The Architecture of Modernity: The visual management of the imperial legacy of British Banks

in Ghana and Nigeria

Stephanie Decker Aston Business School s.decker@aston.ac.uk

But, gentlemen, this is something much more than a building. It is the solid proof of our confidence in the future of your country – and when people ask me, as they sometimes do – “Well, what do you people in Barclays think of the future of Ghana?” I simply point to this building. It saves me a lot of words and, of course, it is deeds rather than words that carry conviction.

Sir Julian Crossley at the opening of Barclays Bank’s head office in Accra, 10.11.591

When Julian Crossley proudly pointed towards his bank’s widespread branch

building programme in West Africa, particularly in the presence of Kwame Nkrumah, who

officially opened the head office branch, he was not alone in the British business

community. New buildings in a modernistic style, adapting global trends to tropical

climatic conditions, were the hallmark of public and private building programmes in the

1950s.2 They were visual expressions of a development promise and the connection of

former colonies to a global modernity that promised prosperity and a bright future. For

British business, like for colonial governments, this meant a break from earlier, colonial

architecture (see Figure 1).3

1 It was built by the architects Harrison, Barnes and Hubbard, and N Micheletti & Sons. BGA 80/3649. 2 See for example the educational building programmes in Nigeria and Ghana. EM Fry, 'African Experiment: Building for an Educational Programme in the Gold Coast', Architectural Review, 113 (May 1953), 298-310; J Cubitt, 'James Cubitt in Ghana', Architectural Review, 119 (May 1956), 230-241; H Le Roux, 'Modern Architecture in Post-Colonial Ghana and Nigeria', Architectural History, 47 (2004), 361-392 (390). 3 See for example IS Black, 'Reordering Space: British Bank Building Overseas 1900-1940', in European Banking Overseas, 19th-20th Century, ed. by Ton de Graaf, Joost Jonker and Jeep-Jan Mobron (Amsterdam: ABN AMRO Historical Archives, 2002), pp. 77-108.

Figure 1: BBWA’s Port Harcourt branch in 1927

Source: GLL Ms 28,804.

This break was highly significant. As Gwendolyn Wright has pointed out for

French colonialism in the first half of the twentieth century, urban design that sought to

fuse European ‘civilisation’ with historicised local tradition was seen as a way to

reinvigorate and justify France’s imperial position.4 These attempts to introduce elements

of Western “modernity with a strong sense of place and local history” are also evident in

British bank architecture as late as the early 1950s. Barclays’ branch in Kano was meant

to reflect local architectural features (see Figure 2).

4 G Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991), especially pp. 1,3, 6-7.

Figure 2: Barclays’ new branch in Kano, Nigeria, opened 1952

Source: BGA 38/1284a.

Private architecture, especially if commercial, cannot, however, be seen through

the same lens as official building projects. Their function, and the rationale behind the

expenditure, is not only political, but also motivated by business interests. The symbolic

value of architecture in largely illiterate societies is only poorly understood, but certainly

important. The other important factor is that bank architecture in Western Europe, the

United States and Asia has in general followed the fashion of its time.5 In West Africa of

the 1950s, this was modernism, a style that preferred clear lines and ‘egalitarian’ design in

an attempt to make a statement on equality and democracy.6 Third World modernism

became the architectural embodiment of decolonisation. Contemporary observers

commented that the style was connected with the nationalistic development discourse and

that Africans perceived modern architecture as a symbol of progress and their

participation in the modern world.7 The use of concrete, steel and glass also embodied like

few other materials the aspirations of economic development and industrialisation.

5 EG McGoun, 'Form, Function, and Finance: Architecture and Finance Theory', Critical Perspectives on Accounting, 15 (2004), 1085-1107 (1094, 1098). 6 Good examples of the building style of the decades can be found in U Kultermann, New Architecture in Africa (London: Thames & Hudson, 1963); Idem, New Directions in African Architecture (New York: Braziller, 1969). 7 Le Roux, 'Modern Architecture' (364, 381). On African interpretations of modernity in more general terms see also D van den Bersselaar, 'Imagining Home: Migration and the Igbo Village in Colonial Nigeria', Journal of African History, 46 (2005), 51-73 .

Ironically, like many development projects, these materials were not local, but imported,

and ultimately unsustainable.

