informality and women in a gendered mega-city

8/8/2019 Informality and Women in a Gendered Mega-City

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Roxana Hafiz,

Professor,

Dept. of URP, BUET.



` This article revolve around three issues, informality,

women and gendered space.

` To explain explicitly, the poor women in Dhaka, in

their attempt to augment the family's, involvethemselves in various income generating activities.

` Sometimes their activities involve space within and/or

around their homes.

` Sometimes it takes them outside the boundary of thehomes out of the community into the urban public

spaces.



` In this case we are interested in the latter.

` Studies indicate that Dhaka is a male-dominated society,

even the domestic space resonate male-dominance (Ahsan

et al, 1998).` We are thus familiar with terms like Baper Bari (father¶s

home ), Shoshur Bari (father-in-law¶s home), Shamir Bari

(husband¶s home) and even Chheler Bari (son¶s home)-

signifying male dominance, seldom expressed differently.

` So when women, especially poor women, venture out to

seek and contest for space in the urban realm it is not an

easy task.



` They have to negotiate with men at various levels to set

up a small business, in this case vending or hawking.

` This article intends to investigate how the poor women

in Dhaka compete for space to set up a small businessand what barriers they face and how overcome them in

the process.

` It also intends to investigate how the city caretakers

extend support to these poor women.



` A stratified sampling was applied to select vendors from

various categories. A total of 200 samples were taken, 50

from each area.

` A structured questionnaire survey was conducted among

vendors.

` Baitul Mukarram Link Road, Indira Road, the New Market

and the Gausia Market areas were chosen for study as these

contained large number of vendors and also to know what

percentage of women vendors were conducting business in

these areas.

` These areas are also very popular shopping points for

buyers.



` Portes, Castells and Benton (1989)argued that informalactivities involve ³the unregulated production of otherwiselicit production of goods and services.´

` De Soto (1989) defined informality ³as the refuge for individuals who finds that the cost of abiding by existinglaws in the pursuit of legitimate economic objectivesexceed the benefits.´

` Aside from encompassing activities carried outside the law,informality also encompasses activities for which the statehas created a system of exemptions but does not provide thefull benefits and protections of the law.



` Informality also represents a failure of the state to meet

the basic needs and requirements of the majority of the

population of the city.

` When the socio-economic and political programs fail tomeet the needs of the society, informality takes place.

` To Soliman (2004) urban informality involves a highly

rational form of economic behavior, allowing people to

obtain what they need at a lower cost.` These involve activities that are liable to or actionable

by Penal Code and Police Code.



` A geography which questions the patriarchal and hierarchical

assumptions on which geography is based, and emphasizes the

oppression of women and the gender inequality between men

and women, especially as expressed in gendered space²from

the masculine spaces of mines to city finance houses, to thefeminized spaces of primary schools and garment factories.

` Urban design overwhelmingly reflects the male viewpoint; for

example, a cycle track in Oxford has been hidden from the

main road by a hedge-topped bank.` From a male point of view this makes the track quieter and

less polluted. The track is desperately unsafe for women, and a

number have been attacked along it.

`



` Some feminist geographers argue that cities should be

restructured, in order to reduce gender inequalities, since it is

argued that women's access to a range of goods and services is

more restricted than men's.

` Spaces are produced through plans by law and are formal andregulated, as well as those which are produced outside the law

and are termed as informal spaces.

` Spaces are also dictated by societal and religious norms.

`

Social network are linkages that provide support in time of crisisand other times. These supports are either in the form of public

supports that the state provide in various forms or informal

supports that is created as a result of interaction among the

people acquainted with each other or who becomes familiar over

time.



` Exclusion and the fear of being excluded discourages women

to use and benefit from the use of public space.

` Moreover, the physiometry of Bangalee women do allow them

to use happily (i.e. without fear of being harassed, stalked,

mugged, etc.), comfortably and as the right of a citizen.

` It is not only women who are excluded, the list includes

children, the aged and the physically challenged. The

traditional design of sidewalks, streets, public toilets, parks

etc. tesitfy to this statement.



` It was found that of the 200 samples only 3.5% women were

engaged in vending in these areas, and the rest were men.

` It was also seen that majority of the men and women were older;

no young girls were engaged in business there, although young

boys were seen as helping hands.Age in years Male Female Total

Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage

Less than 12 3 1.5 1 0.5 4 2

12-20 30 15 2 1 32 16

21-30 95 47.5 1 0.5 96 48

31-40 42 21 2 1 44 22

41-50 18 9 1 0.5 19 9.5

51 and above 5 2.5 0 0 5 2.5

Total 193 96.5 7 3.5 200 100



Family structure:

` Most (66%) of the women came from extended families comprising

of 5-10 members, the rest 34% came from nuclear families.

` Extended families provided several advantages in the form social

security.

` Family members pooled their resources to pay for the house rent,

school fees for the children and the initial capital to set up a

business.

` All the members contributed directly or indirectly to augment the

family¶s income.

` Young girls and aged women look after the home and the children

left at home.

` Young boys helped the men or chaperoned women to work.



