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Influence of Ancient Mesopotamian Aesthetics of 1

Gardens/Parks and Water Installations on the 2

Development of Landscape Architecture 3

4 Based on information from fundamental historical sources, it can be stated 5 that the origins of the oldest civilization are found in the valleys of the Tigris 6 and Euphrates rivers. Important trade and migration routes stretched 7 through Mesopotamia, which also influenced the emergence and 8 development of one of the first urban-type civilizations in the world. It was 9 here that the Sumerian civilization developed, which led to a major cultural 10 and technological breakthrough. Their widely used irrigation canals 11 influenced not only the landscape but also the entire ecological, economic 12 and political systems of the time, and water was a particularly important 13 factor in this civilized space. The oldest known gardens have also expanded 14 here, and the Hanging Gardens of Babylon still fuel people's imaginations. 15 Due to its unique geographical location, the region has had a profound 16 impact on the surrounding peoples, and it is no coincidence that the imperial 17 parks of Assyria in northern Mesopotamia have had a major impact on 18 subsequent civilizations. There is no doubt that ancient Mesopotamia 19 occupies a fundamental place in the development of garden art. As roofing 20 gardens are increasingly being developed in the world in recent times, and 21 plants are used in modern architectural buildings as a vital compositional 22 tool, it is worth exploring more closely the origins of this process, which is 23 important for the architecture of the landscape. 24 25 Keywords: Ancient Mesopotamia, cultural landscapes, hanging gardens of 26 Babylon, water installations 27

28 29

Introduction 30 31

Based on information from fundamental historical sources, it can be stated 32

that the origins of the oldest civilization are found in the valleys of the Tigris 33 and Euphrates rivers. The territory of Mesopotamia is bordered on the north 34 and east by mountain ranges, on the south by the waters of the Persian Gulf, 35 and on the west by desert areas. Unsurprisingly, due to the favorable natural 36

conditions for agriculture, nomadic societies began to develop in these areas. 37 The most fertile region consists of the areas between the two major rivers, 38 where fertility was increased by the constantly renewed alluvial soil from water 39 flows. However, there was a constant risk of river floods and droughts. In total, 40

floods occurred as much as eight times a year, so it is not surprising that the 41 region has developed a complex system of irrigation, dikes, dams and canals. 42 Artificial irrigation systems adapted in the southern part of Mesopotamia date 43

back to the VI-V millennium BC. m. e, which is a millennium earlier than in 44 Egypt. Unlike other major river valley civilizations, the geography of this 45 region does not have favorable natural barriers to protect against nomadic 46 influxes, which determines the special dynamics of this region, which has left a 47

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strong mark on the culture of many later civilizations. (A. Andrijauskas, 2017, 1 22-24). However, despite the constant political changes in this region, the 2 multicultural nature, the constant state of struggle, the stability of the visual 3 and architectural unity of the Mesopotamian civilizational space is astonishing. 4

Here, art not only empowered and reflected political power, but also developed 5 a visual narrative in search of opportunities to convey narratives through art 6 (Davies PJE, [et. Al.], 2010, p. 21). Researcher R. Pournelle (draws 2007) from 7 the assumptions of various researchers, archaeological research, and aerial 8 photographs that the first water canals were used for navigation, transport, and 9

trade, so there was no need for a long period of organized, mass slavery social 10 development, as in Egypt. to the emergence of an expanded hydraulic 11 civilization. In her view, with the drying up of the climate and the onset of 12 large-scale urbanization, this navigational experience was easily adapted to the 13

subsequent engineering water system developed by perpendicular canals, dikes, 14 dams, dams, reservoirs and irrigation furrows connecting Sumer crops, cities 15 and the river. , form (Pournelle JR, 2007, pp. 29-62). Early urbanization, 16 written, cultural and technological developments led to the relatively early 17

emergence of political systems in the region, and the formation of the first 18 known historical empires. The political and social system of the ancient 19 Sumerian cities-states was based on the belief in the divine origin of the rulers, 20 supported by the social stratum of the priests. SN Kramer's (1963) research 21

also reveals the origins of democratic governance, which later spread widely in 22 the Greek world. However, since the emergence of the first settlements, 23

independent cities-states have been fighting each other for political influence in 24 the region, so the region has had the characteristic nature of political 25 fragmentation. Finally, the successful growth of food resources in Sumerian 26

cities and the growing wealth due to trade ties did not go unnoticed by the 27

surrounding nations, leading to the penetration of different communities of 28 Semitic origin towards southern Mesopotamia. About 2334 BC The region was 29 relatively easily conquered by Sargon of Akado and established the first 30

Middle Eastern empire, covering not only the Sumerian settlements but also the 31 northern lands covering present-day Iran and Syria. The academic period is 32 historically important as it defines the period when the Sumerian cities-states 33 of Southern Mesopotamia were first united. At the time, in southern 34

Mesopotamia, the increase in agricultural production led to a significant 35 increase in population, whereas in the past city-states suffered from deprivation 36 due to constant conflicts, which in turn increased the economic power of the 37 region (Jamieson A., 2016, pp. 45 - 51;). Towards the end of the Akkadian 38 Empire (2334 - 2154 BC), competition between many city-states intensified 39

and around 2200 BC. me, as the centralized political influence of the Akkadian 40 dynasty weakened, power was shared by local leaders. At that time, the 41

Akkadian Empire was tormented by an influx of nomadic Gutta tribes, and 42 they eventually took over. Yet the Gutian rulers were unable to cope with the 43 subtleties of the empire's rule, so the years of their reign are called the Dark 44 Ages. The lands of Mesopotamia were engulfed in chaos, and after a while the 45 aliens were driven out by the newly emerging third dynasty of Ur, also known 46

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as the New Sumer Empire, but covering a much smaller territory. This short 1 but striking period in Sumerian history is described by experts as the 2 "Sumerian Renaissance." Around the time of the New Sumer, archaeological 3 data revealed traces of the Amorites of Semitic origin, who spoke a language 4

related to the Academics but in a different dialect. This nation of a semi-5 nomadic way of life, a few centuries later, finally overthrew the third Ur 6 dynasty and began to dominate southern Mesopotamia (Jamieson A., 2016, pp. 7 45-51). In the region, competition between individual cities and states, which 8 has lasted for several centuries, is starting again. The Sumerians, who came 9

under the influence of the Amorites of Canaan origin, no longer recovered 10 politically, while in the free northern part of Mesopotamia the Assyrian rulers 11 dominated the academic-speaking population. Meanwhile, in southern 12 Mesopotamia, Babylon, first ruled by the Amorites and later by the Chaldeans, 13

emerges. The dynamics between the two academically speaking states led to 14 the development of the entire region, until Mesopotamia was finally conquered 15 by neighboring peoples of Iranian descent, ushering in a whole new cultural 16 phase of civilization. The history of Assyria is divided into three periods, 17

which correspond to the expansion of Assyria, accompanied by periods of 18 contraction and decline. These are the Old Kingdom of Assyria (2000 - 1740 19 BC), the Central Kingdom of Assyria (1363 - 1056 BC) and the Neo-Assyrian 20 Empire (934 - 609 BC). The Assyrians were first famous for their military 21

power. The discovery of vast iron ore resources in their populated areas led to 22 the emergence of an arms industry that allowed Assyria to have the best-armed 23

military forces of its era (Jamieson A., 2016). However, to ensure successful 24 trade, the Assyrians established colonies in Asia Minor and established ties 25 with the cities of Egypt, the Mediterranean, Anatolia, Iran, and the Caucasus, 26

making their capitals a major intersection of trade routes in the Middle East. 27

