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Impact of Population Growth and Climate Change

in Lebanon and Egypt on Water Scarcity,

Agricultural Output and Food Security Final Report

December 2013

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to express our special appreciation and thanks to the research project‟s team. This report was prepared by the Columbia University Middle East Research Center, the Earth Institute at Columbia University, the American University of Beirut, and the American University in Cairo.

Research team members:

FHI 360 – Regional Partnership on Culture and Development Matthew Pietz

Mariam Hanna

Dalia Abulfotuh

Columbia University Middle East Research Center - Institute for Sustainable Development Practices

Mohammad Alamoush

Nasma Barghouthi

Columbia University’s Earth Institute - Center on Globalization and Sustainable Development

Kye Baroang

American University of Beirut – Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Relations

Dr. Nadim Farajalla

Charbel Abou Haidar

Elias Chnais

Nadine Modad

American University in Cairo – Research Institute for Sustainable Environment

Dr. Richard Tutwiler

Dr. Tina Jaskolski

Hagar El Didi

Cindy Youssef

Yara Moustafa

Shaymaa Hassan

Colleen Devlin

Yumna Kassim

Eng. Hassan Husseiny

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Table of Contents

1.0 Executive Summary...................................................................................................................................................... 6

2.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................. 7

3.0 Methodology ................................................................................................................................................................. 8

3.1 Literature Review, Synthesis Study and Macro Level Analysis......................................................................... 8

3.2 Expert Consultations ............................................................................................................................................... 8

3.3 Case Studies .............................................................................................................................................................. 8

3.4 Final Workshops ...................................................................................................................................................... 9

4.0 Literature Review ........................................................................................................................................................ 11

4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................ 11

4.2 Egypt ........................................................................................................................................................................ 11

4.2.1 Population and its Distribution ................................................................................................................... 11

4.2.2 Water Resources and Water Security .......................................................................................................... 12

4.2.3 Agriculture and Food Security ..................................................................................................................... 13

4.2.4 Climate: Past, Present and Future ............................................................................................................... 15

4.2.5 The Nexus: Water, Food, Climate and Population .................................................................................. 16

4.3 Lebanon ................................................................................................................................................................... 17

4.3.1 Population and its Distribution ................................................................................................................... 17

4.3.2 Water Resources and Water Security .......................................................................................................... 18

4.3.3 Agriculture and Food Security ..................................................................................................................... 19

4.3.4 Climate: Past, Present and Future ............................................................................................................... 21

4.3.5 The Nexus: Water, Food, Climate and Population ................................................................................. 22

4.4 Comparison Matrix ................................................................................................................................................ 23

5.0 Consultation Workshop Summary .......................................................................................................................... 28

6.0 Case Studies ................................................................................................................................................................. 29

6.1 Overall Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 29

6.2 Egypt ........................................................................................................................................................................ 29

6.2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 29

6.2.2 Shubra Qubala ................................................................................................................................................ 29

6.2.2.1 Population Dynamics ............................................................................................................................. 29

6.2.2.2 Water Sources and Uses ........................................................................................................................ 30

6.2.2.3 Livelihoods and Farming....................................................................................................................... 31

6.2.2.4 Food Security .......................................................................................................................................... 32

6.2.2.5 Climate Impacts ...................................................................................................................................... 33

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6.2.3 Abu Minqar ..................................................................................................................................................... 34




6.2.3.4 Food Security .......................................................................................................................................... 37

6.2.3.5 Climate Impacts ...................................................................................................................................... 37

6.2.3.6 Key Challenges and Solutions .............................................................................................................. 37

6.2.4 Imam Malek .................................................................................................................................................... 38




6.2.4.4 Food Security .......................................................................................................................................... 41

6.2.4.5 Climate Impacts ...................................................................................................................................... 41


6.3 Lebanon ................................................................................................................................................................... 42

6.3.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 42

6.3.2 Kfardebian ....................................................................................................................................................... 42



6.3.2.3 Livelihood and Farming ........................................................................................................................ 44

6.3.2.4 Food Security .......................................................................................................................................... 45

