of the geographical area, 3 percent net sown area

and about 4 percent of the total cropped area of the country.58

There was a fear among the economists that introduction of mechanization would

displace the human labour. As per the findings of my survey and interviews with the

farmers and agricultural labourers, it is found that demand for both permanent and casual

labour has increased. Tractors have displaced bullocks but not farmhands. Mechanization

has only displaced labour for specific tasks. More labour is needed to manage the bumper

crops after the Green Revolution. Mechanization has reduced the sowing and harvesting

time. Therefore, more labour is needed during these periods, which is filled by labour

from other parts of the country. It has raised the wages during peak period. But it is also

true that work is not available throughout the year. Francine R. Frankel too says that the

employment condition of landless labourer has bettered after the introduction of high

yielding varieties. Before the advent of the Green Revolution, agricultural labourer could

generally find some 8 months work in a year. The increasing prosperity of the large

farmers has generated and increased level of economic activity that has added to

employment opportunities during the off season mainly in the construction of roads and

houses and in land improvement schemes like the installation of tube wells, drains and

culverts.59

57 S.S. Grewal and M.S. Sidhu, “Punjab Problem : Economic Dimensions”, The Financial Express,

December 2, 1988, p.7. Also see, Harsh Mander, “Of Human Bondage”, The Hindustan Times,

July 27, 2004, p.6.

58 M.S. Sidhu and P.S Rangi, “Dynamics of Unemployment in Punjab : An Analysis” in Balbir

Singh (ed.) Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies, p.77.

59 Francine R. Frankel, India’s Green Revolution : Economic Gains and Political Costs, p. 35.


141

Total number of agricultural workers in Punjab, 1961-1991 as follows : -

Source – Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1996.60

The number of agricultural labourer was 3.35 lakh in 1961, which was about 10

percent of the total number of the workers in the state. In 1971 it was 7.87 lakh which

was more than double than the last decade. It was about 20 percent of the total number of

workers in Punjab in that year. The number of agricultural workers further rose to 10.92

lakh in 1981 and 14.53 lakh in 1991. From the above table it can be fairly argued that

there was increase in the demand of agricultural labourers.61 The human labour input

used per cropped hectare has increased from 54 man days in 1954-55 to 60 man days in

1968-69 which further increased to 85 man days in 1976-77 and 93 man days in 1983-

84.62 In fact, despite the increased use of farm machinery the employment of human

labour has increased ever since 1966-67.

GREEN REVOLUTION AND MIGRATED LABOUR

Under the new agricultural strategy, crops required more care and attention than

the traditional varieties. Multiple cropping, intensive water control and the application of

inputs at the appropriate time increased the need for labour many folds. At the time of

crop harvesting and crop sowing, scarcity of agricultural labour was felt. Due to

increased demand, migrated labourers of other states came to be employed to fill the gap

in supply. Before the advent of Green Revolution, the strength of migrated labour was

60 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1996, p.214.

61 Ibid.

62 J.L. Sharma, “The Impact of Green Revolution on Income and Employment in Punjab”, pp.166-

167.

Year

Total No. of

workers

(Lakhs)

Total No. of workers

as cultivators

(Lakhs)

Agricultura

l labourers

(Lakhs)

Percentage share of

agricultural

workers to total

workers

1961 34.66 16.03 3.35 9.63

1971 39.13 16.65 7.87 20.11

1981 49.28 17.67 10.92 22.16

1991 60.98 19.17 14.53 23.83


142

negligible. But migrated labour has become the prominent part of the post-Green

Revolution Punjab agriculture. It would not have been possible to perform various

agricultural operations timely in the absence of it. At the peak season nearly one-third of

total labour force employed in agriculture in Punjab comes from other states because the

supply of local labourers was less than sufficient. All the categories of farmers prefer to

engage migratory labour instead of local labour. They feel that the migratory labour is

easily manageable, demand less wages and also work honestly.63 Higher wages and

assured employment at the agricultural sector were the major factors which attracted

immigrants to Punjab. The daily wage rate in other states were much less than in the

Punjab. Farmers preferred to employ the migratory labour as they demanded less wages

than the local labour.64

The number of migrant agricultural labourer was 2.19 lakhs in1978-79, which

was 7.60 percent of the total agricultural labour force in the Punjab. Their number

increased to 2.86 lakh during the period of 1983-84. This was 10 percent of the total

agricultural labour in the state and about 25 percent of landless agricultural labourers. By

1995-96, the number of migrant agricultural labourers increased to 3.87 lakh. They were

11 percent of the total agricultural labour force in the state and about 25 percent of the

landless agricultural labourers.65

There has been a significant rise in the migration to Punjab from other states. It is

estimated that the migrant labour force is near about 1.07 million in the lean season and

13.94 million during the peak season representing an increase of 35 percent by the year

1995-96. A significant proportion of this labour force is employed in agriculture sector.66

63 The issue came with various categories of farmers during the survey. Most of them had preferred

migratory labour than local labour. Even now they want to employ migrated labour but its

availability has declined. See also, K.N. Prashad, India’s Rural Problems, pp. 162-163. and,

Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green

Revolution, pp. 58-59

64 D.K. Gill and S.K. Saini, “Social Implications of Green Revolution” in B.S. Hansra & A.N.

Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Critical Implications of Green Revolution, p. 62. Also see,

Sucha Singh Gill, “Socio Economic Contradictions underlying Punjab Crisis” in Gopal Singh

(ed.), Punjab: Past, Present and Future, p. 294.

65 M.S. Sidhu and S.S. Grewal, A Study on Migrant Agricultural Labour in Punjab, Research

Bulletin, Department of Economics and Sociology, Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana,

pp.1-56. Also see, M.S. Sidhu and P.S. Rangi, “Dynamics of Unemployment in Punjab : An

Analysis”, in Balbir Singh (ed.), Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies, p. 17.

66 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2000, p. 91.


143

Since Green Revolution, the migration from different states has been rising

continuously. The number of under employed local labour is also increasing. It is felt by

the local labour that the wage rates and employment levels of the local labour have been

depressed on account of the migrant labour. They feel that the migratory labour compete

with them thus harming their interest by bringing down their bargaining power. As a

result, the local village labour has started moving to the cities in search of work.67

However, G.K. Chadha feels that the arrival of migrated labour had only a minor impact

on wage rates due to the expanding labour requirement of Punjab agriculture.68 The

migrant labour is now working in other non-farm activities also, such as rickshaw pullers,

construction workers, as skilled or unskilled workers in factories. They are also vegetable

vendors, shop attendants, cooks, masons, carpenters, gardeners, domestic servants etc.69

Migration of labour from other provinces has had a significant impact on the

social and political fabric of the Punjab. It has influenced the vote mix in several

constituencies and municipal wards. It is now being argued that the presence of large

migrated labour has also brought other problems. It has encouraged criminal activities in

some areas. It is argued by some that sometimes, after committing thefts, dacoities and

other crimes they move out of the state.70

WAGES

The Green Revolution brought great joy and hope to the people as well as to the

state. Earlier, doubts were raised that only a section of the agricultural population gained

from Green Revolution, whereas the bulk of the agrarian population is the sufferer. Many

of the analysts believe that imbalances created by Green Revolution has widened gaps

between the landlords and the agricultural labourers. But now, there is wide acceptance

67 Interviews with local labour. See also, Manjit Singh, “Bonded Migrant Labour in Punjab

Agriculture”, Economic and Political Weekly, 1997, 22 (11), p.518 and S.S. Grewal & M.S.

Sidhu, “Economic Profile of Migrant Farm Labour in Punjab”, The Economic Times, April 4,

1985, pp. 5 & 8

68 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation. The Case of Punjab, 1950-85, p.

349.

69 M.S. Sidhu, “Youth Unemployment Problem in Punjab : An Appraisal”, The Indian Journal of

Economics, Vol. LXXXII, 325, pp. 168-172.

70 R.S. Sidhu and SS. Johl, “Three Decades of Intensive Agriculture in Punjab : Socio-Economic

Environmental Consequences” in S.S. Johl & S.K. Ray (eds.), Future of Agriculture in Punjab,

pp.27-28.


144

that all the classes of the peasantry as well as the agricultural labourers have benefited in

the first phase of the Green Revolution. Some even believe that in the era of Green

Revolution, the landless labourers had a greater degree of negotiating power than that

available to them in the pre-Green Revolution period. Their benefits are reflected in

higher real wage rate and higher real income.71 A considerable part of the work in the

agriculture sector is being done through hired labour. Even the small and middle land

owners who produce surpluses also hire labour during the peak season. Most of the land

owners only do supervisory work.72

In 1973, Pratap C. Aggarwal in his work, The Green Revolution and the Rural

Labour, argued that the wage rates of agricultural labourer have more than doubled in the

last six or seven years. The total earnings of the labourers have increased nearly four fold

because demand of labour increased due to double cropping and more supplementary

opportunities.73 However, wages rates are varied and different in different seasons and

regions. Wage rates also differ depending on the nature of the agricultural work. The

wage rates sharply increase during the period of peak seasons such as harvesting,

thrashing and transplanting the paddy.74 During these seasons, wage rates are negotiated

on a lump sum payment. These fixed price contracts yield higher wages per worker. The

wage rate of skilled worker has increased at a higher pace than the field worker.75

71 As per my survey and interviews, it was found that the average wages of the agricultural labourers

have increased. The increase in wages have been more than four times in the post-Green

Revolution period. But it is also true that there has been rise in prices also. It was also observed

that labour shortage was faced by the farmers during the peak seasons. Majority of the farmers

manage the labour shortage by giving them higher wages. Similar views were also expressed by

Pranab Bardhan, “Green Revolution and Agricultural Labourers”, Economic and Political Weekly,

Special No., 1970,pp.1240-1241 ; G.S. Bhalla, “Agrarian Transformation : Interaction between

Tradition and Modernity”, Yojna, 15 August, 1993, p .42 .

72 Sucha Singh Gill, Migrant Labour in Punjab, Mimeo, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1990, p.58.

73 Pratap C. Aggarwal, Green Revolution and Rural Labour, p. 129.

74 S.R. Ahlawat, Green Revolution and Agricultural Labour, Deep & Deep Publications, New Delhi,

1988. pp. 91-93.

75 Ramesh Chand, D.S. Sidhu and J.L. Kaul, “Impact of Agricultural Modernisation on Labour Use

Pattern in Punjab with Special Reference to Women Labour”, Indian Journal of Agricultural

Economics, Vol. XI, No. 3. July – September, 1985, pp. 252-255. Also see, P.S. Grewal, “ A

Study into the Pattern of Employment and Wage Structure for Scheduled Caste Women in Punjab

Agriculture : A Case Study”, Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. XL, No.3, 1985,

p.278 and J.L. Sharma, “The Impact of Green Revolution on Income and Employment in Punjab”,

in B.S. Hansra and A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green

Revolution in India, p.167.