They have achieved a breakthrough in sculptural and architectural arts, which 28 stand out with their unique stylistic features, the maturity of art forms. The 29 Assyrians paid much attention to the development of the royal palaces, which 30

symbolized their power, and they were richly decorated with reliefs of war and 31 hunting glorifying the rulers. Many of their artistic features were taken over by 32 the Persians who later dominated its territory (Andrijauskas A., 2018, pp. 78-33 84). 34

Meanwhile, the early phase of Babylon’s life, accompanied by the Amorite 35 rule called the Old Kingdom of Babylon (19th - 16th century BC), was 36 followed by a dark period in which Babylon, weakened by the attacks of the 37 growing Hittite kingdom, fell into the hands of the Kasits. XII century BC). At 38 that time, the Mesopotamian region was influenced by four hegemonies: Egypt, 39

the Hittite Empire, Mitania, enslaved by Assyria, and the Cassite Babylon, 40 renamed Cardunias. From the 12th century BC new wave of nomadic tribal 41

migration began in Mesopotamia, so strong that scholars refer to it as the 42 Aramaic Invasion, while Babylon came under the rule of the Elamites of its 43 eastern neighbors, yet the rise of the Central Assyrian kingdom halted further 44 disintegration in the region. (Charpin D., 1995, pp. 807-829). Even before the 45 beginning of this expansion, these tribes have been influenced by 46

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Mesopotamian culture for centuries, their governance forms and social 1 organization were similar, therefore these processes did not affect the 2 civilizational and cultural changes of Mesopotamia (Andrijauskas A., 2018, pp. 3 70-76). X BC Assyria weakened briefly due to internal conflicts, but since 911 4

BC thanks to the active ruler Adadnirar II, the Assyrian expansion resumed, 5 leading to the third reunification of the region and the rise of the Neo-Assyrian 6 Empire, whose rulers completely solved the so-called “Babylonian problem” 7 and independence (Luckenbill DD, 1924). ). The Assyrian Empire was in a 8 state of constant military conflict, which is thought to have followed, with the 9

addition of internal divisions and weakening. Finally 612 BC Nabopolasar, the 10 ruler of Chaldean descent, extended his influence to Babylon, and in the east, 11 the charismatic leader Kiaxar, who united Persia and Medes, carried out an 12 uprising by mutual agreement and divided the vast possessions of Assyria. 13

Thus arose the New Babylon, also known as the Chaldean, which prospered 14 until 539 BC until the Achaemenid Persia took control of Mesopotamia. 15 Babylon lost power for centuries, but it continued to appear as one of the most 16 important provincial centers of the empire. The ruler of the Achaemenid 17

Empire also had the traditional Mesopotamian titles of "King of Akkad and 18 Sumer," "King of Babylon," and "King of the Four Worlds." When Alexander 19 the Great 330 BC occupied the region, dentition was still used here. Later, 20 during the Hellenistic period, the orthodontics remained largely in the limited 21

strata of the intelligentsia, which still supported the ancient cults of Babylon 22 and Uruk, which have survived until Muslim times. The last dental record was 23

made in about 70 years of our era, ending a tradition that has flourished for 24 more than three millennia. (Charpin D., 1995, pp. 807-829). 25 26

Table 1. Evolution of Ancient Mesopotamian Civilization Periods 27 The first settlement of Eridu was about 5400 BC

Uruk period 4100 - 2900 BC

Sumerian Early Dynamic Period 2900 - 2350 BC

Akkadian Empire - 2334 - 2154 BC

Guta rule period - XXIII - XXI BC

Uro III, New Sumer Empire - 2047 - 1940 BC

Amorite rule period XX - XIX BC Ancient Kingdom of Assyria 2000 -

1740 BC The ancient kingdom of Babylon in the

19th - 16th centuries. BC

Babylon of the Kasits in the 16th - 12th

centuries BC

Central Kingdom of Assyria 1363 - 1056

BC

Neo-Assyrian Empire 934 - 609 BC

New Babylon, also called Chaldea, 612 - 539 BC

28

29 Ancient Mesopotamian Gardens 30

31 Recent archaeological and artistic research by scholars in various fields 32

refutes the prevailing view that the Ancient Eastern countries developed under 33

conditions of cultural isolation, on the contrary, they maintained close ties. 34

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This is evidenced by the material archeological monuments of culture and art, 1 analogous art styles, aesthetic canons, cosmogonic myths, epics, motifs of light 2 and radiance aesthetics. The Sumerian trade routes stretched incredibly widely, 3 with economic and cultural ties maintained with Egypt, India, and through the 4

Oronto Valley and with Phenicia and Palestine. It is obvious that Mesopotamia 5 was located at the center of cultural interactions between these Ancient Eastern 6 countries. It was here that the original ocean from which all creation, the flood, 7 the gardens of paradise, the golden age of mankind, and other later widespread 8 mythological archetypes were formed. Many elements of the Sumerian 9

worldview undoubtedly influenced the formation of biblical Hebrew texts, and 10 thus the spread of all cultural spaces covered by Abrahamic religions 11 (Andrijauskas A., 2017, pp. 36 - 43). One of the fundamental images that 12 formed in ancient Mesopotamia and reached our time is the gardens of 13

paradise. The Greeks used the Persian word "paradeisos" to describe the 14 enclosure, the garden, the orchard, and the Eden garden of paradise. The 15 famous Sumerian SN Kramer (1963) observes that although the divine gardens 16 found in the myths of the Sumerians and later the Babylonians, Dilmun, are 17

inhabited only by the gods, they have many parallels with the later common 18 images of paradise gardens, so they can be treated as the origins of the latter. 19 Important here are the motives of the gardens, their implied location, fruit-20 eating, subsequent death, ribs, and painless childbirth, which, according to 21