6.3.2.5 Climate Impacts ...................................................................................................................................... 45

6.3.3 Beqa‟a ............................................................................................................................................................... 46




6.3.3.4 Food Security .......................................................................................................................................... 49

6.3.3.5 Climate Impacts ...................................................................................................................................... 49


6.4 Cross-Case Analysis ............................................................................................................................................... 51

6.4.1 Population Dynamics ................................................................................................................................ 51

6.4.2 Water Sources and Uses ........................................................................................................................... 51

6.4.3 Livelihoods and Farming .......................................................................................................................... 52

6.4.4 Food Security ............................................................................................................................................. 52

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6.4.5 Climate impacts .......................................................................................................................................... 53

6.4.6 Key challenges, solutions and analysis ................................................................................................... 54

7.0 Final Workshop Summary ........................................................................................................................................ 57

8.0 Analysis and Recommendations .............................................................................................................................. 57

8.1 Egypt ........................................................................................................................................................................ 57

8.2 Lebanon ................................................................................................................................................................... 60

8.3 Final Recommendations ....................................................................................................................................... 66

Appendix 2: Consultation Workshops .......................................................................................................................... 78

Overall Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 78

Egypt .............................................................................................................................................................................. 78

Identifying Problems ............................................................................................................................................... 78

National Level Challenges ...................................................................................................................................... 78

Changes in Water Use, Water Management and Irrigation .............................................................................. 78

Raising Agricultural Productivity........................................................................................................................... 79

Involving Strategic Sectors ..................................................................................................................................... 79

Education and Services ........................................................................................................................................... 79

Lebanon ......................................................................................................................................................................... 79

Providing Feedback ................................................................................................................................................. 79

Appendix 3: Final Workshop Summary ........................................................................................................................ 82

Egypt .............................................................................................................................................................................. 82

Lebanon ......................................................................................................................................................................... 84

Appendix 4: Figures and Graphs.................................................................................................................................... 87

Appendix 5: Evaluation of Farmer Responses to Water Scarcity and Climate Change ........................................ 93

Appendix 6: Workshop Presentations ........................................................................................................................... 96

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1.0 Executive Summary

Population growth on a global scale is increasingly putting stress on environmental resources,

particularly water resources. This is especially true and critical in the Middle East, an area considered

one of the most water-scarce in the world. An added complication to this issue is the changing

climate, which is impacting regions worldwide. This combination of stresses has dire implications on

agricultural production as well as food and water security. The communities expected to suffer most

from stresses on water resources are the poor, particularly women and children.

This project explores significant environmental and development issues impacting two countries in

the Middle East: Lebanon and Egypt. Although both countries are in the same region, they are

affected by unique characteristics. Egypt has very limited rainfall, but abundant surface flows;

Lebanon has relatively abundant rainfall but more limited surface water flows. Egypt is very large in

terms of area, while Lebanon is relatively small. Both have limited appropriate area to sustain

population growth, and both are vulnerable to changes in climate and its impact on water resources.

This research project brought together several teams from across multiple countries to conduct a

review and analysis on a wide range of complex, interconnected topics. Any one of these issues (e.g.,

climate change, population dynamics, food security or water security) can allow for vast and deep

exploration. Integrating the concepts into one, and conducting a unified, coherent and

comprehensive analysis of it is both exceptionally challenging and incredibly necessary. But viewing

these issues in isolation risks missing significant drivers of change in the other areas. Thus, projects

such as this one are critical for fully understanding how communities and countries are affected by

growing environmental and human-caused threats and how they are responding, and for generating

ideas for how they can improve their adaptation strategies. With the invaluable benefit of being able

to draw from an in-depth literature review, and expert consultation and findings from case studies in

disparate conditions in multiple sites across two countries, the team was able to identify, detail and

explore these critical issues in great breadth and depth.

This report includes an overall summary of the research outputs and findings, including: the research

methodology, findings of the literature review, findings of the consultation workshops, and the

outputs from a set of five case studies. The report also includes an analysis and a comparative

assessment between the two countries, as well as recommendations to help inform public polices

and future development programming in the two countries.