145

Wages paid to agricultural labourers in Punjab from 1961-1981 as follows: -

Agricultural Labourers (Rs per Day) for

Year

ending

30th June

Ploughing

Sowing

Weeding

Harvesting

Picking of

Cotton

Other

Agricultural

work

1961 2.50 2.49 2.00 2.59 2.00 2.49

1965 3.45 3.30 3.31 4.01 2.69 3.51

1975 8.43 8.50 8.48 10.34 5.44 8.60

1977 9.21 9.21 9.01 9.96 5.53 9.18

1979 10.31 10.62 10.22 12.91 7.60 9.94

1980 10.95 11.03 10.86 13.47 8.25 10.96

1981 10.90 12.16 11.46 13.60 10.40 11.71 Source – Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1981.

76

The above mentioned table shows that there was considerable increase in the

wages of agricultural labour in the era of Green Revolution period. The National

Commission on Rural Labour noted that agricultural labourers were paid notified

minimum wages after the adoption of new agricultural strategy. The real wages have

increased in all the states of India. There has been a decline in regional disparities in real

wages after the Green Revolution. The disparity between the wages paid to male and

female agricultural labourers has also shown a distinct decline over the years.77

As per the Punjab Human Development Report, Punjab was the only state where

wage rates have not declined during the period 1961-1984, which was the result of the

labour absorption capacity of the Green Revolution. Moreover, the benefits of rising

agriculture productivity did trickle down to wage earners. The Green Revolution

produced a rise in the wages of male agricultural labourers. There was a little rise in the

wages of female agricultural laborers. Wage rates for artisans like black smiths and

carpenters also showed an impressive increase.78

As per the findings of the survey in Hoshiarpur and Gurdaspur districts, it was

found that the total earnings of the agricultural labourers has increased. The negotiating

76 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1981,p. 460..

77 Report of the National Commission on Rural Labour, Government of India, Ministry of Labour,

New Delhi, 1991, Vol. I, p. 62. During my survey also I found disparity between the wages of

male and female agricultural labourers. Though agricultural labourers has shown distinct decline

but women are still paid half wage than men as they are considered physically weak.

78 Punjab Human Development Report, 2009, p. 173.


146

power of the agricultural labourers has also increased in the post-Green Revolution

period.

There is no doubt that with the coming of the Green Revolution, money wage

rates of agricultural labourers started increasing. But at the same time prices also

increased considerably. The real wage were not sufficient for the workers. Jeelmol Unni

remarked that between 1964-65 and 1974-75 daily real wage of adult male actually

declined at the all India level excluding Karnataka, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh.79 G.

Parthasarthy has concluded that the daily wages in 1984-85 lie broadly between Rs. 6 and

Rs. 11 in many states of India except Punjab, Haryana and Kerala where they were

higher. But, the minimum wage required to maintain a basic minimum standard of living

was Rs. 22 per day.80

INCOME FROM ALLIED SOURCES

The small farmers no longer depended on income from land only as it was not

sufficient to maintain their needs. They were deriving income from both farm and non-

farm sources. The share of the non-farm income comes from dairying, poultry, pensions,

salaries, remittance, income from hiring out farm assets etc. Live stock and poultry

rearing had always been an important activity of rural Punjab even before the Green

Revolution. But after Green Revolution it has further increased. Animal husbandry

income as a share of total farm income in Punjab was 26 percent in 1961. At the national

level, it was only 14 percent during the same period.81 Whereas, Punjab lagged behind in

case of poultry during this period. It had per capita availability of birds at 8 per 100

persons in 1961 compared to 24 at national level. In the post-Green Revolution period,

genetic improvement and comprehensive support packages enabled farmers to take a

79 Jeemol Unni, “Agricultural Labourers in Rural Labour House Hold 1956-57 to 1977-78”,

Economic and Political Weekly, June 25, 1988, Review of Agriculture, p. A.64.

80 G. Parthasarthy, “Changes in the Incidence of Rural Powerty”, Presidential Address delivered at

the 46th Annual Conference of the Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, re-printed in

Agricultural Development in India ; The Next Stage, Himalaya Publishing House, New Delhi,

1988, p.16.

81 Techno-Economic Survey of Punjab, Government of India, National Council for Applied

Research, N.C.A.E.R., New Delhi, 1962, p.5.


147

diversion from mainline agriculture activities to bee-keeping, floriculture, fish farming

and sericulture.82

Before the introduction of new agricultural strategy, selling of milk was not very

common in Punjab. It was considered below status activity among the middle and big

peasantry. But after the adoption of improved farm technology each category of the

peasantry is receiving some income from dairying. It has become the most important

source of supplementary income and employment for all farm size groups.83

In 1970, the Government of India launched the Integrated Rural Development

Programme, also known as Operation Flood. The main focus of this programme was

small and marginal farmers as well as the landless agricultural labourers. Its purpose was

to maximize gains to both the consumer and the producer by lowering transaction cost

and eliminating institutional and other obstacles such as lack of technical information,

quality inputs and credit supply. The Animal Husbandry Department had launched a

large scale breeding programme with a view to improving the quality of farm animals in

the Punjab. Production of fodder crops under the new agricultural strategy and the setting

up of a number of veterinary institutions have contributed in improving the health of farm

animals. As a result, the production of milk also increased.84

The Punjab State Co-operative Milk Producers Federation Limited was

established in the mid 1970s. The state government helped to increase the production

capacity of animals through genetic improvements of the animals. Jersey cows were

introduced in the sub-mountain area of Punjab. Boow Swiss cows were introduced in

Southern districts and Holstein/Friesian stock was introduced in the central districts of

Punjab.85 To maximize the poduction benefits, efficient health facilities have been given

82 Techno-Economic Survey of Punjab, Government of India, National Council for Applied

Research, N.C.A.E.R., New Delhi, 1962, pp. 29 & 34.

83 During the survey in fifteen villages of District Hoshiarpur and fifteen villages of District

Gurdaspur, it was also found out that a large number of farmers supplement their income from

dairy.

84 Report of the Agricultural Census, Punjab, July, 1970 to June 1971, p.33.

85 Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 110-117. Also see, Mandeep Singh and

Harwinder Kaur, Punjab Today, Deep and Deep Publications, Delhi, 2005, p.175.


148

through the veterinary institutions. The number of veterinary hospitals and veterinary

dispensaries was 1364 and 1431 respectively in 2002 in Punjab.86

Dairying and poultry have given additional employment and income for small and

marginal farmers. The prospect of steady income from the sale of milk to government or

private dairies and availability of loan from MFALA87 and SFDA

88 have provided

incentive for most of the marginal and small farmers to keep and rear milk cattle.89

Production and per capita availability of milk in Punjab from 1968-69 to 1990-91

was as under :-

Year Milk

Production

(000 tons per

annum)

Estimated

Population

Per Capita

availability of

Milk per annum

(Kgs)

Per Capita

Availability of

Milk per day

(gms)

1968-69 1920 14035 137 375

1970-71 1823 13441 159 437

1975-76 2400 14792 162 444

1980-81 3221 16304 197 541

1985-85 4035 18521 218 597

1990-91 5142 20615 249 682

Source – Punjab Development Report, 2002,90

As per above table, from 1968-69 to 1990-91, the milk production of the state has

increased tremendously. The per capita availability of milk per day in Punjab has

increased by 25 percent for the above mentioned period. Punjab is contributing about 10

percent towards the milk grid of the country with about 3 percent breed population of

cows and buffaloes.91


87 MFALA - Marginal Farmers and Agricultural Labourers Agency.

88 SFDA – Small Farmers Development Agency.

89 Gulshan Kumar Aggrarwal, A Comparative Study of Economic Conditions of Marginal Farmers

and Agricultural Labourers in Punjab. M.Sc. Dissertation, Punjab Agricultural University,

Ludhiana, 1977, p.4. Also see, G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, Green Revolution and the Small

Peasant, p.170 and G.K Chadha, The State and Rural Transformation – The Case of Punjab,

1950-85, p.244.

90 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2002-03, p. 319 and Punjab Development Report, 2002, p. 30..

91 Ranjit Singh, Re-orienting Agricultural Development in Punjab, Punjab Agricultural University,

Ludhiana, 2002, p.25.


149

A remarkable growth was achieved in the field of poultry. Egg production has

risen sharply in Punjab. It was 321 million in 1973-74 and 642 million eggs in 1982-83.

However, there was only one egg powder plant in Punjab till 1997. Other non-farm

activities like mushroom-growing, bee-keeping and fish-rearing have also developed in

the post-Green Revolution period. Bee-keeping is mostly done by the small farmers.92

Hiring out of farm assets constitute another most important supplementary source

of income for the big farmers. The marginal and small farmers have benefited from the

maximum use of their surplus family labour. The large farmers have also benefited

through hiring out of farm assets. Non-farm income hold an important source of

household income of cultivators. The small and marginal farmers of the Punjab obtain

between 60-70 percent of their total household income from non-farm activities.93

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE FARMERS AND THE LABOURERS

The relationship between the farmers and the labourers has witnessed a change

after the Green Revolution. It has disturbed the traditional human relationship of the

village agricultural community. Traditional pattern of relations (i.e. Jajmani System)

between the land owners on the one hand and tenants, artisans and service castes on the

other hand had undergone drastic change. Under this system, different castes paid their

services and got benefits in returns. It was the interdependence system of various castes

in a village. One who paid in kind was known as jajman and the one who provided

services was a kamin. Apart from fixed share of harvest, the kamins were given special

gifts at festivals and other social ceremonies. Their relation was not only economic but

also social and moral, whose obligations were honored by both parties. The traditional

Sepi System94 has also nearly gone. Under this system, the labourers were permanently

attached to land owners.

92 Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, pp. 121-127 ; Mandeep Singh and Harwinder

Kaur, Punjab Today, pp.175-177 and G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, Green Revolution and the

Small Peasant, p.89.

93 See G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, Green Revolution and the Small Peasant, pp.89-95. Also see,

G.D. Chadha, The State and Rural Transformation – The Case of Punjab, 1950-85, pp.244-246.

94 Landowners occupied a central place in the Sepi System. They cultivated the land and produced

the basic requirement for all serving castes. The cultivators needed the help of skilled as well as

unskilled workers. Agricultural tools had to be shaped and repaired, food had to be processed,

cloth had to be woven, pots and shoes were to be obtained and extra hands were needed in the


150

Before the Green Revolution, Ekadsi95 and Sangrand

96 were observed as work

free days. Now, these holidays have disappeared in Punjab. On the other side labourers

also no longer do begar97 in employer’s home or his fields.

98 Most of labourers now

work for fixed hours. Labourers change their employers frequently on the basis of terms

of employment. Laboureres have to compete among themselves for the available supply

of labour. As a result, employer-employee relations have become formal. Wage rates are

determined to a large extent, by forces of demand and supply.99

Intensification of agricultural operations have increased the overall volume of

jobs and their varieties. During the paddy transplanting and thrashing, the demand of

labour increase. New contractual system has given labour a better bargaining position.