Kramer, later transform and transition to a semitic worldview (Kramer SN, 22 1963, pp. 147-149). Clearly, the idea of an enclosed space is fundamental to 23

the gardens of ancient Mesopotamia, and the tree of life in the biblical gardens 24 of paradise from which the four rivers flow, including the Tiger and the 25 Euphrates, occupies an important place. The tree, taken together, was the most 26

important compositional element of the garden (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 40). 27

Very little is known about early period gardens or ornamental water use, as 28 these elements change the most over time and survive the shortest period of 29 time compared to architecture, sculpture, or other archaeological heritage 30

(Campbell CS, 1978, p. 15). M. Laurie (1986) argues that the origins of 31 orchards must be derived from agricultural practices, and that the first fenced 32 orchards may be associated with primary garden prototypes and therefore the 33 beds, shapes, and dimensions of these orchards corresponded to the parameters 34

of the cultivated fields. Irrigation canals and ponds, in these primary gardens, 35 were integrated not only for functional purposes but also for sensory pleasures 36 to enjoy the water in the hot climate. To protect crops and gardens from the 37 scorching sun and dry winds, the Sumerians planted them, providing shelter 38 and shade with a tree strip (Figure 1) that was irrigated with confusing canals, 39

and the Sumerian gardens were walled to keep wild and domestic animals and 40 insects (Laurie, M., 1986, p. 17). Such walled gardens have been found in 41

many ancient Mesopotamian cities of various periods: Uruk, Mari, Babylon, 42 and Nineveh (Girot, C. 2016, p. 53). The gardens of the city of Uruk are 43 described in the Sumerian mythical "Epic of Gilgamesh", where it is stated that 44 one third of the city consisted of a residential urban area, one third of cultivated 45 fields and the remaining third of gardens. However, it is not very clear what 46

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specific gardens are involved, as the early Sumerian word describing gardens 1 applies to both conventional and orchard gardens (Jellicoe GA, Jellicoe, S., 2 1995, p. 24). 3

4

Figure 1. Hypothetical Southern Mesopotamian Agricultural Element, Cell 5 Layout. Mays, LW, 2010, Ancient Water Technologies, Springer, Dordrecht, 6 Heidelberg, London, New York, ISBN 978-90-481-8631-0, p. 47 7

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Not surprisingly, in the Sumerian civilization space, complex pipelines and 10

sanitary facilities were also found, and the cities had developed waste water 11 and rainwater drainage technologies. Habuka Kebira, a short-lived Sumerian 12

trade colony in northern Mesopotamia, discovered by archaeologists, was built 13 in the city in the mid-fourth millennium BC. me, a particularly complex 14

sanitary system is found, with various pipes, drains and even toilets. There is 15 no doubt that the city was built with prior knowledge based on the technology 16 and design used in the central city of the metropolitan city of Uruk. It is far 17

more surprising to researchers that these advanced sanitary technologies have 18 become forgotten over time (Mays, LW, 2010, pp. 38-42). It is therefore not 19

surprising that the first known aesthetic water facilities are also found in the 20 civilized space of Mesopotamia. Oldest surviving cascades located, decorated 21

with carvings water bowls(Eng.Basins)where water is a thin tube that stepped 22 system flowed from one to another until it reaches the lower bowl interspersed 23

with pure lion's head, found 3000 BC in Girsu. Another important find 24 unearthed in Mari, dating back to the Akkadian-Sumer period, is the 2000 BC 25 dates a figure of a woman with a jug of water from which gushes, water is 26

supplied by pipes, which is the earliest known prototype of a fountain (2 27 Figure). This figure of researchers is associated with the goddess of fertility 28

and political power Ishtara (Plumptre G., 1993, p. 19; Girot, C. 2016, p. 51; 29 and https://www.britannica.com/art/fountain). 30 31

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Figure 2. Mesopotamian Stone Fountain Figure, 2000 BC Plumptre G., 1993, 1 The Water Garden - Styles, Designs and Visions, Thames & Hudson Ltd, ISBN-2 10: 0500015716, p. 19 3

4 5

Located in the middle of the Euphrates, one of the largest courtyard 6 gardens in Mesopotamia is also found. The tracks in these gardens were based 7 on terracotta, fired clay bricks, and traditionally they were raised slightly above 8 the yard surface to keep them from dusting. It is known from written sources 9

that the palace had several gardeners ’posts, and that the rulers often had 10 snacks in those gardens. These gardens were planted with palm trees and had 11 an ornamental pool. The pool, though, wasn’t built into the center, but a little to 12

the side. At the center was, in ancient Mesopotamia, a much more significant 13 element - the tree (Dalley S., 1993; and Taylor, P., (ed) 2006, pp. 308-309). 14

According to one of the earliest written sources, gardens in southern 15

Mesopotamia have been typical since Sumerian times. These gardens, dating 16

back to the fourth millennium BC. me, like the later Babylonian gardens, were 17 based on ritual and economic incentives. In Mesopotamia, gardens have always 18

been associated with a sacred place, but with links to economics, magic, 19 poetry, and religion. The early functions of gardens were to give rulers a proper 20 place to participate in religious rituals (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 32). It is known 21 that the gardens were also a stage for cult ceremonies, such as the New Year 22

Festival, and at the same time functioned as industrial harvest suppliers. 23 Although both functions were associated with kings, it is difficult to determine 24 whether the same places were used for both of these purposes, and whether the 25 rituals occupied separate gardens. There is also not enough data to reconstruct 26 the layout or appearance of these gardens, making it very difficult to estimate 27

gardens from the fourth to mid-millennium BC. me (Amrhein A., 2015). 28

However, since the time of the Middle Assyrian Kingdom, there are far more 29

written, archaeological and iconographic sources. Like many other cultural and 30 ritual aspects of Mesopotamia and Babylon, the Assyrians have absorbed many 31 traditions and cult rites (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 32). The ruler of the Neo-32 Assyrian Empire, Sennacherib (705-681 BC), built a temple for the New Year 33 Festival (Figure 3) outside Nineveh outside Nineveh. Archaeological 34

excavations have also revealed traces of the layout of the gardens belonging to 35 this rectangular temple, after a thorough examination of the planting pits found, 36

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but it was not possible to identify which trees or shrubs grew there. In the 1 central inner courtyard, and outside it, there were plantings planted at regular 2 intervals on all sides. From the point of view of the scientist S. Dalley, 3 although archeological excavations have reconstructed the plants as shrubs, it 4

could also have been the trees of thin stems, giving the temple an impression 5 among the grove (Dalley S., 1993). A. Asadpor, also notes Sennacherib’s 6 records claiming that he dug two irrigation canals for the temple and planted it 7 in orchards (Asadpor A., 2018). However, archaeological research reveals that 8 the planting pits on the outside of the temple were irrigated with irrigation 9

pipelines, confirming that the temple was surrounded by permanent gardens. 10 However, the planting pits in the courtyard garden were not connected to the 11 piping system, which suggests that the trees were planted here on designated 12 occasions for ritual purposes. The rebuilding of the trees and their non-13

permanent installation, as well as the temporary exposition, clearly testify to 14 the decorative nature of the aesthetics of these gardens. Various written sources 15 also claim that the trees were sacrificed to the gods, and various cylindrical 16 imprints describe the transportation of the trees in pots or baskets. (Amrhein 17