` Unskilled men and women chose to hawk as it

requires no skill at all and they could swtch to

other jobs as or when required.

R easons for vending Number of respondents Percentage

Required small capital 61 30.5

Possesses no skill 47 23.5

Selling seasonal goods profitable 45 22.5

Can easily switch to other occupations 23 11.5

Does not require any hard work 24 12

Total 200 100



Monthly income R espondents

Number Percentage

Below Tk. 2000 0 0

Tk. 2001-4000 2 1

Tk. 4001-6000 36 18

Tk. 6001-8000 134 67

Tk. 8001-10000 30 15

Total 200 100



` It seen from the table that 23.5% of the vendors could not save

at all.

` About 18% had savings less than Tk. 500 per month

Monthly savings R espondents

Number Percentage

No savings at all 47 23.5

Less than Tk. 500 36 18

Tk. 5001-1000 37 18.5

Tk. 1001-2000 65 32.5

Tk. 2001-3000 10 5

Tk. 3001-5000 5 2.5



` Most of the vendors have migrated to the city from all over

Bangladesh as a result flood, river erosion, cyclone, localized

famine (due to drought), lack of job opportunities at their

places of origin and in search of better opportunities.

` A majority of the vendors were living in Dhaka at least for the

last 10 years.

` The women vendors had migrated with their husbands.

` As most of these women could hardly make ends meets, they

started to set up a business along with their husbands.` It was impossible for them to set up businesses all alone.

` They face various problems at work.



` Women suffered for want adequate toilets.

` They are most vulnerable when alone, need to be chaperoned.

` Always at risk of being abused (physical, verbal, visual)

Problems Respondents

Number Percentage

Bribes, toll, extortion 180 90

Small space 160 80

Permanent structure 145 72.5

Electricity 161 80

Lax security and safety 48 24

Petty criminals and mastans on the

prowl

78 39

No toilets 89 44.5

Lack of eateries for the hawkers 50 25

Lack of financing from GO andNGO

135 67.5



` Local mastans collect tolls at a regular basis and this is

distributed among the mastans, political party members,

police, etc.

` Tolls start from at least Tk 5 lakh depending on the strategic

location and size of the space.

` They have to pay at least Tk. 200 for a 40 watt bulb.

` Business gains momentum after offices hours.

` They cannot store their goods and have to carry them back.

` They have to spend at least Tk. 80-100 daily.

` They are at high risk of getting mugged, robbed, when they

trek back home on foot.



` They are perennially at risk of being evicted as their activities

are not recognized by law.

` They claimed that they had to pay at least Tk. 10,000 each to a

city corporation official or broker to provide them identity

cards.

` To date they were not provided with any.

` They paid rent for the space regularly to the local mastans and

the police otherwise they were not allowed to conduct

business there.` They gained access to that space through a mastan who was

known to her husband¶s friend living in the same mahalla and

was bribed handsomely.



` After payment of rent and bribes, the vendors had very little to

save.

` This consequently affected their consumption pattern,

lifestyle, etc.

` These women were suffering from various ailments but were

not able to seek medical help as these involved spending large

sum of money.

` They had other priorities than to spend the money on

themselves.



` The poor women had to migrate to the city as there is no

adequate social safety network to support them.

` Govt. has introduced VGF card to poor households in the rural

areas; it is alleged that it is impossible to obtain a card without

paying any bribes to concerned officials.

` There not sufficient number of adequate jobs that can support

families.

` In the city their status do not change overnight and they are

hardly in a position to bargain with city caretaker agencies.` Through alliances of their husbands with the local mastans and

the police they try to gain a foothold in the city, but always

remain at risk of being evicted from their home and places of

jobs.¶



` Several lakhs of hawkers or vendors were evicted from around

the city on february, 2007.

` Some of them resorted to plying rickshaws.

` The Government designated initially 12 city streets weekends

hawking where vendors could sell their good and spaces were

served on a first-come-first served basis.

` Hawkers were given identity cards and they did not have to

pay any fees to hawk in the designated areas.

` The Govt. constructed several markets to rehabilitate thehawkers, but it was actually previous shop-owners who

benefitted from this.



` Hawkers welfare association such as the

Bangladesh Hawkers¶ Federation, Dhaka Mohila

Hawkers Kallyan Kendro, etc. are interested to

rehabilitate the evicted hawkers in a plannedmanner, but not in holiday markets.

` Holiday markets are not any real solutions. It is

like a drop in the bucket.

` First of all the government need to stop evictingthem and search for real solutions.



` The Government of India adopted a National Policy on Urban

Street Vendors, 2009 recognizing the fact the vendors are an

indispensible part of urban life.

` Thus measures were taken to rehabilitate them properly and

provide facilities in a manner that would enhance their income

and QOL.

` In a similar vein, the Government of Malaysia has provided

spaces for vendors in the community, on the streets, and other

appropriate places by integrating them in the urban planning process and urban designs.

` This has prevented hawkers from making the city

dysfunctional.



` Authorities often regard the street vendors as

nuisance and encroachers of sidewalks and

pavements and do not appreciate the valuable

services they render to the common people.

informality and women in a gendered mega-city

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