Sometimes, they negotiate on a lump sum payment. These fixed price contracts give

higher wages per worker.100

During the survey, in Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur districts, changes were found out

in the relationship between farmers and the labourers. The social status of labourers has

improved after the Green Revolution. Quality of free food which was customarily offered

fields. All these essential services were provided to the land owners under the Sepi System by the

brahmins, carpenters, black smith, poters and others. The land owners pay to the seps according to

the size of their agricultural establishment. The land owners planned their crops primarily to

provide enough grains for their families and sufficient extra grain to compensate their seps. In

addition to the fixed payment at harvest time, each specialist caste household is given gifts of food

and money on special occasions i.e. marriages and festivals. See, Harish C. Sharma, Artisans of

the Punjab, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 26-28.

95 Ekadsi means the 1

st day of new moon.

96 Sangrand means the 1

st day of the month according to the Indian Calendar.

97 Begar- means the ritual of free labour.

98 Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p.136. Also see, Pratap C. Aggarwal, Green

Revolution and Rural Labour, p.129.

99 Pratap C. Aggarwal, Green Revolution and Rural Labour, p.129. Also see, T.S. Mann, “Punjab :

Socio-Economic Conditions after Land Reforms”, in Virender Grover (ed.) The Story of Punjab :

Yesterday and Today, Deep &Deep Publications, New Delhi, 1995, p.116.

100 P.S. Grewal, “A Study into the Pattern of Employment and Wage Structure for Scheduled Caste

Women in Punjab Agriculture : A Case Study”, Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol.

XI, No.3, 1985, p.278 and Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p.138. Also see,

Harnek Singh, “Farm Mechanisation and Rural Labour Relations-A Micro Level Study”, in B.S.

Hansra and A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution

in India, p. 80. Harnek Singh Assistant Professor of Rural Sociology in Punjab Agricultural

University conduct a Micro level study in five villages in Ludhiana district. This study observed

that majority of the workers felt that farmers and agricultural labourers were mutually inter-

dependent. The findings of the study showed that their relationship has witnessed a change in the

post-Green Revolution period.


151

earlier has become better. Many a times, it is supplemented by snacks because

landowners compete among themselves for a relatively static labour pool. But this is not

for a whole year. Such things are done only during peak seasons.

During the survey, it was also found that the agricultural labourers as well as

farmers prefer labour on daily wages rather than Sepi System. With the introduction of

new agricultural technology and mechanization, the need for specialized skills and

services forced the landowners to look for the labour in the nearest urban centre rather

than their traditional village serving castes. Economic values have replaced the former

social values rapidly. It has encouraged urban oriented materialist individualistic

behavior between the land owning and the former service castes as well as the landless

labourers.

Majority of agricultural labourers feel that farmers and workers are mutually

inter-dependent. Farmers knock at the door of labourer more often than the latter visit the

former. The workers now do not like to go to farmer’s house, if there is no requirement of

him. In the old times, the labourer always respected the landowners and they kept

themselves away from any type of conflict with them. They avoided the conflict and

reconciled to the fact that their role was a subordinate role.

The relaxation of traditional caste restriction is now an accepted phenomenon

everywhere. Earlier they were treated as untouchable and suffered from many

discriminatory practices. Now they can enter village Gurudwara or Temples, use village

wells, sit and eat with high castes, participate in politics and purchase land. The children

of agricultural labourers can now attend the village school and expect to enter in a job as

they desire. Now, the high caste land owners share their joys and sorrows with the

agricultural labourers. The farmers participate in the social ceremonies of labourers, share

food with them and bless them by giving gifts. The change in the social life and attitude

towards lower castes is one of the most important benefits of Green Revolution apart

from socio-economic gains.101

101 As per the findings of my survey of 15 villages of Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur districts.


152

CHANGING SCENE IN OWNERSHIP AND OPERATIONAL HOLDINGS AND

ITS EFFECTS ON PEASANTRY

Fragmentation of the land holdings in the post-Green Revolution period decreased

the average size of holdings. The distribution of both ownership102 and operational

holding103 has also become skewed. In 1953-54, 50.71 percent of farmers owned less than

5 acres and they claimed 10.51 percent of the total owned area. Considerable changes had

occurred in the distribution of ownership and operational holdings in Punjab since

then.104

Changes in the percentage distribution of Ownership and Operational Holdings in

Punjab from 1971-72 to 1991-92

Ownership Holdings

Proportion of Holdings (%) Proportion of Area (%)

Farm size (Hectares) 1971-72 1981-82 1991-92 1971-72 1981-82 1991-92

Marginal (< than 1 hectares) 67.50 66.87 69.63 4.47 5.59 7.18

Small (1-2 hectares) 8.37 10.00 9.98 8.87 10.76 12.35

Semi Medium(2-4 Hectares) 12.71 11.61 12.34 25.06 22.87 30.21

Medium (4-10 Hectares) 9.19 9.94 7.11 37.96 42.23 38.04

Large (Above 10 Hectares) 2.23 1.47 1.08 23.64 18.56 12.22

Operational Holdings

Marginal (< than 1 hectares) 11.71 59.02 63.22 1.46 3.91 6.20

Small (1-2 hectares) 19.06 10.39 11.42 7.09 8.90 10.74

Semi Medium(2-4 Hectares) 32.70 13.96 13.85 24.28 21.76 26.72

Medium (4-10 Hectares) 30.51 14.15 9.82 45.05 45.85 40.55

Large(Above 10 Hectares) 06.02 02.48 1.96 22.12 19.58 15.79

Source – Serverkeshana, Vol. XIX, No. 2, October-December, 1995 & Vol. XX, No. 3, January- March,

1997, Government of India, Delhi.105

102 Owners and Ownership Holdings – means an owner was considered to be the owner of a piece of

land, when he had the right of permanent heritable possession with or without right to transfer the

tiller. These holdings are known as ownership land holdings. See, Report of the Third Agricultural

Census, 1970-71, p. 76.

103 Operational Land Holdings - means which operated under one management, although there may

be more than one ownership interest involved in this. See, Report of the Third Agricultural

Census, 1970-71, pp. 74-75.

104 G.S. Bhalla, “Punjab Agriculture and its Development”, in K.P Kaliranjan, G. Maythili and U.

Shankar (eds.), Accelerating Growth Through Globalization of Indian Agriculture, pp. 232-233

105 Serverkeshana, Vol. XIX, No. 2, October-December, 1995 & Vol. XX, No. 3, January- March,

1997, Government of India, Delhi. Cited in, G.S. Bhalla, “Punjab Agriculture and its


153

By 1971, the proportion of small owners who owned less than 5 acres had

increased to 75.87 percent and they accounted for 13.34 percent of area. By 1991-92 the

small and marginal farmers constituted 79.61 percent of farmers and they owned only

15.53 percent of total area. On the other hand, the land owners who owned more than 25

acres had also come down from 2.23 percent in 1971 to 1.08 percent and they held 12.22

percent of the

total area in 1991-92 as compared to 29.99 percent in 1953-54.106

The number of semi medium, medium and large operational holdings indicate that

pre-eminent position was enjoyed by them even after the Green Revolution. These

cultivators owned nearly 20-25 percent of the owning or operating households who

controlled nearly two-third of the total cultivated area.107

The state of total operational holdings in Punjab since 1971 to 1991 is as under :-

District-wise Trends in Number and Size of Operational Holdings in Punjab, 1971-

91

Region/District Total Holdings (000) Average Size (Ha)

1971 1981 1991 1971 1981 1991

Sub Mountain region

Rupnagar 65 49 54 1.84 2.61 2.09

Hoshiarpur 148 94 98 1.65 2.69 2.64

Gurdaspur 123 100 113 2.11 2.60 2.64

Sub-total 336 243 265 1.85 2.63 2.53

Central Region

Patiala 84 79 96 4.63 4.95 4.05

Ludhiana 91 74 83 3.46 4.44 3.91

Jalandhar 116 75 86 2.44 3.99 3.41

Kapurthala 53 35 39 2.49 4.19 3.63

Amritsar 187 115 124 2.08 3.64 3.54

Sub-total 531 378 428 2,84 4.19 3.70

Development”, in K.P Kaliranjan, G. Maythili and U. Shankar (eds.), Accelerating Growth

Through Globalization of Indian Agriculture, pp. 232-233.

106 Serverkeshana, Vol. XIX, No. 2, October-December, 1995 & Vol. XX, No. 3, January- March,

1997, Government of India, Delhi. Cited in, G.S. Bhalla, “Punjab Agriculture and its

Development”, in K.P Kaliranjan, G. Maythili and U. Shankar (eds.), Accelerating Growth

Through Globalization of Indian Agriculture, pp. 232-233.

107 Ibid. Also see, R.S. Sidhu, A.S. Joshi and A.S. Bhullar, “Income Employment and Productivity

Growth in the Farming Sector of Punjab : Some Issues”, in R.S. Bawa, P.S. Raikhy and Paramjit

Kaur Dhindsa, Globalisation and Punjab Economy : Issue in Agriculture and Small Scale

Industry, p.43.


154

South West Region

Sangrur 108 90 102 4.16 5.13 4.49

Bhatinda 107 91 102 4.79 5.53 4.80

Faridkot 136 114 107 3.67 4.60 4.83

Ferozepur 158 111 112 2.94 4.46 4.51

Sub-total 508 406 424 3.79 4.89 4.66

Punjab 1375 1027 1117 2.95 4.10 3.79 Source – Punjab Development Report, 2002.

108

Comparative statement of operational holdings in Punjab from 1980-81 to 1990-

91 is given below :-

Size class

1980-81 1990-91

No. of

holdings

(000)

Area

operated

(000)

Area

Size of

holdings

No. of

holdings

(000)

Area

operated

(000)

Area Size

of holdings

Marginal

(< 1 hec)

197

(19.22%)

1.26

(3.02%)

0.64

296

(26.50%)

164

(4.07%)

0.55

Small

(1-2 hec)

199

(19.41%)

2.91

6.98%

1.46 204

(18.26%)

328

(8.13%)

1.61

Medium

(2-4 hec)

287

(28.00%)

841

(20.16%)

2.93 289

(25.87%)

841

(20.86%)

2.91

Large

(4-10 hec)

269

(26.25%)

1672

(40.09%)

6.22 261

(23.37%)

1622

(40.23%)

6.21

Extra

large

(> 10 hec)

73

(7.12%)

1241

(29.75%)

17.00 67

(6.00%)

1077

(26.71%)

16.07

Total 1025

(100.00)

4171

(100.00)

4.07 1117

(100.00)

4032

(100.00)

3.61

Source- Punjab Development Report, 2002.109

As per the above tables a typical feature of Punjab Agriculture is the pre-

dominance of small size land holdings and their further fragmentation. During 1980-81 to

1990-91, the number of operational land holdings increased from 10,25,000 to 11,17,000.