A., 2015). Using this, the oldest known archeological example of temple 18 gardens, it can be said that the courtyards of the temples, like the courtyards of 19 the palace, were used for gardening. Still, the researchers note that comparing 20 the northern Assyrian temples with the southern Babylonian ones, it is clear 21

that the Babylonian temples owned much more land around them, and those 22 lands were divided and successively supplied various crops, especially dates, 23

figs, and pomegranates, for cult purposes. (Dalley S., 1993). 24 25 Figure 3. New Year's Festival Temple, Archaeological Finds and 26

Reconstructive Visualizations, Amrhein, 2015, Neo-Assyrian Gardens: A 27

Spectrum of Artificiality, Sacrality and Accessibility, Studies in the History of 28 Gardens & Designed Landscapes, 35: 2, psl. 97 DOI: 10.1080 / 29 14601176.2014.945832 30

31 32

Many ancient Mesopotamian temples are found decorated with columns 33 imitating the trunks of date palms, and in a spiral trunk palm with inedible 34 fruit, possibly Chamaerops humilis. The facades of the temples were also 35 decorated in a similar manner. Using the deduction method, researchers make 36 strong assumptions that the architectural form and decor given to some urban 37

and suburban temples was intended to symbolize the environment of a sacred 38

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grove in a garden of paradise (Dalley S., 1993). Temple gardens, or those 1 adjacent to the temples, were given more attention to appearance, their smell, 2 and the shadow they provided, as they were designed to convey the city’s fame 3 and prestige (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 34). The records of Esarhaddon (681-669 4

BC), the ruler of the Assyrians, describe the garden of the temple at Babylon, 5 which had water canals, fruit trees and bearing beds. From the record of King 6 Merodach-Baladan II (721-710 BC and 703 BC), a record of plants found in 7 the royal gardens of Babylon, reaches us from the briefly regained 8 independence of Babylon, the reign of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. The records 9

of another ruler, Nebuchadnezzar II, reveal that he grew fruits and vegetables 10 as sacrifices to the gods, but imported grapes and raisins because the grapes did 11 not ripen in southern Mesopotamia. Still, researchers do not find evidence or 12 other data on former Assyrian-style public parks or hunting gardens in southern 13

Mesopotamia (Taylor, P., (ed) 2006, p. 309). However, the Babylonian royal 14 palace gardens (Kiril ekaliim) have been mentioned since the reign of Adad-15 suma-usur (1200-1180 BC), and are reaffirmed in later records, and the temple 16 gardens in Babylon have been known even since the reign of the Kasits, from 17

the 16th century BC (Wiseman DJ, 1983, p. 138). 18 In earlier centuries, during the time of the New Sumer Empire, the region 19

was united by King Urnam, the ruler of Ur. It was one of the first written 20 acquis, restored order, stabilized the economy, and brought back the Sumerian 21

language (Jamieson A., 2016, pp. 45-51). During the reign of Urnam, the 22 greatest surviving Sumerian monument was erected - the Great Ur Zigurat, 23

which dates back to 2250 BC, caused no small fuss in our time. Initially, when 24 this monument was unearthed, it was wrongly assumed that its terraces were 25 planted with ornamental plants, although this was soon refuted (Taylor, P., 26

(ed), 2006, p. 308), but this false statement is widespread. is still accepted after 27

almost a century, based on the popular reconstructions of the Uric ziggurat 28 presented by L. Woolley, and the presumed assumptions of mystical hanging 29 gardens. S. Dalley (1993) explains that when archaeologist L. Woolley 30

excavated the zigurate, he saw that it was composed of silt bricks and the outer 31 layer was covered with burnt clay bricks, but the entire structure was 32 perforated at regular intervals with holes that penetrated through masonry. 33 Wooley interpreted these openings as drainage, but after a few more zigurates 34

were excavated, researchers confirmed that the towers were not actually 35 planted with trees or shrubs, after all, Dalley argues, even despite structural 36 problems in growing greenery on mud bricks. buildings, and the difficulties 37 that would have to be overcome in raising the water to such a height, it is 38 practically impossible to supply such greenery with the required amount of 39

water without washing the sludge brick building. The openings were in fact 40 intended to ventilate this structure in order to dry the structure so that it would 41

not later decompose or collapse (Dalley S., 1993, p. 6). It is noteworthy that 42 over time, some zigurats broke and actually collapsed, and later such 43 dilapidated structures in the eyes of contemporary Israelites may have provided 44 the basis for the development of the myth of the collapse of the Tower of Babel 45 (Rogers, E., R., 2001, p. 35). 46

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Hanging (Terraced) Gardens of Babylon 1 2

In later times, during the reign of the New Babylonian kingdom, ruled by 3 the Chaldean dynasties, Babylon became an influential Old World city, 4

distinguished by the distinctive Babylonian stylistic aesthetics of architecture, 5 sculpture and decor. Like the pre-dominated Assyrians, the Chaldeans also 6 built monumental, astonishing architectural buildings on their scales, created 7 magnificent temples and palaces, ruled gardens, and surrounded the city with 8 strong and impressive defensive walls (Andrijauskas A., 2017, pp. 43 - 47). . 9

Babylon was founded after one of the regular changes in the course of the 10 Euphrates River bed, but the river acquired its now characteristic curvature 11 around the 7th century. BC, during the New Babylonian period, when, for 12 militaristic needs, three artificial bends and a huge artificial lake in the upper 13

reaches were dug, according to Herodotus' testimony (Jellicoe, GA, Jellicoe, 14 S., 1995, p. 27). The ruins of the Old Babylonian city are unfortunately washed 15 away by the Euphrates, due to the constant rise in water levels, and now only 16 the ruins of the New Babylonian city are known (Mark JJ, 2011). During this 17

period, a unique Ishtar Gate, reinforced with heavy portals, column-reinforced 18 frames and bronze doors, was also built, the legendary Tower of Babel was 19 rebuilt, from which only a large foundation has survived - the base remains, 20 and the representative buildings are no longer embossed. with colored glazed 21

bricks (Andrijauskas A., 2018, p. 73). Babylonian culture has traditionally 22 nurtured temple gardens, and there were quite a few of them in Babylon 23

dedicated to various gods and rites. Scholars know that the Babylonian 24 gardens, which raised the prestige of the city, were renovated during the New 25 Babylonian period (Wiseman D., 1983, p. 138). Traditionally, the legendary 26