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2.0 Introduction

The research project “Impact of Population Growth and Climate Change in Lebanon and Egypt on

Water Scarcity, Agricultural Output and Food Security” explored the impact of population growth

on water and agricultural resources while also investigating the impact of climate change on these

issues over the past decade in both Lebanon and Egypt.

This report represents the fifth and final deliverable (milestone) of the research project. According

to this milestone‟s requirements, the Columbia University Middle East Research Center (CUMERC),

through its contributors the American University of Beirut (AUB) and American University of Cairo

(AUC), and in consultation with an expert from the Columbia University Center on Globalization

and Sustainable Development, is asked to provide a final report comprising key research findings

and recommendations based on the previous deliverables.

This report provides key findings, analysis and recommendations from the project‟s previous five

deliverables: Inception report, Synthesis Study report, Consultation Workshop report, Case Studies

report, and the Final Workshop report. The report describes the methodology used to undertake

this research project and provides a brief description on the literature review conducted. It then

summarizes the consultation workshops that took place in Lebanon and Egypt, and summarizes the

case studies created as part of the fourth deliverable of this project. A cross-case study analysis is

provided to illustrate the similarities and differences between all five sites. Finally, the report offers

sets of recommendations based on the research, case studies, and expert consultation workshops.

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3.0 Methodology

The methodology followed to meet the objectives of the study, in all its aspects, has been

comprehensive and structured according to that described in the original project proposal. There

were two major components: a desktop study involving extensive literature review and analysis, and

a field study in which various stakeholders were interviewed and consulted. Expert consultations

were used to render the case studies more productive and the synthesis report more informative.

The sections below describe the various components of the project and its methodology.

3.1 Literature Review, Synthesis Study and Macro Level Analysis

Secondary sources were sought to establish a baseline set of data for both countries on water

resources, agricultural production, population, climate change, food security, and water security, as

well as on gender issues as relating to agriculture, water resources and vulnerability to climate

change. Scientific articles, reports, policies, and strategies related to the project‟s objectives were

reviewed and analyzed. Water resources and consumption, food production and the influence of

climate change on these and the dependent population were highlighted. Following production of

an initial Inception Report, the team significantly expanded the literature review to produce a

Synthesis Report. This included sections covering, for both countries, the topics of Population and

Distribution, Water Resources and Water Security, Agriculture and Food Security, Climate: Past,

Present and Future, and the Nexus: Water, Food, Climate and Population.

3.2 Expert Consultations

A cross section of key experts was invited to national expert consultations held at AUC and AUB in

order to discuss the findings of the synthesis study and to supplement Web and literature searches.

These experts included key researchers and experts from universities, research centers, ministries and

development agencies. The experts were provided with a draft of the synthesis report to review

prior to the meetings and were asked to respond to a number of key questions focused on the main

research and project implementation topics. The research team produced a report based on the

outcomes from these consultation workshops.

3.3 Case Studies

A key element of this research project arose from conducting the case studies. This process involved

visiting with farmers and local stakeholders in representative regions of Lebanon and Egypt to

develop an understanding of how they perceive the issues addressed in this study. The research

conducted at the three case study sites in Egypt and two locations in Lebanon draws partly from

secondary data from established sources for population, water, land and agriculture data. However,

the bulk of the studies arise from primary data collected through the extended site visits and

discussions. This includes rapid appraisals at each site, interviews with key community leaders and

farmers, and focus groups (to ensure adequate participation by various stakeholder groups). Due to

conditions on the ground, and in some cases the research teams‟ relationship with the community,

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the actual implementation of the planned research methodology varied a bit from site to site.

In most cases, the research teams conducted initial rapid assessment. This included gathering

information on the physical structure, human assets, demographic development, population growth,

means of livelihood generation, agricultural production and farming systems, water sources, and

water management and irrigation systems, as well as information on local services, access to food

and nutrition levels.