The average size of the land holdings decreased from 4.07 hectares in 1980-81 to 3.61

hectares in 1990-91. Seventy percent of the land holdings were less than 4 hectares. Land

holdings with a size of 10 hectares and above declined from 7.2 percent to 6 percent

between 1980-81 to 1990-91. In contrast, land holdings with less than one hectare

increased from 19.2 to 26.5 percent during the same duration. However, except small and

108 Punjab Development Report 2002, p.114.

109 Ibid, p.113.


155

marginal farmers, all the categories of farms had considerably increased.110

Progress of agriculture under the Green Revolution technology created additional

employment opportunities in the non-farm sector. These encouraged many marginal

farmers either to sell their land or lease it, to earn higher incomes from non-farming jobs.

The new technology turned out to be more attractive to the large farmers, mainly because

the mechanical inputs associated with it were indivisible, and thus uneconomic for use in

smaller size farms. More recent changes in the structure of ownership and operational

distribution of land holdings, apart from the land-lease market has been reported in

Punjab Agricultural University study published in 2001.111 It reveals that the practice of

mortgaging land among farmers is on the decline. Only about one per cent of the total

operational area was under mortgage. The distribution of land in three sub-regions of the

state revealed that by 1991, the average size of holdings in the sub-mountain region was

2.53 hectare, 3.70 hectare in the central region and 3.79 hectare in the south west region.

The size-class distribution of holdings in various districts revealed that concentration of

small and marginal farmers was highest in the sub-mountain region, while concentration

of large and medium farmers was highest in the south-west region. Central districts were

at the top in concentration of semi-medium holdings.112

The present state of agrarian structure points to the fact that marginal and small-

size farming, though the largest in numbers, are fast becoming unviable. With increasing

pressure on land for more production per-unit area through adoption of modern

technologies and use of capital inputs, marginal and small farmers are unable to keep

pace with the rapid technological advances in crop production. The scarcity of

employment opportunities in the non-farm sector and increasing indebtedness due to

increase in cost of inputs have made the survival of small and marginal farmers

difficult.113

Fragmentation of land holdings and the resultant reduction in size have posed a

110 Punjab Development Report 2002, p.113.

111 Joginder Singh, “Changing Structure of Land Market in Agrarian State of Indian Punjab”,

Productivity, National Productivity Council, New Delhi, 2001, cited in Punjab Development

Report, 2002, pp 113-114.

112 Punjab Development Report, 2002, pp 113-114.

113 Ibid.


156

serious threat to the farming community who are more or less dependent on agricultural

produce. The size of land holdings is important factor hampering the diversification of

agricultural production in the state.

CHANGES IN CREDIT SYSTEM

The Green Revolution demanded the requirement of modern agricultural

technology which was very costly. Multiple cropping was impossible without efficient

machinery, irrigation facilities, fertilizers and pesticides. The farmers had to depend on

production loans from the co-operative societies, banks or land mortgage banks. The pre-

Green Revolution indebtedness was very different from that of the post-Green Revolution

period. There was lack of cooperative societies and nationalized banks to provide

adequate funds to the peasantry. Situations compelled the farmers to draw money from

the local money lenders, who used to charge very heavily. The sudden social needs made

the farmers spend the loan money on marriage of daughters or sisters, medical treatment

and other social ceremonies.114

As in most cases, the loan money was not used on farm activities. The repayment

of loan became impossible. Many a times the farmers had either to mortgage their land or

sell it to the money lender.115 In the post-Green Revolution period, the farmers are less

dependent on the local money lender of the village. The supremacy of the money lenders

has declined. Borrowing from village money lenders has been reduced especially in the

case of loans for non-production pusposes.116

Co-operative Credit Schemes and Co-operative Credit Societies started by the

Government advance short term loans. Land Mortgage Banks and other Cooperative

Institutions and Nationalized Banks are also engaged in extending medium and long term

credit for physical infrastructure for farming. Loans advanced by the Primary Land

Mortgage Banks for the purchase of tractors had increased more than three fold and for

114 Malcom Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, pp. 216-217.

115 Mridula Mukherjee, Colonilising Agriculture : The Myth of Punjab Exceptionalism, pp. 42-43.

116 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation – The Case of Punjab, 1950-85, p.85

and R.S. Bawa, “Agarian Prosperity in Punjab and its Socio-Political Implications”, in R.S. Bawa

and P.S. Raikhy (eds.), Punjab Economy and Emerging Issues, Guru Nanak Dev University,

Amritsar, 2000, pp.36-37. During my survey it was also found that in the post-Green Revolution

period farmers were less dependent on local money lenders of the villages. They preferred to take

loan from Co-operative Societies and Banks.


157

the purchase of land more than eight fold and for the improvement of land for more than

10 fold between 1969-70 and 1982-83.117

The small and marginal farmers who used to take loan from non institutional

credit providing agencies, increasingly turned to institutional sources of finance. Though

it is also true that they continue to face difficulties and hardships in securing credit for

investments on capital assets in adequate quantities and at appropriate times.

Availability of loan on easy terms for purchase of expensive inputs like tractors,

harvester, combines etc. increased the problem of indebtedness. The indebtedness related

suicides increased after post-Green Revolution among the small and marginal farmers

especially after 1992. Over one lakh farmers have committed suicides in India between

1993-2003. 118

According to the report of Government of Punjab, 246 farmers committed

suicide between 1998 to 2005,.119 According to another Survey by Punjab Agricultural

University, Ludhiana, 89 percent of farmers are under debt and 12.8 percent are those

who have very little option than suicide.120

It is argued by some writers that due to the availability of easy credit, there is over

capitalization in the agricultural sector of Punjab. Often the loans are taken where there is

either no need or little need i.e. in the case of tractors, the average annual use is only 400

hours compared to the minimum viable use of 1000 hours.121 Punjab has more than 3.87

lakh tractors accounting for 1/4 of the total population of tractors in the country with just

2.5 percent of cultivated area. The state has about 11.17 lakh operational holdings. It

means that every third holding in the state is equipped with a tractor. This has reduced the

profitability of the peasantry especially of small and marginal farmers who have over

invested in farm equipments. Some of the farmers borrow the money from one source for

returning the loan taken from the other source. They are finding themselves in the trap of

117 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1970, pp. 378-379 and 1984, p.280.

118 Yojana, August, 2006, p.3.

119 The Ajit, August 11, 2006.

120 The Tribune, April 7, 2007.

121 Sukhpal Singh, “Farming Crisis and Farmer Suicides in Punjab : An Examination of Institutional

Dimensions”, in Balbir Singh (eds.), Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies. p. 257 and

Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 191.


158

indebtedness in this cycle.122 However, according to G.S. Bhalla, the rise in suicide cases

was more due to drink and drug addiction rather than indebtedness.123

SHIFT IN CROPPING PATTERN : ITS EFFECTS ON PEASANTRY

The Green Revolution made wheat and then rice the queen crops of Punjab. The

increased productivity of these two crops had made it profitable to produce these. The

steady growth in both the cultivated area and the resultant output was backed by

improved agronomic practices and reasonable support prices. As a result, the cropping

pattern in the Punjab has witnessed a distinct shift in favour of paddy-wheat rotation. It

motivated the farmers to adopt the cycle of paddy-wheat thus neglecting other crops.

Crop wise Area of various Crops in Punjab (Area in 000 hectares)

Sl No Crop 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91

1. Rice 227 390 1183 2015

2. Jowar 6 5 1 (a)

3 Bajra 123 207 69 12

4. Maize 327 535 382 188

5. Wheat 1400 2299 2812 3273

6 Gram 838 358 258 60

7. Barley 66 57 65 37

8. Ravi Pulses 903 415 341 143

9. Sugarcane 133 128 71 101

10 Cotton 447 397 649 701

11. Groundnut 67 174 83 11

12. Sunflower - - - 5

13 Rapeseed & mustard 107 103 136 69 Source – Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2003.

124

The agricultural economy of Punjab has become cereal-oriented. Punjab’s

agriculture has become specialized in wheat, rice and cotton cultivation. More than three-

fourths of the total cropped area was occupied by these crops alone. As a result, wheat

122 Sukhpal Singh, “Farming Crisis and Farmer Suicides in Punjab : An Examination of Institutional

Dimensions”, in Balbir Singh (eds.), Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies. pp. 257-259.

Also see, D.K. Grover, Sanjay Kumar & Kamal Valta, “Market Imperfections and Farmer’s

Distress in Punjab”, in Balbir Singh (ed.), Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies, p.100.

123 G.S. Bhalla, S.L. Sharma, N.N. Wig, Swarajit Mehta and Promod Kumar, “Suicides in Rural

Punjab,” Unpublished Report, Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh, 1998,

pp.83-86 and Himmat Singh, Green Revolution Reconsidered, p. 191.

124 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2003, pp.168-169.


159

which was traditionally both a food and cash crop had been joined by rice a non-

traditional food crop. Rice which was grown on merely 227 thousand hectare of the total

cultivated area in1960-61, registered a steep rise up to 2073 thousand hectare in 1992-

93.125 The cultivation of paddy did not limit only to traditional paddy belt of Amritsar,

Gurdaspur and Kapurthala districts but also spread over to other districts where adequate

irrigation facilities were available. Similarly, the area under wheat increased from 1400

thousand hectare to 3283 thousand hectare during the same period. On the other hand,

area under maize, bajra, jowar, groundnut, gram, barley and lentil had fallen rapidly.

Actually, the productivity of these crops per hectare has been less or has shown a

marginal increase. It has lost ground to wheat and rice. A traditional cereal, jowar has

ceased to be grown at all in the post-Green Revolution period. Bajra also met with the

same fate under the new agricultural strategy. 126 However, maize continues to be grown,

but has declined sharply in the decade 1970-71 to 1980-81. The area under maize

cultivation rose after 1980-81. It accounted for 18 thousand hectares during 1992-93.127

Area, production and yield of Wheat and Rice crops in Punjab from 1966 -67 to

1989-90.