"Hanging Gardens" are also attributed to Babylon of this period. At different 27

times, attempts have been made to create different visual representations of 28 these gardens. The Dutch artist Maarten van Heemskerck, in 1572, spread more 29 widely. depicting a cycle of seven wonders of the world, an interpretation of 30

these gardens that met the aesthetic requirements of the time but relied more on 31 the author’s imagination than on real facts (Figure 4). However, later, in the 32 17th century. In Germany, the Jesuit Athanasius Kircher, a famous scholar of 33 his time, based on classical texts and the scientific knowledge of his time, 34

presented a much more realistic version (Figure 5), but was again influenced 35 by the Western cultural mindset of his time (https://www.wonders-of- the-36 world.net/Seven/Gardens-of-Babylon.php). However, not all written sources 37 attribute the construction of the latter to Babylon and its ruler Nebuchadnezzar 38 II, some claim authorship of the kings of Assyria as well, so in recent years it 39

has been hypothesized that these gardens may not have existed in Babylon but 40 actually found in the Assyrian capital Nineveh. Archaeological excavations 41

have not yet confirmed the presence of these gardens in Babylon either, so 42 scientists have several assumptions. One of them states that hanging gardens 43 did not exist at all, and the surviving descriptions represented Mesopotamian 44 gardens in general as such (Stiebing WH Jr., Helft SN, 2017). Another 45 common hypothesis is that classical sources have somewhat exaggerated and 46

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misinterpreted existing Babylonian buildings when describing these gardens. A 1 proponent of this hypothesis, D. Wiseman (1983) argues that the terrestrial 2 structures between the Euphrates, which possibly supplied water to these 3 structures, and the Southern Palace were documented in ancient cylinders and 4

were interpreted as hanging gardens (Figure 6). However, critics note that the 5 Euphrates bed had changed again from those times until the period of the 6 classical springs that reached us, and irrigating such gardens at the south gate 7 would have been very impractical (Stiebing WH Jr., Helft SN, 2017). 8 9

Figure 4. Maarten van Heemskerck 1572, based on the Author's Imagination, 10 a Widespread Visualization of Hanging Gardens 11 https://www.wonders-of-the-world.net/Seven/Gardens-of-Babylon.php 12

13 14

Figure 5. 17th c. Visualization based on Jesuit Athanasius Kircher Sources, 15 https://www.wonders-of-the-world.net/Seven/Gardens-of-Babylon.php 16

17 18

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Figure 6. Wiseman Suggested a Location for the Hanging Gardens of Babylon 1 Wiseman DJ, 1983, Mesopotamian Gardens, Anatolian Studies Vol. 33, p. 144 2

3 4 5

Gardens of the Assyrian Empire 6 7

Much more knowledge about the gardens of ancient Mesopotamia comes 8

from the Assyrian Empire. As the Assyrians originated from the plains, it also 9 led to changes in landscape architecture, much freer garden layout, and 10 imitation of natural nature. They are characterized by hunting parks enriched 11

with cedars and other imported trees, as well as exotic animals brought from 12 conquered lands or donated by rulers of distant lands. At least since 2000 BC 13

The kings of Mesopotamia held exotic animals and plants in separate parks. 14 These parks were further away from the palace of the rulers or even outside the 15

city walls. One of the most impressive such parks was owned by the ruler 16 Tiglath-Pileser I (1115-1074 BC), who, according to his royal records, bred 17 herds of horses, cattle, donkeys, gazelles, various species of deer and mountain 18 goats, and planted a hunting garden in cedar, beech trees, oaks, and exotic fruit 19

trees and, to a, a crocodile, and a large monkey (Dalley S., 1993; Taylor, P., 20 (ed) 2006, p. 308). These hunting gardens were called "ambassas" and were 21 associated with kings, gods and rituals, and were somewhat open to the general 22 public. Ritual hunting of lions took place in these places. These parks were less 23 artificial, more naturalistic, as they mimicked the wild areas inhabited by lions. 24

The hunts that took place here were for public viewing and were heavily 25 staged. Successful hunting was associated with the re-establishment of the 26

king’s divine support, ruler power, and dominion, as well as the triumph of the 27 Assyrian civilization (Amrhein A., 2015). Animals and plants from different 28 countries collected in these gardens were designed to represent the whole 29 known world (Novak M., 2004, p. 181). 30

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Over time, expressing their royal ideology, the rulers of Assyria began to 1 build much larger gardens, and paid more attention to their layout and design. 2 The king of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BC), initiated 3 huge water management projects and brought water from the hills and 4

mountains to irrigate his newly planted city orchards in his new capital, 5 Nimrude (also known as Kalhu). springs, and from the upper part of the Zab 6 River in the mountains, water was diverted to the rocks through channels 7 carved into the rocks (Taylor, P., (ed) 2006, p. 308). The waters around these 8 gardens are his own record that canal water flows into the gardens from above 9

(Dalley S., 1993). Ashurnasirpal II, calling these gardens near his new capital 10 Nimrude, called "kiri rishate" - "the garden of pleasure." Here he planted 41 11 different species of trees, and also kept several different species of animals, 12 suggesting that these gardens were fenced. These gardens, according to the 13

ruler who implemented them, were for the enjoyment of the Assyrian people, 14 while Tiglath-Pileser I said of his gardens that they were built exclusively for 15 the joy of the king (i.e., himself) (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 34). However, at that 16 time the dichotomy of state and religion did not exist and therefore no great 17

distinction could be made between royal and divine gardens, as in their 18 worldview all aspects of life were associated with gods and cult. In an effort to 19 imitate divine gardens, royal gardens were characterized by greater 20 decorativeness, artificiality, introversion, and ritual activity. These gardens 21

covered an area of 25 km2and, for the first time in Assyria, were equipped with 22

a panoramic platform connecting with the palace to view the view of the 23

gardens. The term "used to describe this construction bitumen" is. These 24 platforms were used not only for royal purposes but also for ritual cult needs, 25 had porticoes and columns surrounding the facades, and were thought to have 26

been adapted from the architecture of the-Hittite palace (SyrianAmrhein A., 27

2015). It is the first architectural element used in the Assyrian gardens that 28 enabled visual communication between architecture and the landscape. 29 (Donald P Patrick, 2016, p. 34). Interestingly, crypts of queens' graves are also 30

found under the courtyard gardens of the Royal Palace in Nimrud. Thus, these 31 gardens may have also served as memorial functions (Dalley S., 1993, p. 3). 32