British business, especially banking, participated in this trend of Third World

modernism, but its motives and results have not been researched. This is unsurprising, as

architectural historians rarely show an interest in private commercial developments, while

business and bank historians are equally unconcerned with the actual premises of

business.8 One recent exception has been an article by Elton McGoun, in which he focuses

however on the more prestigious head offices of banks (in Britain, the US and Hong

Kong), rather than on entire branch building programmes. Nevertheless he makes a

number of significant points that are applicable to the British banks in West Africa. Bank

architecture follows fashion in order to communicate its social position, which also

contributes to the apparent prosperity of a community, according to McGoun. Along with

this, the bank might also try to communicate its commitment, not only to the community

(see Crossley’s opening speech at the start of this section), but also to the values that may

be connotations of the particular style adopted.9 Moreover, impressive architecture calls

attention to banks, which is significant for attracting more custom (see Figure 3). In the

case of Barclays’ new building in Kano, a certain rivalry with the landmark dome of

BBWA’s branch there was also an important factor, and reflects on their attempts to

improve their standing locally.10

8 A similar point has been made by McGoun, 'Form, Function, and Finance', (1105). 9 McGoun, 'Form, Function, and Finance', (1099, 1100). 10 This was built by the BBWA’s staff architect, HG Holt, between 1927 and 1929, see R Fry, Bankers in West Africa: The History of the British Bank of West Africa (London: Hutchinson Benham, 1976), p. 238, picture between pp. 158-159.

Figure 3: Barclays’ modernistic architecture on Obun Eko Street, Lagos, 1954

Source: Barclays Bank DCO, Reports and Accounts, 1954.

A final, important point is the idea of transition, and its role in architectural

representation. Barclays’ and BBWA’s conversion to international modernism was

accompanied by the opening of these institutions to African customers, many illiterate.

The new building style went hand in hand with a change in the type of business that was

conducted. The banks expanded vastly, and in order to mark the change away from

imperial finance to exponents of the world’s monetary system, their branch architecture

underwent a drastic change. The importance of “seeing the market”, according to

McGoun, and indeed receiving a visual reassurance of fluency through the medium of

aspirational architecture was taken seriously by the banks. Bank branches were supposed

to represent social status, wealth, power and international modernity, and this worked on

several levels for individual customers, communities, African politicians and international

companies.

The importance of architecture for the banks was underscored by the large sums

that were spent on new premises.11 While the branch expansion made it necessary to

initially work in temporary premises, both banks competed for well-situated plots of land

11 Fry, Bankers in West Africa, p. 194.

and preferred to build their own branches as soon as possible. Old bank buildings were

replaced, as for example in Port Harcourt (see Illustration 1 and 4).12

Figure 4: BWA’s new Port Harcourt branch, 1968

Source: Guildhall Library, London, Ms 28,804.

Round buildings appeared to be a trademark of the BWA, which had already built

one in Jos and another one in Ibadan.13 The aluminium dome of the first round building in

Jos leaked, however, and turned out to be very noisy when rain showers drummed down

on the roof. This, like other building projects, calls into question the claims that

modernism was not just imposed as a Western building style but adapted to the climatic

conditions of tropical countries.14 Why the BWA, but not Barclays, built at least three

round buildings is difficult to say, but it might have been a reflection of the successful

design of a domed branch at Kano, making it an important identification feature. The

aluminium domes at Jos and the other branches might have also referred to African

independence and development by referencing other architectural events: an aluminium

dome was imported to Ghana in time for the independence celebrations, and another one

was designed at the college in Kumasi from Ghanaian metal.15

Barclays explored in 1957 whether their architecture could potentially be used as a

public relations tool:

12 There is some confusion about when the new branch was opened. The picture is dated 1968, but Fry, Bankers in West Africa, p. 194, claims that Port Harcourt was not replaced until after the Nigerian civil war. This might refer to a different branch in the city. 13 Fry, Bankers in West Africa, last plate between pp. 94-95. 14 Fry, Bankers in West Africa, pp. 238-239; Le Roux, 'Modern Architecture', (361, 366, 382). 15 Le Roux, 'Modern Architecture', (361, 386).