Year

Wheat Rice

Area (000

hectare)

Production

(000 mt)

Yield

(Kg/Hectare)

Area

(000

hectare)

Production

(000 mt)

Yield

(Kg/Hectare)

1966-67 1,608 2,449 1,520

1967-68 1,709 3,335 1,863

1968-69 2,063 4,491 2,177

1969-70 2,191 4,918 2,245

1970-71 2,299 5,145 2,238 390 688 1,764

1971-72 2,336 5,618 2,204 450 920 2,045

1972-73 2,404 5,368 2,233 476 955 2,007

1973-74 2,338 5,181 2,216 499 1,440 2,287

1974-75 2,206 5,284 2,995 569 1,179 2,071

1975-76 2,449 5,809 2,372 567 1,447 2,553

1976-77 2,630 6,292 2,432 680 1,776 2,611


126 Ibid. pp. 159-161



160

1977-78 2,620 6,618 2,537 858 2,497 2,910

1978-79 2,734 7,423 2,517 1,052 3,090 2,937

1979-80 2,823 7,996 2,797 1,172 3,052 2,604

1980-81 2,808 7,669 2,731 1,183 3,233 2,733

1981-82 2,917 8,553 2,932 1,269 3,750 2,955

1982-83 3,054 9,183 3,007 1,322 4,156 3,144

1983-84 3,124 9,419 3,015 1,481 4,536 3,063

1984-85 3,096 10,183 3,289 1,644 5,052 3,073

1985-86 3,113 10,992 3,531 1,714 5,485 3,200

1986-87 3,189 9,458 2,966 1,786 5,949 3,331

1987-88 3,139 11805 3,506 1,720 5,442 3,164

1988-89 3,156 11,576 3,668 1,778 4,925 2770

1989-90 3,251 11,681 2,593 1,905 6,680 3,510

Source – Punjab Development Report, 2002.128

In the post-Green Revolution period, the shift in crop pattern in favour of wheat

and paddy was mainly because of spectacular improvements in their yield levels and the

incentive of stable prices. With the help of state policy of price support and procurement,

wheat and rice have emerged as the most important commercial crops of the Punjab.

The yield rates for rice are far higher in Punjab compared to all the other rice-

producing states. Rice yield rates have registered steady and impressive increases for the

entire period of the Green Revolution while the wheat yield rates showed some signs of

stagnation during the eighties. The production of wheat during 1960-61 to 1992-93

increased from 1742 thousand metric tones to 12399 thousand metric tones and of rice

from 229 thousand metric tones to 7031 thousand metric tones. The production of wheat

had increased by more than 7 times and of rice by about 31 times total production during

this period. After the introduction of new agricultural technology, there has been rapid

increase in average yield of wheat and rice.129 As a result, Punjab has became the food

bowl of the nation.

128 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p. 27.



161

Contribution of wheat and rice to central pool by Punjab (lakh tones)

Year Rice

contribution

Percentage

share to the

central pool

Wheat

Contribution

Percentage share

to the central pool

1980-81 25.20 45.30 42.80 75.00

1985-86 41.80 42.80 61.50 59.40

1988-89 29.60 42.60 47.50 72.70

1989-90 50.00 46.00 56.00 62.20

1990-91 48.20 41.00 67.40 60.90

1991-92 42.50 46.70 55.40 71.50

1992-93 49.00 42.03 44.90 70.30 Source - Statistical Abstract of Punjab,1993.

130

Punjab contributed 42.8 lakh tones of wheat to central pool in 1980-81 which

accounted for 75.0 percent of the total. The state contributed 25.2 lakh tones of rice in

1980-81 which was 45.3 percent of the total share. During 1992-93, Punjab contributed

44.9 lakh tones of wheat which was 17.30 percent of the total central pool and in case of

rice it contributed 49.0 lakh tones which was the 42.3 percent of the total central pool.131

Source – Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2003.132


131 Ibid, p.216.

132 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2003, pp. 168-169

Crop wise Production of various Crops in Punjab (Production in 000

tones/bales of 170 Kg each)

Sl No Crop 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91

1. Rice 229 688 3233 6506

2. Jowar (a) 3 1 1

3. Maize 371 861 612 333

4. Bajra 58 243 86 13

5. Wheat 1742 5145 7677 12159

6. Gram 681 284 150 45

7. Barley 52 57 108 101

8. Sugarcane 486 527 392 601

9. Cotton 709 818 1178 1909

10. Groundnut 62 169 104 9

11. Sunflower - - - 7

12. Rapeseed &

mustard

54 57 77 69


162

Pulses and oil seeds were the dominant groups of crops before the advent of

Green Revolution. Pulses lost their importance over time in the cropping pattern. The area

under rice, wheat and cotton expanded in the post-Green Revolution period whereas that

of bajra, barley, pulses and sugar-cane fell considerably over time. The area under gram

fell drastically because it could not compete against wheat. The area under gram and

pulses was 903 thousand hectares in 1960-61 that came down to 225 thousand hectares in

1985-86 and it further decreased to 99 thousand hectares in 1992-93. The production of

grams and pulses was 709 thousand metric tones in 1960-61. It reduced to 203 thousand

metric tones in 1985-85 and further decreased to 75 thousand metric tones in 1992-93.

The area under oil seeds was 174 thousand hectares in 1960-61. It increased to 211

thousand hectares in 1985-86, but it reduced to 109 thousand hectares in 1992-93. The

production of oil seeds was 121 thousand metric tones in 1960-61. It increased to 202

thousand metric tones in 1985-85 which fell down to 89 metric tones in 1992-93.133

Similarly, bajra, barley and sugarcane has also lost its ground to wheat-paddy

rotation. The area under bajra was 123 thousand hectares in 1960-61 that came down to

32 thousand hectares in 1985-86 and further fell to 7 thousand hectares in 1992-93. The

production of bajra was 58 thousand metric tones in 1960-61. It came down to 28

thousand metric tones in 1985-86 and remained only 7 thousand metric tones in 1992-93.

Barley claimed 66 thousand hectares in 1960-61 and 50 thousand hectares in 1985-86. It

came down to 42 thousand hectares in 1992-93. The production of barley was 52

thousand metric tones in 1960-61. It increased to 109 metric tones in 1985-86 and finally

it remained 109 metric tones in 1992-93 also.134

The area under sugarcane was 133 thousand hectares in 1960-61. It decreased to

78 thousand hectares in 1985-86 but increased to 113 thousand hectares in 1992-93. The

production of sugarcane was 486 thousand metric tones in 1960-61. It slightly increased

to 505 thousand metric tones in 1985-86 and further increased to 689 thousand metric

tones in 1992-93. In the south - west areas of the Punjab, cotton-wheat rotation has taken

over. The area under cotton cultivation was 447 thousand hectares and the production

was 609 thousand metric tones during the 1960-61. It increased to 559 thousand hectares


134 Ibid. p.146.


163

in 1985-86 and the production increased to 1403 thousand metric tones during the same

period. The cotton production in Punjab has further increased to 2348 thousand metric

tones in 1992-93 and the area under cotton cultivation was 701 thousand hectares during

same period. A major cotton cultivation area came under the improved American

varieties. Local varieties being restricted to 12.5 percent of the total cotton cultivation

area. Sixty-five percent of the cotton production of Punjab is baled and sent for

processing out of the state.135

In the pre-Green Revolution period, the percentage of the area under food crops

was highest for the small farm size group and the lowest for the large farm size group.

The percentage of cropped area under fodder declined as farm size increased. It was

necessary for the small farms to devote about a quarter of their total irrigated area to the

cultivation of fodder to feed a pair of bullocks.136 Wheat-gram was the most important

crop on un-irrigated areas. The percentage of area under these crops was maximum in

small as well as medium sized farms compared with large farms. But, in the case of

wheat and gram as separate crops, large farms devoted a higher percentage of area.

However, the area under total food crops was the lowest for the smallest size group. In

case of oil seeds and fodder, the percentage of cropped area under each was again highest

for the smaller farm size group.137

In the post-Green Revolution period, the percentage of gross cropped area under

wheat and rice remains more or less constant over different farm size categories. Only

marginal farmers devoted much higher percentage of their area to maize compared with

any other farm size group. On the other hand, they devoted relatively small area to the

production of cotton and sugarcane. The marginal farmers cannot go too far in

substituting rice for maize, although rice cultivation gave them higher income and greater

employment per acre cropped. Rice cultivation demands assured means of irrigation like


136 G.K. Chadha, The State and Rural Economic Transformation – The Case of Punjab, 1950-85, p.

108.


108. Also see, G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study

of Income Distribution in Punjab Agriculture”, p.157.


164

pump sets and tube wells. Therefore, the differences in the resource base including

assured irrigation and credit availability was responsible for the differences in the

cropping pattern during kharif crop between the marginal farmers and the other

categories of the farmers.138

On the whole, it can be said that there was little differences in cropping pattern

among different categories of farmers in the Punjab. The marginal and small farmers of

Punjab have adjusted their cropping patterns fully to the opportunities available to them.

All crops were grown by all categories of farmers. Under the new agricultural

technology, a small land area was not a special disadvantage nor was a large land area an

extra advantage in the choice of crop combination. As a result, a more or less uniform set

of priorities were observed by farms of different sizes. All farm size groups gave their

first priority to wheat, second to fodder and third and fourth between pulses and oil seed

in the rabi crops. During the kharif season, all farm size groups give their first priority to

rice, second to fodder and third to maize.139

Wheat and rice has remained the most predominant crops in the post- Green

Revolution period. The area under these crops increased from 34.39 percent to 70.88

percent from 1960-61 to 1997-98.140

As a result, pulses and oilseeds lost their importance

in the post-Green Revolution period in the cropping pattern. There had been undue

pressure on the prices of pulses and dependence on the import of oil seeds increased.

On the other hand, the rice-wheat rotation has raised serious concerns about it

sustainability from the economic and ecological point of view.


108. and G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study of

Income Distribution in Punjab Agriculture”, pp.158-159.

139 During my survey it was observed that there is little difference in cropping pattern among different

category of the farmers. On the whole all the classes of the peasantry preferred wheat and paddy

rotation. Also see, G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A

Study of Income Distribution in Punjab Agriculture”, pp.158-159 and G.K. Chadha, The State and

Rural Economic Transformation – The Case of Punjab, 1950-85, pp.110-111.

140 M.S. Toor, Sukhpal Singh & Inderjeet Kaur, “Detrimental Effects of Agricultural Development

Model of Punjab” (ed.), Balbir Singh, Punjab Economy : Challenges and Strategies, p. 307.


165

The annual plan of Punjab of 1982-83 declared “Although wheat and rice will

continue to dominate agricultural production in the state, more emphasis is now being

laid on the diversification of the cropping pattern. It is proposed to raise substantially the

production of cotton, oil seeds and pulses”.141 Change in cropping pattern has led to many

changes in the life of the farmers. It has not only brought prosperity to the peasantry of

Punjab but also changed its pattern of living, food habits and culture.

II

CHANGING SOCIO-ECONOMIC SCENE IN THE VILLAGE

AFTER GREEN REVOLUTION

THE CHANGING CASTE SYSTEM

The traditional pattern of agricultural relations in Punjab were generally known as

Jajmani System. It was based between landowners on the one hand and tenants, artisans

and service castes on the other. One who paid in kind is called a Jajman and one who

provided services was known as kamin. Kamins also got special gifts at festivals and

other social ceremonies. Begar was also performed by these kamins under this custom.