Undoubtedly, the art of the Assyrian gardens and the conceptual 33 worldview that accompanies it, judging by archaeological, literary, 34

iconographic and cultural-historical research, were developed during the 35 Sargon dynasty (722-609 BC). It is probable that until then most of the 36 Assyrian gardens, in addition to their size, did not have stylistically highly 37 developed forms, the most striking feature of which was the terraces. During 38 the organ dynasty period, royal gardens were built outside the palace, but shone 39

alongside their walls. The terminology has also changed, as L. Oppenheim 40 notes, before that period the garden was called "kiru", but it evolved into 41

"kirimahhu", meaning "large or glorious garden". This word is a Sumerian debt 42 to emphasize the prestige of gardening as an ancient heritage (Amrhein A., 43 2015). Along with the name, the concept of gardens changed during the reign 44 of Sargon II and later his son Sennacherib, when gardens changed their 45 traditional, somewhat “utilitarian” function to a more predominant exposition 46

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assignment (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 33). In Dur Sharukin, the new capital of 1 Sargon II, a relief depicting a king resting in his gardens, near a pond and an 2 artificial hill (c. 715 BC) (Figure 7), is one of the earliest works of landscape 3 style art (Jellicoe, GA, Jellicoe, S., 1995, p. 27). Regularly planted dates grew 4

in these royal gardens, which were also planted along the canals, along with a 5 wide variety of fruit trees such as apples, figs, peaches, plums, cherries, and 6 pomegranates (Rogers, E., R., 2001, p. 39). Sargon II copied the model of the 7 old capital, Nimrod, and all the characteristic elements in creating his new city. 8 However, the layout of the city was almost an ideal square and, as a result, it 9

was far more regular in shape and geometric layout than other Assyrian cities. 10 The main highlight here was the fortified citadel, which housed the public 11 buildings, most prominently highlighted by the palace of the rulers, which 12 extends beyond the citadel, thus breaking down the square layout and 13

providing greater contrast. The palace, seen from the city side, was visible 14 from three sides (Figure 8). Unlike Nimrude, the main visual highlight of Dur 15 Sharukin was no longer the temple, but the royal palace. On the other side of 16 the palace were the royal gardens, which, as can be seen from the reliefs, also 17

housed “bitana” observation pavilions, artificial mountains, and ponds with 18 boats (Novak M., 2004, pp. 181-182). Ponds, at the latest since the time of 19 Sargon II, have become a common feature of the Assyrian royal gardens 20 (Albenda P., 1974, p. 6). 21

22 Figure 7. Sargono II Park 23

Jellicoe, G., A., Jellicoe, S., 1995, The Landscape of Man: Shaping the 24 Environment from Prehistory to the Present Day, Thames and Hudson, ISBN 25 10: 0500278199, p. 27 26

27 28

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Figure 8. Reconstruction of the Dur-Šurukas citadel with a palace; 1 (M. Novak, 2004, From Ashur to Nineveh: The Assyrian Town-Planning 2 Program, Papers of XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 1 (Iraq 3 66), London, pp. 181-182, DOI: 10.2307 / 4200572) 4

5 6

Sargon's son Sennacherib (704-681 BC) developed gardens in particular, 7 and since his reign the gardens have become a particularly prominent and 8 characteristic part of the Assyrian landscape. Again, he moved the capital of 9

Assyria to the pre-existing city of Nineveh, rebuilt and expanded it, surrounded 10 by two walls, and planted gardens both inside and outside the city, probably for 11

the sake of a more convenient and problematic water supply in Dur Sharukin. 12

the two artificial mounds-mounds in the river crossing the city were 13

transformed into powerful citadels. The basic urban structure used for the 14 transformation of the city was taken over from the former capitals Nimrud and 15 Dur Sharukin. At the top of the main, larger citadel closer to the edge, the 16

Royal Palace of Sennacherib was built, overlooking the riverbank and gardens, 17

and later on the sides and the palace of his grandson Ashurbanipal II (668-627 18 BC), with temple buildings in the center. Due to its positioning, the facade of 19 the royal palace was visible from outside the city. This largest and last capital 20 of the empire reveals the culmination of the development of urban planning in 21 Assyria, and the growing importance of urban elements, namely citadels, 22

fortifications, and royal gardens, in the architecture of the time (Novak M., 23 2004, 181-182). Significant New Year Festival temple gardens were found 24 outside the city, by the river valley. These are the best archaeologically 25

preserved temple-type gardens in Mesopotamia. Semi-public ceremonies for 26 the elite took place here. The New Year Festival was a very important cultural 27 and ideological celebration, enshrining the symbolism of the king and his 28 reign, and unity with the god Ashuru (Amrhein A., 2015). Hunting and play 29

gardens were also set up outside the city walls.these "Thereambassuwere 30 several of" gardens, some on the north side of the Adad Gate and the others 31 east of the Shamash Gate. Ritual hunts were held here, and judging by the 32 reliefs of the later ruler Ashurbanipal II, military exercises were also organized 33

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in these gardens. These gardens, as usual, were looser structures to mimic 1 chaos-dominated wildlife. The other part of the city's land is also used for 2 public purposes, the plots are designed for growing trees and vegetables and 3 divided for the people of Nineveh. It is not known exactly what was grown in 4

these private gardens, but Sennacherib leaves a record of assigning them to 5 human health and joy, giving them an individual source of food. Many of these 6 gardens were distributed to high-ranking officials who generated income from 7 them (Patrick DP, 2016, pp. 35-43). Finally, in the northern part of the city, 8 there were also public orchards and orchards, which were also used for 9

harvesting and were therefore thought to have little cultic significance and 10 were therefore poorly stylistically developed. But here, too, public, landscaped 11 observation platforms are also found from which the entire city and its visual 12 structure were to be seen, thus symbolically showing the viewer the full 13

grandeur of the Assyrian Empire (Amrhein A., 2015). For its ambitious 14 projects From the mountains, Sennacherib brought waters to its new capital, 15 with the help of canals and aqueducts, the surviving ruins of which are still 16 visible today. He initiated impressive canals, which in some places reached 80 17

m. area and 20 m. depth, according to data collected by researchers, were 18 constructed in four stages: first implementation of the Kisiri Canal, 13.4 km., 19 702 BCe; the system was later supplemented by the Musri mountain canal, 20 which collects spring and basin waters, in 694 BC; then the Northern System 21

was created, 46.4 km, 690 BC; and finally the ambitious Khinis system, 55 22 km., 690-688 BC Khinis, the latest water supply system, consisted of canals 23

and tunnels, and as the city crossed the lowlands, water reached the aid of an 24 aqueduct. It consisted of 6 pillars - pillars, had breakwaters and lasted for 280 25 m. To Sennacherib’s pride, innovative automatic water slides were also 26

installed that did not require human physical effort to operate. All of these 27

systems helped supply water to meet Nineveh’s enormous needs throughout the 28 year, but in the spring, with the melting mountain snow, floods formed that 29 could cause damage. To address this problem, Sennacherib designed an excess 30

water discharge system that directed unnecessary water outside the city to 31 specially designed artificial ponds. It is one of the oldest known and the first 32 described sewage pond regulating excess water, based on the principles of 33 sustainable architecture, which is especially relevant in our time. (Mays, LW, 34