The goal of the interviews and focus groups was to explore the ground realities of the issues

identified in the synthesis study for each site. A key element in the case studies was the development

of the question to serve as the foundation for the interviews and focus groups. The content of the

questionnaires was developed by the team and then finalized after receiving feedback from experts

during the initial consultation workshop. The questions covered current information on and

temporal changes in the following, among others: water resources and shortages, climate extremes,

crop and farm conditions, food security, population dynamics at the village level and proposed

solutions to farmer challenges.

Selection of the stakeholders was largely done according to the following stakeholder characteristics,

when possible:

Have an interest in the project‟s topic

Can provide vital information

Have an adequate knowledge of the targeted areas

Direct or indirect beneficiary of the region‟s primary resources, namely its water and soils

Willing to cooperate to ensure the success of the project

The interviews allowed for more in-depth, targeted exploration of issues and experiences at the

individual level. The individual interview format also encouraged participation by those who might

not participate in the focus group setting (e.g., marginalized individuals or high-level community

leaders or officials). The case study section below contains some additional information on

participation in the interviews and focus groups, and the appendices of the case study report contain

detailed information for each site. In most cases, interviewees were selected based on

recommendations from either key contacts in the village or other interviewees (snowball method).

Ultimately, the research team collected the findings from across these activities and produced a

report including research findings from the five case study sites as well as a cross-case study

summary and analysis.

3.4 Final Workshops

Following the case studies, the teams conducted expert consultation workshops in Egypt and

Lebanon to present the results and discuss the methodologies used in gathering information from

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the stakeholders involved at the five representative field sites. The experts were also asked to assist

in identifying key conclusions and recommendations for this final milestone of the research project.

A final workshop report was produced that compiled the presentations to the experts as well as

summaries of their feedback and recommendations.

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4.0 Literature Review

4.1 Introduction

Egypt and Lebanon represent two largely divergent situations in which one has very limited rainfall

but abundant surface flows (Egypt) and the other has relatively abundant rainfall but very limited

surface water flows (Lebanon). One is very large and highly populated, and the other very small.

However, both have limited area to sustain population growth and both are perceived to be

especially vulnerable to changes in climate and its impact on water resources.

This literature review compiles the prior and ongoing research in Egypt and Lebanon on the

relationships between population growth, water scarcity, agricultural development, and food

security, including the impact of climate change, through (i), literature review for the synthesis study,

(ii) review of scientific research and government strategies, and (iii) comparative assessment between

the two countries. This report was shared with select experts who joined consultation workshops in

each country (see later sections).

4.2 Egypt

4.2.1 Population and its Distribution

Egypt‟s resident population surpassed 83 million in 2003, according to the Central Agency for Public

Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS, 2013), making it the most populous country in the Arab

World and the third largest in Africa. This marked an 18% growth rate since the last census in 1996.

A recent report published by the Information and Decision Support Center (IDSC) (2011) places

population growth rates at close to 2% per year, with an expected population reaching 120 million

by 2050 (Weber and Harris, 2008). Although the growth rate in Egypt dropped from 2.4% in 1960-

1996 to 1.91% in 2002 (UNDP and Institute of National Planning, Egypt, 2004), the country‟s

population still increases by about one million people every 10 months. Egypt‟s population growth

rate remains high compared to growth rates of less than 1% in Europe (World Bank, 2013).

Egypt‟s surface area is almost entirely desert. Since the climate is hyper-arid, the presence of Nile

water concentrates the population within the confines of the Nile Valley and Delta. A commonly

quoted number is 96% of the population living on 4% of the land (El-Sadek, 2010). Rural

population densities as high as 1,600 people per km2 (El-Ramady et al., 2013) exert profound

pressure on natural resources of land and water. The rapid urbanization and urban encroachment

around the metropolitan areas of Cairo and Alexandria, as well as around the cities in the delta, is

reducing available agricultural land. The initial urban explosion was largely due to rural-urban

migration as poor peasants left the villages seeking better employment opportunities. However, the

continued growth of Egypt‟s cities is now largely self-fueled by internal urban growth and city-to-

city migration rather than rural to urban flows (GIZ, 2013).