Work was done without getting any payment. In the traditional agricultural system, the

practice of sepi performed an important role. Under this system, labourers were

permanently attached to landowning households. 142

With the introduction of new agricultural strategy, the Jajmani System has

undergone changes. The conditional mutual rights and obligations between patrons and

clients is being replaced by the contractual transactions. The Green Revolution lead to

owner-servant relationship between farmer and agricultural labourer. Relationship

between the farmers and labourers has become more instrumental and commercial. The

traditional Jajmani System has vanished quite fast. The practice of sepi and begar has

nearly gone out except in the less developed parts of the Punjab. Mutual help practices

and informal co-operations have declined. Materialism has increased. Intimacy and

141 Annual Plan 1982-83, Government of Punjab, Department of Planning, Chandigarh, p.8.

142 Harish C. Sharma, Artisans for the Punjab, pp. 26-28. Also see, Harish C. Sharma, “The Caste in

Transformation : Break up of Jajmani, Caste Associations and Caste Mobility”, Journal of

Regional History, Vol. VII, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 2001, pp. 64-65.


166

personal social relations between the landowners and agricultural labourers have

declined. Cash payment has replaced payment in kind.143

Most of the cultivators in Punjab, whether big or small mainly belong to the Jat

community. On the other side, agricultural labourers mostly belong to the lower castes.

They generally lived on the fringe of the villages and were looked down upon by the

cultivating and other higher castes. They were treated as untouchables.

In the post-Green Revolution period, the social status of agricultural labourer has

improved. Most of the degrading discriminatory practices suffered by them before the

Green Revolution period have disappeared. They can now enter the village Gurdwaras

and fetch the water from village wells. Now, the lower caste agricultural labourer can sit

with the high castes and participate in the village politics. Their children can attend the

village school and enter any job for which they are capable off. The farmers also

participate in the social ceremonies of agricultural labourers. Caste based locations for

rural residences of the pre Green Revolution era have breached in the post-Green

Revolution period. 144

The social scene in the post-Green Revolution village is altogether different.

Many a time the same meals are shared by the cultivators and the labourers because even

a short absence of owners from the field might affect the economic benefit of the

cultivator. Most of the cultivating families of the Punjab, at least one male member do the

manual work in the farm along with low caste hired labourers. It has reduced the social

distance between the castes. The traditional artisan castes which earlier served the

cultivators, also have upgraded their entrepreneurial skills and education. They have

shifted to towns and taken up variety of new occupations for the betterment of their

career.

143 Harish C. Sharma, Artisans for the Punjab, pp. 26-28 and Harish C. Sharma, “The Caste in

Transformation : Break up of Jajmani, Caste Associations and Caste Mobility”, Journal of

Regional History, Vol. VII, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 2001, pp. 64-65. Also see, R.S.

Bawa, “Agrarian Prosperity in Punjab and its Socio-Political Implications”, in R.S. Bawa & P.S.

Raikhy (eds.), Punjab Economy : Emerging Issues, pp. 38-39 ; T.N. Madan, “Indian Society : The

Rural Context”, p. 70 ; B.K. Aggarwal, D.R. Arora & A.K. Gupta, “Agricultural Development and

Social Tension in Rural Punjab”, p. 11; Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 136

and Partap C. Aggarwal, Green Revolution and Rural Labour. A Study in Ludhiana, p. 129.

144 The question of the practice of un-touchability came up during discussion and it was found that it

is not practiced in majority of the cultivating houses. Though most of the respondents said

cultivators still feel they are superior and look down upon us. Also see, Himmat Singh, Green

Revolutions Reconsidered, p.37.


167

THE CHANGING FAMILY SYSTEM

The Green Revolution not only brought prosperity to the peasantry of Punjab but

also changed its psyche, mindset and pattern of living. The spread of the Green

Revolution has considerably changed the profile of the Punjab farmers from the old

traditional farming to an aggressive and commercialized modern farming system. It has

provided a new value system and a new outlook to the human relations at the family and

community levels.

Joint Family System carried the farm work smoothly in the traditional agriculture

pattern. Maximum family members participated to carry out different farm operations.

But after the advent of new education system during colonial period a few would send

their children for higher education. In the joint family system, only one or two individuals

could get higher education. They mostly settled in cities, giving little help to the joint

family back in the village. Usually, in a joint family system all the members are not ready

to share responsibilities equally but they insist on equal distribution of income. Farmers

usually do not keep a date wise account of the expenditure incurred on different inputs

and other activities. The income from the produce would give a false data. Some

members of the family would insist on regarding it as net income rather than gross

income. Sharing of the responsibility and distribution of profits often led to tensions. The

Hindu Joint Family has been held responsible for many of the evils of Indian Society. It

is said that its pooling income system encouraged laziness and discouraged enterprise. 145

After the onset of the Green Revolution, the joint family system started breaking

away among farming community as well as among low castes agricultural labourers. The

aspirations of individual family members have risen and a sense of competition had

developed. It has increased the commercialization of the social relations.146 Single family

system started replacing joint family system. The authority of the elders in family has

broken. The young ones argue and challenge their authority. The young married couples

145 See, Punjab Development Report, 2002, p.152 ; M.S. Dhariwal & Sarabjit Kaur, “Green

Revolution, Income Inequalities and Social Tensions in Punjab”, paper presented at the ICSSR

North-Western Regional Seminar on Green Revolution, Inequalities and Social Tensions, held at

Haryana Agricultural University, Hisar, March 3-5, 1989, p. 4 ;T.N. Madan, “Indian Society : The

Rural Context” in S.C. Dube, India Since Independence : Social Report on India 1947-1972, ,pp.

72-73 and M.S. Dhariwal & Sarabjit Kaur, “Green Revolution, Income Inequalities and Social

Tensions in Punjab”, p. 4 and Deepak K. Bhandiri, pp. 68-69.

146 Francine R. Frankel, The Political Challenge of the Green Revolution, Centre for International

Studies, Princeton University, 1972, p. 38 and Vandna Shiva, The Violence of Green Revolution,

p. 173.


168

living separately are common features in the families. One of the cause of such change in

family system is inequality in income increase. Disintegrations of the joint family system

and shift to the nuclear family has given serious challenge to the stability of village

life.147

As a result of fragmentation of holdings, the operational holdings could not

remain viable. It has eliminated many families from agriculture. The security of

individual which was assured in the joint family system came under a serious threat. The

elimination of individuals from the patriarchal professions has shifted the youths to the

non-agricultural occupations within their country as well as abroad in search of better

opportunities.148 The new agricultural strategy has led to individualism. The economic

gains as a result of the Green Revolution is leading to family disputes over its proper

distribution. The young generation would not like to continue with the joint family

system because disputes over land have been increasing day by day.149

Before the advent of Green Revolution, the practice of Trinjan was a striking

force among the women of a joint family. All the women of the family sat together, to do

group spinning in the late hours of the night after finishing their meals. The late night get-

together helped to create an atmosphere of nearness, respect , helpfulness and love for

each other. Misunderstandings would often clear up due to this close gatherings. This

practice has vanished because mill-made clothes has taken over as cheap option and the

necessity for spinning is not much required. Moreover, after the Green Revolution, due to

multiple cropping, the women hardly find time for such activities. Rural women has now

to provide services at house as well as fields. It has put her life comforts on the cross.

147 These issues came up during interviews and most of the elders felt that the joint family system is

breaking away. They were worried about the fact that how will agriculture survive if the land is

further fragmented?

148 T.N. Madan, “Indian Society : The Rural Context”, p.73 ; S.S. Gill & G.S. Momi, “Impact of

Green Revolution on Rural Society in Punjab”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social,

Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 70 and Deepak K. Bhandari, Social

Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, p. 69.

149 Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green

Revolution, p.103 and Amarjit Singh, “Maladies of Green Revolution”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N.

Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 183.


169

EDUCATION

Economic gains harvested from Green Revolution and the process of substitution

of hired labour for family labour has provided opportunities to wards of peasantry for

education. The new agricultural strategy has provided a new hope for prosperity and

economic development. It motivated the farmers to send their children to school.

The Government has opened Primary, Middle and Higher Secondary Schools in

rural areas. The number of schools have increased after the advent of the Green

Revolution from a total of 9,641 in 1970-71 to 18,451 by 1992-93. Senior Secondary

Schools have increased by 200 percent, High Schools by 115 percent, Middle Schools by

40 percent and Primary Schools by nearly 90 percent.150 There is increase in the number

of educational institutions for higher studies. The number of Arts, Science, Commerce

and Home Science Colleges have risen from 122 to 179 in the period from 1970-71 to

1996-97. Vocational Training Institutes have also increased considerably. Technical,

industrial, art & craft schools have shown the highest rate of growth. Their number

increased from 36 to 118 in the same period. The major increase occurred in the decade

of 1970-80. A large number of recognized schools and colleges have increased in the

rural areas. In 1971, there were only two engineering, technology and architecture

colleges. Their number rose to 16 in 2000.151 There has been vast progress in higher

education after 1960. There has been significant expansion not only in institution

building but there is considerable progress in enrollment also.

Figures in the table given below show the comparative expansion from 1980 to

2000.

Expansion in Higher Education

Sr

No

Institutions Year Year Increase (Absolute)

1980 2000

Expansion in Education Institutions

(i) Universities 4 7 3 (75%)

(a) General courses 3 3 - (-)

(b) Professional courses 1 4 3 (300%)

(ii) Colleges 188 287 99 52.7%)

(a) General courses 162 204 42 (25.9%)

(b) Professional courses 26 83 57 (219%)

150 Economic Survey of Punjab, 1977-98, Office of the Economic Adviser to Government of Punjab,

Chandigarh, p. 178 and Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 191.

151 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p.11


170

Expansion in Enrollment

Total Enrollment 91254 193665 102411 (112.2%)

(a) Post Graduate Level 6901 13848 6947 (100.6%)

(b) Graduate Level 84353 179817 95464 113.1%)

Enrollments of Women and Scheduled castes to Total Enrollment

(i) Post Graduate Level

(a) Women 50.5% 69.6% (19.1%)

(b) Scheduled Castes 7.4% 9.1% (1.8%)

(ii) Graduate Level

(a) Women 39.9% 51.0% (11.1%)

(b) Scheduled Castes 8.9% 10.3% (1.4%) Source – Punjab Development Report, 2002.

152

After the onset of the Green Revolution the level of education has increased for

all sections of society. The peasantry of Punjab wanted better educational facilities for

their wards. The well-off farmers could even afford to send their children to Public

schools than to Government schools. The big farmers started sending their sons and

daughters to cities for higher education. Even the small farmers and agricultural labourers

started sending their children to Government schools for education. The percentage of

school going children has risen in the case of both farmers and farm labourers.153 Due to

higher economic gains of Green Revolution, the rural students were turning up for

college education in large number.154 Most of the agricultural labourers were illiterate but

young ones of many of them have got education up to primary level. They are sending

their children to schools in the hope that they may achieve better employment

opportunities to lead dignified life. The literacy rate however is still very low among girl

child of both poor farmers and scheduled castes.