2010, p. 7; p. 38). The design of these ponds was inspired and developed after 35 Sennacherib’s successful military expedition to the then semi-independent, 36 constantly rebel province of Assyria, Babylon, which ended in the destruction 37 of the latter city. Therefore, this nature reserve has been planted with plants 38 and animals and birds typical of southern Mesopotamia, which is much wetter, 39

and therefore likely to be poorly adapted (Dalley S., 1993), thus symbolically 40 emphasizing not only nature but also the kingdom of Babylon. The natural area 41

of this artificial pond, which was near the city gate of Kar-Mulissi (Figure 9), 42 allowed wildlife to breed and reproduce naturally. Over time, this area, having 43 reached the stage of maturity, has become dangerous for local people coming 44 to enjoy the reed harvest that is abundant here (Patrick DP, 2016). 45 46

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Figure 9. Urban Structure of the City and Surroundings of Nineveh, 1 D. Patrick, 2016, The Imperial Gardens of Mesopotamia: Landscapes of 2 Power, p. 37 3

4 5

The most important gardens, from Sennacherib's perspective, were his own 6 royal gardens, located within the city walls of the Kuyunjik Citadel. They were 7

no doubt perfectly planned and decorated, and every element had to be thought 8 through in detail, as these were the most important gardens of the empire. They 9 were meant for the pleasure and joy of the gods and the king and his queen, as 10

well as for ritual rites. These royal gardens were laid out in such a way as to 11 provide easy access to temples and royal residences (Patrick DP, 2016, pp. 35-12

38). In addition, based on the latest hypotheses and research, Sennacherib is 13

credited with realizing one of the wonders of the ancient world, the Hanging 14

Gardens. Typically, these gardens, based on Greek sources, were attributed to 15 Babylon, but until recently there were no archeological or Babylonian textual 16

sources to determine the location and characteristics of the hanging Babylonian 17 gardens, which allowed many speculations to occur. However, S. Dalley 18 (1993) argues, using sound arguments, that Greek sources relied on gardens 19

built by King Sennacherib of Assyria, Nineveh. They, in her opinion, are also 20 depicted in the reliefs of Nineveh (Figure 10). Ninevija and Babylon were 21 often confused by biblical, classical, and later authors, and thus Sinacherib of 22

Assyria was merged with Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon. The gardens, 23 according to S. Dalley, were built on an artificial hill next to the palace and 24 were designed and laid out to mimic a natural mountainous landscape with 25 trees and flowing water. The shape and dimensions were similar to Greek 26

theater (Figure 11), and the water was supplied to the top by bronze screws 27 mounted in cylinders. The present invention is often attributed to Archimedes 28 several centuries later, but images of propellers are found in Assyrian reliefs. 29

Sennacherib's analogues also testify to this garden, in which he is also proud of 30 the new water supply technologies that have earned them the name of a world 31

wonder (Dalley S., 1993, pp7-10.). The stone vaults supported the upper part of 32 the gardens, the highest levels consisted of open terraces and columned paths 33

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with roofs planted with trees so that visitors walked under the roots, the 1 gardens were equipped with a pavilion with columns, “bitumen”, and probably 2 the lowest level was recreational.Taylor, P., (ed) 2006, p. 29). However, Dr. 3 David Stronach (2014) criticizes this hypothesis in his lectures, and although 4

he agrees with the possible argumentation of confusion between Nineveh and 5 Babylon in classical sources, he believes that such gardens near the royal 6 palace, especially the artificial lake, are unlikely as they block and impede the 7 most obvious and direct access to the palace. . The relief of his beliefs 8 depicting the gardens of Nineveh is of a more abstract nature, conveying not so 9

much a realistic picture as all the achievements of the ruler in one place. 10 11

Figure 10. Nineveh Gardens, believed to possibly convey “hanging gardens,” 12 S. Dalley repainted from a fragment of relief, S. Dalley, 1993, “Ancient 13

Mesopotamian Gardens and the Identification of the Hanging Gardens of 14 Babylon,” in Garden History, Vol. 21, no. 1 (Summer, 1993), p. 10, The 15 Garden History Societi 16

17 18

Figure 11. Visualization of Hanging Gardens in Nineveh Illustr. Taylor, P., 19 (ed) 2006, The Oxford companion to the garden, Oxford University press, 20

ISBN 978-0-19-866255-6 p. 30 21

22 23

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Iconography of Mesopotamian Gardens In the context of Assyria, all 1 gardens and parks were permeated with sacral meaning, the gardens were the 2 meeting place of the gods, and also mediated between man and the gods. They 3 were imbued with religious, cult, magical and political underpinnings. The 4

visual discourses of the ritual rites taking place in them became forms of 5 political-religious indoctrination. Textual sources indicate that the gods of both 6 Babylon and Assyria also had personal, private private gardens in their 7 heavenly habitats (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 39). However, in addition to the 8 physical manifestation, the Assyrian gardens also had a visual representation 9

conveyed in the reliefs of the royal palace. A particularly large number of such 10 reliefs are found in the new palace built by Asurbanipal II, the grandson of 11 Sennacherib, who continued to nurture his grandfather’s gardens in Nineveh. 12 Such a relief, called The Garden Party (Figure 12), depicts a resting king with a 13

queen in the gardens of Nineveh, after the victory over Elam, whose king 14 Teumman's head is evidently hung on a tree. In the hands of the ruler is a water 15 lily, it is believed that these gardens had one or more ponds, the latter being 16 covered with their flowers. Scientists believe that water lilies (Nymphaea) in 17