Since the war ended Barclays Bank DCO have built a large number of new premises in widely varying territories overseas. It has been a matter of policy to commission local architects whenever possible. […] The construction of new branches in recent years, in all the many territories served by the Bank, exemplifies in an ideal manner the policy of expansion in the service of the developing areas of the world.16

This bank expansion was driven by an attempt to mobilize local savings, a policy

that was in line with official economic development policy in West Africa. Building

impressive branches was perceived as necessary because of the social prestige that

principals believed would be gained as a result. This branch building and re-building

programme came at a significant cost and it seems Barclays began to economise, as the

bank developed a ‘typical’, but modern, style for West Africa, of which their branch in

Ijebu-Ode was an example (see Figure 5).

Figure 5: Barclays’ Ijebu-Ode branch as an example for the bank’s branch architecture

Source: Barclays Bank DCO, Reports and Accounts, 1960.

This modernistic architecture had several functions: it marked the banks out as part

of the ‘modern sector’ in a ‘backward’ economy (following the commonly held idea of

‘dualism’ in the post-war development framework), it consciously referred to the

nationalist elites’ aspirations to become part of worldwide modernity, and it provided a

16 John Murphy Ltd., Memo to PR Committee, “A proposed exhibition of DCO premises as a means of illustrating the Bank’s widespread activities and contributions to the Commonwealth”, 13.5.57, p. 2, BGA 80/4330.

corporate image that was uniform, distinct and impressive.17 Barclays’ managers agreed

that local goodwill increased if ‘prestige’ was acquired through grand buildings in central,

exposed urban locations.18 The BWA went a step further to bring modernity to Nigeria,

opening a drive-in branch at Ikeja in 1959 (see Figure 3.6).19

Figure 6: BBWA’s drive-in branch at Ikeja

Source: BBWA, Report of the Directors and Statement of Accounts, 16.6.60, GLL Ms 28,517.

It was not only the banks who reflected these aspirations in their branches. The

UAC went even further in its commitment to modernity and local goodwill, as the first

Kingsway department store in Lagos was opened in 1948 in order to secure “prestige and

goodwill” with little hope “of obtaining a really economic return on it for some time.”20

Eight years later, this goal was not only achieved but the investment also became

profitable, and the company planned to install the first two-way moving staircase in

Nigeria. In Accra, another store was planned in 1955, although the expected yield was not

up to UAC’s average.

Apart, however, from the strictly trading aspects, the proposal was desirable from the political and the public relations angles. The Government […] were anxious

17 On dualism and the development framework see Ranis, 'The Evolution of Development Thinking', (1-3). On the importance of the modern-traditional divide in the African context see the recent contributions in African Modernities: Entangled Meanings in Current Debate, ed. by J-G Deutsch, P Probst and H Schmidt (Oxford: James Currey, 2001). 18 A general impression existed in business circles that wealth and social prestige were important in Africa, and this also shows in academic scholarship, for example T Jones, Ghana's First Republic, 1960-1966: The Pursuit of the Political Kingdom (London: Methuen, 1976), p. 167; J-F Bayart, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (London: Longman, 1993), pp. 242-243. 19 Fry, Bankers in West Africa, p. 239, and image between pp. 158-159. 20 Directors’ Committee, 459. United Africa Company, A. Kingsway Stores, Lagos, 19.7.56, UHA UNI/BD/DC.

that this sort of development should go forward. From the public relations angle the African regarded department stores as a symbol of the economic and social progress of the country.21

Following this policy had advantages, as it helped corporate principals to fraternise

with African leaders and notables, who were often invited to open new industrial ventures.

Nkrumah in particular appears not to have missed many opportunities. Frederick Pedler

remarked in his memoirs that the president was asked in 1963 to open a Unilever soap

factory in Tema, the construction of which had given rise to a quarrel with the

government, because the company thought he “might welcome the opportunity of

associating himself with this ocular demonstration of investment” – and he did.22

British business thus went to some expense to participate in the symbolism of

progress and modernity, as much as they sought to partake in the discursive modes of

orthodox development. This was an effective way to gain local goodwill and to find

favour with African politicians, but it was also a visual proof of the investment and

continued commitment and prestige of foreign capital in Ghana and Nigeria, as well as

highlighting that British companies intended to outstay the Empire.

21 Directors’ Committee, 38. The UAC – Department Store, Accra, 20.1.55, UHA UNI/BD/DC. After 2 years UAC expected a profit of 8% on capital employed before paying rent. 22 F Pedler, Business and Decolonization in West Africa, c.1940-1960: A Personal Memoir by Sir Frederick Pedler (Oxford: Privately printed, 1989), p. 20.