Literacy rate in Punjab has increased from 26.7 percent in 1961 to 33.7 percent in

1971 to 40.86 percent in 1981.155 It has gone up to 52.77 percent in 1991. The male

152 Punjab Development Report, 2002, pp. xvii & viii.

153 A very interesting observation came up during my presentation. I was told by some teachers of the

Department of History, Guru Nanak Dev University that they were children of Green Revolution.

Their parents were middle farmers. After Green Revolution they earned enough income to send

them for education to cities. See also, India Today, August 23, 2010, p.74 and B.D Talib and A

Majid, “The Small Farmers of Punjab”, p.A-44.

154 B. Venkateswarlu, Dynamics of Green Revolution in India, p. 14.

155 M.S. Gill, “Green Revolution and Growth of Social Inputs”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.),

Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 39. Also see, Kirandeep

Kaur, Income and Employment Pattern of Small Farmers Vis-à-vis Agricultural Labourer in


171

literacy rate has increased from 50.54 percent to 60.71 percent from 1981 to 1991. The

female literacy has gone up from 33.52 percent to 43.85 percent during the same

period.156 In short, the farmers are aspiring for higher education for their children which

has been possible only because of the higher economic gains harvested from the Green

Revolution.

EATING HABITS AND DRESS PATTERN

In the pre-Green Revolution period, India was a food deficit country. Farmers

remained under nourished, which effected the growth and nutritional requirements among

the growing children. But now India is a food surplus country. The quality and quantity

of food grains have improved. It was observed that a majority of children in the rural

areas got only about half to two thirds of the actual requirement of calories of food in the

pre-Green Revolution period. The major deficiency was protein-calorie malnutrition.

Under the new agricultural strategy, the application of nitrogenous fertilizers has

improved protein and lysine contents in cereals.157

The traditional pattern of food consumption has also changed. In pre-Green

Revolution period, the farmers would eat one vegetable grown in their fields for many

times. Vegetables were grown only for home consumption. Now the farmers grow their

vegetables for market requirements. They are also able to buy variety of vegetables for

their home consumption. Taste for the variety is a major change in the eating habits of

rural people. Every change is not for the positive. With the rise in income, soft drinks

have taken the place of lassi or milk to entertain guests.

In the post-Green Revolution period, even the consumption patterns of marginal

and small farmers of the Punjab has also changed. They are not much behind middle as

well as big farm families in the consumption of essential food items such as cereals, milk,

pulses and vegetables. Even, the lowest category of cultivating households in the rural

Punjab are able to arrange a required meal. The nutritional standards of their food items

Punjab – A Study of Ludhiana District, M.Sc. Dissertation, Punjab Agricultural University,

Ludhiana, 2003, p.74.

156 Economic Survey of Punjab, 1977-98, Office of the Economic Adviser to Government of Punjab,

Chandigarh, 1997-98, p. 178, Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 191.

157 D.K. & S.K. Saini, pp. 63-64 and B. Vankateswarlu, Dynamics of Green Revolution, pp. 14-16.


172

are not much inferior. The difference between the upper and the lower level of the

peasantry is only in superior foods and other luxury items.158

Average monthly expenditure per villager on food was Rs. 270.67 in 1999. It was

Rs. 188.89 at national level. On the other hand, the urban dweller’s average monthly

expenditure was Rs 309.95 in 1999 where as it was Rs 271.49 at national level for the

same time. The consumption basket of an average villager and that of a town dweller

displayed same noteable differences. While food accounted for 64 percent of the

expenditure for a village, the comparative figure for an urban dweller was 45 percent.159

The increase in income has also increased the habit of drinking. Liquor

consumption is not a new phenomenon in Punjab. But according to Malcolm Darling

drink was rarely a cause of debt in Punjab.160 But as a result of Green Revolution, farmers

receive cash throughout the year. Allied professions such as poultry, dairy, Bee keeping,

mushroom cultivation, floriculture and fisheries have also increased the income of the

peasantry. The rich farmers have started spending more money on liquor drinking. The

liquor consumption by the affluent farmers is found two times more than the small

farmers and agricultural labourers. The consumption of foreign spirits, wine and beer has

also increased. The large and medium farmers use foreign as well as country made liquor.

Small and marginal farmers mostly consume homemade liquor. Though they also buy

inferior quality of liquor.161 The consumption of liquor both at domestic level and social

gatherings in the Punjab has increased after the onset of Green Revolution. It is becoming

158 During the survey, it was found that the eating habits and dress pattern in the post-Green

Revolution period have improved. The difference between the upper and lower level of the

peasantry was only in superior food and other luxury items. This drastic change has been noticed

in the young generation. Also see, G.S. Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small

Peasant – A Study of Income Distribution in Punjab Agriculture”, in K.S. Dhindsa & Anju

Sharma (eds.), Dynamics of Agricultural Development, Vol. I; Land Reforms Growth and Equity,

p. 176 and D.R. Arora, B.K. Aggarwal & A.K. Gupta, “Agricultural Development and Socio-

Economic Structure. A Case Study of Rural Punjab”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social,

Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, pp. 56-57.

159 Punjab Development Report, 2000, p.44.

160 Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, p. 48.

161 Himmat Singh, Green Revolutions Reconsidered, p. 109 ; Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions

and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, pp. 77-78 ; M.S. Dhariwal &

Sarabjit Kaur, “Green Revolution, Income Inequalities and Social Tensions in Punjab”, p.3 ;

Amarjit Singh, “Maladies of Green Revolution”, p. 182 and S.S. Gill & G.S. Momi, “Impact of

Green Revolution on Rural Society in Punjab”, p. 72.


173

the daily habit of the farmers of Punjab. As per the study of S.S. Gill, it was concluded

that the consumption of beverages in Punjab during post-Green Revolution period

recorded 4.23 to 9.05 percent of the total domestic expenditure.162 It was also observed

that sometimes farmers provided liquor and opium to the labourers to get more work out

put.

As far as the intoxicants are concerned, the average monthly expenditure of a

Punjabi farmer on intoxicants was Rs. 6.18 as compared to Rs. 3 at national level during

1999. In the urban area of Punjab, average monthly expenditure per person was Rs.7.80.

On the other hand it was Rs. 2.89 at national level for the same period.163

Increased use of liquor has created many social problems. Many crimes are done

under the influence of liquor. It has led to non-cordial relations within family and

between the families. It has also affected the farm efficiency and farm management.

Moreover, liquor addiction has not only harmed the health of farmers but also created

problems like mental disorder, divorce, crime, economic suffering, absenteeism and

problem to traffic.

With the overall increase in income of all the categories of the peasantry, the

dress habits of the people has also changed. Hand woven khadi clothes were replaced by

the synthetic fabrics. They were durable and easy to wash. Traditional shoes are worn by

elders only. The young generation has started wearing foot wears of new types. The rich

farmers when wear more costly clothes, the children of the poor also want to follow

them. However, in the matter of per capita expenditure on clothing and footwear, the

lower categories of the farm families remain far behind the upper peasantry.164

Average monthly expenditure per person on clothing in rural area of Punjab was

Rs. 14.03 and Rs 21.78 at national level in 1999. In the urban area of Punjab, it was Rs.

51.45 as compared to the national level of Rs. 28.11. The average monthly expenditure

162 S.S. Gill & G.S. Momi, “Impact of Green Revolution on Rural Society in Punjab”, pp. 72-73.

163 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p.44

164 D.K. Gill and S.K. Saini, “Social Implications of Green Revolution” p. 65 ; Deepak K. Bhandari,

Social Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, pp. 99-100 and G.S.

Bhalla & G.K. Chadha, “Green Revolution and the Small Peasant – A Study of Income

Distribution in Punjab Agriculture”, in K.S. Dhindsa & Anju Sharma (eds.) Dynamics of

Agricultural Development : Land Reforms, Growth and Equity, p. 176.


174

on footwear in the rural Punjab was Rs 6.09 in 1999 where as it was Rs. 3 at the national

level.165

SOCIAL CEREMONIES

The Green Revolution has not only affected the eating habits and dress of the

rural people but also influenced their social and cultural life. In the traditional agricultural

system, there was lack of multiple cropping. As a result, farmers had a lot of time after

harvesting the major rabi crop. Therefore, most of the marriages used to take place in the

month of May and June after harvesting of wheat was over. Marriage parties used to stay

for two or three days at girl’s place and relatives used to be there for much longer period.

A marriage in the village was the affair of the whole village. People used to

contribute milk, rice, clothes etc without charging a single rupee.166 But in the post-Green

Revolution period, the marriage has become practically a family affair. Now a days,

social ceremonies have become highly expensive. These are celebrated with lavish

parties. Extravagance is very common even among those who cannot afford it. However,

due to the multiple cropping pattern, marriages have become only one-day affair. But, the

dowry system has grown stronger after the Green Revolution period.167

In the pre Green Revolution period, dowry generally included a bicycle, a sewing

machine, a watch, radio set etc. But with more money, it has become a status symbol to

include costly items. Buffaloes, cows, motorcycle, scooter, sofa sets, television, fridge

and beds are common items given by the farming community. Affluent farmers have

started giving even a car in dowry. It has created problems for the small and marginal

farmers. Demonstrations of the affluent farmers motivate others also to spend huge

amount of money on marriage and social ceremonies because of community life. It puts

pressure on poor peasantry. They are facing difficulties in finding suitable matches for

165 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p. 44.

166 The village elders during interviews told me about this.

167 M.S. Randhawa, Green Revolution – A Case Study of Punjab, pp. 187-189. Also see, and S.S. Gill

& G.S. Momi, “Impact of Green Revolution on Rural Society in Punjab”, p.73 ; G.S. Bhalla,

“Agrarian Transformation : Interaction Between Tradition and Modernity”, Yojna, August 15,

1993, p. 42 ; Amarjit Singh, “Maladies of Green Revolution”, p. 184 and Deepak K. Bhandari,

Social Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, p. 71.


175

their daughters. The small and the marginal farmers who try to follow the footsteps of

affluent farmers, mainly in the performance of marriage ceremonies ruin themselves as

they have to spend beyond their capacity. The social ceremonies have added to tensions

of the farming community. They spend the loan money drawn for productive purposes on

these ceremonies. They fail to repay the loans timely. The problems over the dowry in the

family relationships have also increased. The number of dowry cases reported in 1965-66

were only 15 which increased to 57 in 1986-87.168

HOUSES AND MATERIAL POSSESSION

With the increased income structural changes started taking place in the villages.

Katcha houses were progressively converted into cemented and concrete pucca houses.

The rich farmers started constructing luxurious houses. Many of them have shifted their

residences outside the traditional village boundaries often into the midst of their tree

plantations and orchards.169

D.R. Arora, B.K. Aggarwal and A.K. Gupta conducted a study to know the socio-

economic structure of Punjab. Total number of large farmers selected in Ludhiana district

were 164 while it was 114 in Gurdaspur. According to the findings of the study, the

investment in house building is divided in three phases. About 68 percent of the large

farmers in Ludhiana and 74 percent in Gurdaspur constructed new houses after 1968. The

percentage of such farmers who built their houses during 1967-73 and 1974-78 was 25

and 43 respectively in Ludhiana. The percentage of such farmers who constructed their

houses during same period in Gurdaspur was 33 and 41 respectively.170 The increase in

168 M.S. Dhariwal & Sarabjit Kaur, “Green Revolution, Income Inequalities and Social Tensions in

Punjab”, p. 3.