Mesopotamia originated in Egypt (Albenda P., 1974, p. 6). The image of these 18 depicted royal gardens conveys a complex composition based on a high level 19 of layout and design, combining different greenery. Art historian P. Albenda 20 reconstructed the full context of the image of this relief, revealing that the 21

image was found in three registers depicting a wider panorama. The upper 22 register, which contains the original relief, is dedicated to the king and depicts 23

the gardens closest to the palace. The middle register depicts more public 24 hunting gardens, and the last, lower register conveys artificial ponds outside 25 the city walls. This layout reveals that the gardens closest to the royal palace 26

were most carefully designed for ritual activities, but the gardens farther away 27

from the palace deliberately used far less formulation, compositional means, 28 even permissible chaos, and uncontrolled nature (Amrhein A., 2015, p. 100). 29 A. Asadpor (draws 2018), after a more detailed analysis of Assyrian gardens, 30

also conclusions about the existing connection between the center and the 31 periphery, and the level of application of geometric planning and design. In the 32 center, in the palaces or temples of the rulers, in the gardens, the highest degree 33 of design is applied, which decreases steadily as you move towards the 34

peripheries. Such planning is related to the dichotomy of order / chaos, 35 conveying the ideological worldview of Assyria. In this context, the city is to 36 be treated as a symbol of order, and wildlife as an opposition to unrest and 37 chaos. The king, as a trustee of God, introduces order and harmony in a chaotic 38 world, which is especially noticeable as he approaches from the periphery to 39

the center. As a result, fully-fledged gardens flourished throughout the 40 Assyrian Empire, the culmination and apogee of which were entrenched in the 41

imperial capital, thus emphasizing the political, ideological, and religious 42 dominance of the Assyrians in the country (Asadpor A., 2018). 43 44

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Figure 12. Asurbanipal II Palace “Garden Party” Terrain 1 Rogers, E., R., 2001, Landscape design: A Cultural and Architectural History, 2 Abrams, ISBN: 0810942534, p. 39 3

4 5 Figure 13. Reconstructed full-length reconstruction of “Garden Party” by P. 6 Albenda 7

(A. Amrhein, 2015, “Neo-Assyrian gardens: a spectrum of artificiality, 8 sacrality and accessibility”, Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed 9 Landscapes,, 35: 2, p. The 10

11 12

Iconography of the gardens themselves, as well as their visual 13

representation, played an equally important ideological and propaganda role. In 14 the conceptual perception of the world in Mesopotamia, both Babylon and 15

Assyria, the visual did not differ from the real world, and was a more active 16 factor than just the visual representation of the environment. A phenomenon, 17 object, or person could have been easily reached through its visual 18

representation or even name. Those who had access to the reliefs perceived 19 them in a context adjacent to the physical gardens, and therefore gained a fuller 20

experience, a broader perception of the reliefs. However, real gardens have 21 more sensory features such as smell, sound, and space, creating a deeper 22 mental spectacle, and the perception of terrain requires some education, 23 iconography, and symbolism, making it a more conceptual experience as 24 opposed to direct physical garden experiences. In this way, the “sixth sense” is 25

used to understand the reliefs, which requires specialized doctrinal knowledge 26 (Amrhein A., 2015, pp. 107-8). Thus, gardens were magical places where 27

sculptures of gods were perceived as equally real and could be revived during 28 ritual rites (Patrick DP, 2016, p. 66). Looking more broadly, it is clear that 29 textual rhetoric was aimed at the educated elite, future generations and most 30 importantly the gods, visual iconography in relief for those who lived or 31 worked in the palace, and foreign kings or diplomats, and gardens more 32

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symbolic than real physical places for the general public. . Thus, the conceptual 1 discourse of gardens was widely developed on many levels and functioned 2 inextricably as a message of propaganda, indoctrination, cult, and ideology. For 3 greater persuasiveness, gardens have been eroticized, in both religious and 4

poetic texts, providing a wide variety of allegories. In order to achieve the 5 mystery effect, the rituals of the gods were also performed here in the second 6 month of the Assyrian calendar, during which the cult statue of Nabu was 7 transferred to the cult statue gathering of the Tashmet bedroom of (Patrick DP, 8 2016, p. 40). Thus the image was established that fertility, fertility, and the 9

prosperity of the kingdom were given to the people by the gods, and supported 10 and cherished by the kings of Assyria. The reliefs established the image of 11 Assyria as the center of civilization, from which the order spread to the 12 otherwise chaotic peripheries. The gardens were designed to convey the king's 13

control over the environment - land, water and plants, thus strengthening his 14 authority. And the greenery brought from the conquered lands was treated not 15 only as trophies, but also symbolized dominance over the conquered nations. 16 17

18

Conclusions and Summaries 19 20

The technology of Mesopotamian gardens originated in the early period of 21

the Erids and the influence of this garden art spread over time to Egypt, the 22 Media, the Mohenjo-Dar Indus Valley and Patalipur in the Moorish Empire in 23

India. In Europe, this influence was manifested in the construction of the 24 Minoan Palace in Crete (Girot, C. 2016, p. 55). In Mesopotamia, two different 25 types of gardens are traditionally distinguished. The Assyrians are 26

characterized by northern-type gardens, most of which are freer in layout and 27

tend to mimic the natural landscape, and southern-style gardens, typical of the 28 Sumerians and Babylonians, with geometric planning structures, mostly 29 associated with temples and cult needs. However, courtyard gardens found in 30

palaces can also be singled out in this region (Taylor, P., (ed) 2006, pp. 308-31 309). The famous Hanging Gardens of Babylon, while not reaching the visual 32 form of our time, have been heating our imaginations for centuries and causing 33 different interpretations at different times, which in turn deserve special 34

attention in the evolution of the idea of landscape architecture. 35 Clearly, gardens in ancient Mesopotamia acquired much broader cultural 36

value and served as an agent of cult, worldview doctrine, formalization and 37 dissemination of mythical thinking. Gardening was not only a matter of 38 prestige but also a tool of politics. Some scholars tend to hold the view that the 39

gardens depicted in the Assyrian reliefs are of a clear naturalistic nature and 40 therefore cannot be the origins of geometric Persian gardens (Dalley S., 1993). 41

However, to say so unequivocally would be too narrow an approach. 42 Many scholars point out that although Assyrian gardens are more 43

naturalistic than geometric, ornamental Egyptian gardens or Mediterranean 44 peristile gardens, they do not have a sentimental and romantic attachment to 45 nature, as did the 18th-century English or three-thousand-year-old Chinese and 46

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later Korean and Japanese gardens. (Grecevičius P, 2015) Therefore, in 1 comparison, it is not appropriate to look at them as more natural or wild, but 2 equivalent or even more artificial and decorative, as they primarily sought to 3 imitate alien landscapes. (Amrhein A., 2015). All the more so, as the 4

authoritative scholar D. Stronach observes, for the first time in the history of 5 Mesopotamia the tradition of royal, public gardens developed, and this culture 6 of gardens as a political tool was first adopted by the Persians and later by 7 other surrounding civilizations. (Stronach D., 1990, psl. 171-180). It is clear 8 that ancient Mesopotamia occupies a fundamental place in the development of 9

world garden art. 10 11 12

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Stronach D., 1990, The Garden as a Political Statement: Some Case Studies from the 20 Near East in the First Millennium BC, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, New Series, 21 Vol. 4, In honor of Richard Nelson Frye: Aspects of Iranian Culture (1990), pp. 22 171-180, https://www.jstor.org/stable/24048359. 23

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