169 The literacy rate of Punjab which was 34.12 percent in 1971 rose to 43.37 in 1981, 58.51 in 1991

and 69.95 in 2001. The households living in rural area of the Punjab 49.59 percent in pucca, 17.03

percent semi pucca and 33.28 percent Katcha homes during 1981. The percentage of pucca houses

reached to 72.41 percent, semi pucca 12.26 percent and Katcha 15.60 percent during 1991. See,

the Economic Survey, Government of India, Ministry of Finance, 2004, p.S-112 and Statistical

Abstract of Punjab, 1997, p. 650.

170 D.R. Arora, B.K. Aggarwal & A.K. Gupta, “Agricultural Development and Socio-Economic

Structure – A Case Study of Rural Punjab”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social,

Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 56.


176

pucca houses in the number of small farmers and agricultural labourers is negligible as

compared to the middle and big farmers. It was because of their poor resources.

In the rural Punjab, the average monthly expenditure per person on rent in 1999

was Rs. 0.60 as compared to national level of Rs. 0.74. It shows the majority of the

people in the villages live in their own houses.171

Bullocks have vanished from the cemented courtyards of the farmers. The milk

cattle are being moved out to new constructed sheds. This new pattern of house and

house hold is coming under the influence of urbanization. Resources are provided for a

healthy life style by the increased production under the new agricultural strategy. With

increased gains, the rural people are shifting to goods of comforts. Before the Green

Revolution period, only a few farmers owned fans in their houses. Now majority of

farmers have this facility. A large number of agricultural labourers also own it.172

As per my survey it was also found that there is gradual increase in luxury goods

such as television, scooter, refrigerators and cars among the rich farmers. Small and

marginal farmers are also buying television or scooter. But they buy luxurious items from

allied sources than agriculture. Average monthly expenditure per person on durable

goods in rural Punjab was Rs. 11.58 in 1999. It was Rs. 16.12 at national level. In urban

Punjab, it was Rs. 37.82 as compared to Rs. 22.89 at national level.173 As compared with

mid sixties, a remarkable change has taken place in the rural life of Punjab in post-Green

Revolution period. The standard of living has improved. Every house has been

electrified. Almost every house of the farming community has installed a hand pump.

The traditional scene, a group of women fetching water from the well has vanished.174 All

the villages are linked with link roads. The noise of scooters, motorcycles and tractors is

becoming a common feature. There is a change in the market facilities in the villages.

171 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p. 44

172 Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions and Political Consciousness as a Result of Green

Revolution, pp. 43-45.

173 Punjab Development Report, 2002, p.44.

174 B. Venkateswarlu, Dynamics of Green Revolution in India, p. 14; Murray J. Leaf, Song of Hope –

The Green Revolution in a Punjab Village, p. 13; Ranjit Singh, “The Green Revolution – An

Analysis”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and Political Implications of

Green Revolution, pp. 13-14 and Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions and Political

Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, p. 98.


177

Almost every village has general store. Vegetable shops and liquor shops have also

opened up in big villages. The villages of Punjab have, within the radius of a few

kilometers, the facility of marketing yards for agricultural produce, banks, schools,

primary health care centres, post offices, co-operative societies and even colleges and

telephone facilities in sharp contrast to other parts of India. After the onset of Green

Revolution, the people of Punjab witnessed the similarities of civic amenities,

communication and education facilities between rural villages and small towns.

SATISFACTION REGARDING OCCUPATION

Punjab is basically an agrarian state. More than 75 percent of its population

depend on agriculture. Agriculture is regarded as the best profession in Punjab. Jat Sikh

farmers have been known for their remarkable farming skills. In the post-Green

Revolution period, farming has not remained an attractive profession for competent

people. Although the Green Revolution increased food grain production and per capita

income, but the uncertainty of the market and non-availability of various farm inputs at

the required time have given rise to many tensions to the farmers. Stagnation in the

production of important crops, the rising cost of the farm implements and inputs, labour

shortage and increasing indebtedness among the peasantry has further contributed to the

tension in the farming community.175 Despite the increase in family income, the quality

of life of the farming families are no match with non- agricultural families with similar

incomes. The living standard of the non-farm professions particularly belonging to the

urban area is better than the agriculturists. All the categories of the peasantry want their

children to adopt professions other than agriculture.176

As per the my survey it was observed that the increased level of mechanization

has changed the attitude of farm families towards labour. The youth from farming

families have stopped working in the fields. They limit themselves to driving tractors and

attending to other machines. In several families, hired labour performed even these jobs.

175 B. Venkateswarlu, Dynamics of Green Revolution in India, p. 256 ; P.S. Rangi and M.S. Sidhu ,

“Problems and Prospects of Agriculture in Punjab”, In R.S. Bawa and P.S. Raikhy (eds.), Punjab

Economy and Emerging Issues, pp. 11-18 and Deepak K. Bhandari, Social Tensions and Political

Consciousness as a Result of Green Revolution, pp. 73-74.

176 S.S. Grewal & D. S. Sidhu, Prosperity of Punjab’s Farmer- Reality or Myth, Department of

Economics & Sociology, Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana, 1979, p. 19.


178

Work culture mainly manual labour has deteriorated among the peasantry of Punjab. The

younger generation of peasantry is very clear about their dislike for agriculture. They

want to move out of their villages the life of urban middle class and to the comforts of

consumer goods.177

The growing level of education among the rural youth has mainly turned them

away from farming. The competent, active, risk absorbing and enterprising people prefer

other attractive professions for prosperity. Some of them succeed in getting white collar

jobs. Those who are not absorbed in other professions take to farming. This attitude has

effected agricultural productivity and production. Farming also demand hard working,

risk absorbing and enterprising peasants.

IMMIGRATION

It is also observed that the Green Revolution forced the small farmers to leave

farming. It is not a new phenomena. Before Independence, Punjabis migrated to western

Punjab and then to Uttar Pradesh in search of bigger farms. They also migrated to

America, Canada, England and Australia. About 20 lakh Punjabi farmers had migrated to

these countries by 1911.178

Division of holdings has resulted in uneconomically holdings as they cannot give

work to all the members of family. It has forced the small and marginal peasant to leave

their country for better opportunities in U.S.A., Canada and Australia. A number of

Punjabis have also migrated to Arab world, oil rich gulf countries, Africa and South-East

Asian countries.179 Individualism and materialistic attitude has developed among people.

Rural youth of Punjab now prefer going abroad than shifting to non-agricultural

occupations within the country.180

177 Similar kind of views are expressed by , Bhagwan Dass, “Tutt Chukke Han Punjab De Chhote

Kisan” The Ajit, January 6, 2009 and India Today, 23 August, 2010, p.74

178 T.R. Sharma, “Political Implications of the Green Revolution”, in Varinder Grover (ed.). The

Story of Punjab : Yesterday and Today, p. 31 and Ranjit Singh, “Green Revolution-An Analysis”,

p. 15.

179 Sangat Singh, The Sikhs in History, pp. 546-547 ; Gopal Singh, “Green Revolution, Punjab

Economy and Punjab Crisis”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social, Economic and

Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 221 and T.R. Sharma, “Political Implications of the

Green Revolution”, p. 31.

180 Amarjit Singh, “Maladies of Green Revolution”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.), Social,

Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 183 and S.S. Gill & G.S. Momi,


179

Punjabi families living in other countries continue to regard themselves as full

members of their ancestral village in Punjab. They regularly send a large sums of money

from their saving to their family members and relatives. Some Punjabis have bought large

agricultural holdings with their saving from foreign countries and others have

significantly improved them. In some cases, the migrant Punjabi farmers send

agricultural machinery to their home. With the help of foreign money, many of the

farmers are in a position to buy better quality better implements.181 Finance capital from

abroad has to a remarkable extent, contributed to the success of the Green Revolution. It

is reflected from the average per capita deposits in various savings accounts in Banks and

Post Offices in the Punjab. As per the 1974 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, it was Rs.

287.8 for Punjab state while the national average was Rs. 152.6 only.182

In the post-Green Revolution period, foreign savings have increased the process

of expansion of large holdings on the one hand and increase of the landless on the other

side. The poor and marginal farmers are compelled to sell their land due to increasing

indebtedness. With the help of foreign money, the rich farmers have purchased those

land. This is not a new phenomena. Even in the early 20th century, the peasants had gone

abroad because of indebtedness. The majority of the Ghadries who came from California

(USA) to make a revolt in India in 1915 had left the country because of growing

indebtedness.183 But now a new phenomena is visible. It has become a craze among

Punjabi youth to go to foreign countries. Small and marginal peasants sell their land for

this purpose. Many of them, neither have connections abroad nor employment

opportunities. They are generally cheated by foreign travel agents. Ultimately, they return

home in most miserable conditions. It has further added to tension in the peasant society.

On the whole it can still be said that the Green Revolution has brought over all

prosperity to peasantry in Punjab. The marginal and small farmers despite their limited

“Impact of Green Revolution on Rural Society in Punjab”, in B.S. Hansra & A.N. Shukla (eds.),

Social, Economic and Political Implications of Green Revolution, p. 70.

181 Hugh Tinker, The Banyan Tree, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977, p.180 and Gopal

Singh, “Green Revolution, Punjab Economy and Punjab Crisis”, p. 221.

182 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, Government of Punjab, Chandigarh, 1974, pp. 434-435.

183 Harish K. Puri, “The Ghadar Movement : A New Consciousness”, in Indu Banga (ed.), Five

Punjabi Centuries, p. 158.


180

land base, have been able to record almost as much total crop output per acre as the big

farmers. They are able to achieve higher cropping intensity through utilization of their

family labour. This also a fact that the gains of the new agricultural strategy have been

distributed more or less in proportion to the initial land holding position. The Green

Revolution has also provided relief to the agricultural labourers. Increase in labour per

cropped per acre has been made possible because the new agricultural strategy demand

more farm labour. But it is also true that the Green Revolution gave a big push to the

growth of capitalistic farming. It has given rise to a class of rich landowners. As they

could afford new technology, had more land, they earned many times more than those

living near by. It has widened this gulf between the big and the middle on one hand and

the small and the marginal on other.

Green Revolution brought multi-dimensional changes in the rural society of

Punjab. New values are emerging. Village life is being urbanized. Standard of living has

been rising. The changes brought about by technological developments are not always

and wholly beneficial. The Green Revolution has not proved to be any different. Due to

modernization, the traditional bonds, customs and other recreational sources have been

fading out. This has created socio-cultural vacuum in the rural life of Punjab.

iv peasantry after the green revolution -...

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