According to the United Nation‟s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), since 1997, Egypt‟s

rural population as a percentage of the country‟s total population has been relatively stable, declining

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by only 1.7%, and now makes up almost 56% of the population (FAOSTAT, 2013a). It is worth

noting that, despite the relatively stable percentage of rural populations, the percentage of the labor

force in agriculture has declined to only 24% of the total national labor force (FAOSTAT, 2013a).

Continued population growth, in both rural and urban areas, exacerbates problems of water and

food security for the population.

4.2.2 Water Resources and Water Security

Without significant rainfall, Egypt is classified as a hyper-arid country, and its agricultural production

is almost wholly dependent on irrigation (El-Sadek, 2010). Freshwater resources are limited to the

Nile River flowing from Sudan and groundwater stored in shallow and deep aquifers. National

dependence on freshwater withdrawal from the Nile is estimated at between 95% and 98%

(Gersfelt, 2007; Abdel-Shafy and Aly, 2002). Desert groundwater withdrawals, up to a few billion m3

yearly, are mainly drawn from the deep Nubian Sandstone aquifer supplying the Western Desert,

which is depleting at an increasing rate.

According to an agreement signed by Egypt and Sudan in 1959, Egypt‟s set share of the annual Nile

flow is 55.5 billion m3 (Allam et al., 2005; Nour El-Din, 2013). Since the actual flow of the river

varies, the primary function of the Aswan High Dam (completed in 1971) is to provide Egypt with

water security, and protect it from the unpredictability of the annual flow. About 85% of Nile water

is devoted to the agricultural sector, and releases and quantities are timed according to the national

agricultural cycle. Therefore, the agricultural system is a critical factor in understanding sustainable

water management and security in Egypt.

Other variables held constant, Egypt faces increasing water scarcity due to population growth alone.

The country fell below the World Bank‟s water scarcity threshold of 1,000 m³ of renewable water

available per capita per year in 1997 (El-Sadek, 2010). By 2007, this figure sunk below the 700 m³

international water poverty limit (FAO, 2007, cited in El-Agha, 2011). Economic growth in Egypt

also threatens the quantity and quality of water resources, inflating the existing issue of contaminated

shallow groundwater– from industrial chemicals, and excessive fertilizer and pesticides use

(Hamouda et al., 2009). Abdin and Gaafar (2009) cite additional factors contributing to water

insecurity, such as unequal distribution of water and heavy subsidies leading to inefficiencies.

Many commentators see the problem as one of poor distribution more than a lack of supply (El-

Agha et al., 2011; Molle, 2013, pers. comm.; Radwan, 1998; Skold et al., 1984). Egyptian farmers still

overwhelmingly practice flood irrigation, which results in evaporative loss and over-irrigation,

causing soil damage and rises in groundwater tables (Wichelns, 2000). In 2005, only 6% of Egypt‟s

cultivated area was equipped with modern pressurized irrigation systems (Allam et al., 2005)1.

Inadequate agricultural drainage coupled with the Nile Delta‟s particularly flat slope contribute to

salinization of soil and water resources. These problems of water availability and distribution have

1 Citing unpublished data from the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation from 2002.

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been reported in the Egyptian scientific research literature for decades; Skold et al. (1984) observed

that a field‟s position along the canal has a significant effect on water availability, as those at the end

of the canal usually have much less access to water than those at the head. This difference at the

local level results in major production problems, inefficiencies and dislocations at the national level.

Local demand for water is also increasing, both through horizontal growth from desert land

reclamation projects and vertical growth in terms of production intensification. Policy changes that

give more freedom to farmers in cropping pattern choices, while stimulating yield increases, have led

to an overall increase in water demand (Wichelns, 2000). El-Agha et al. (2011) and Radwan (1998)

reported a mismatch between irrigation demand and supply at the level of main canals in the Nile

Delta, and Radwan (1997) blamed bureaucratic, overly-centralized government administration and

management for inefficiencies in irrigation water supply and distribution. Hamouda et al. (2009)

assert that governance issues significantly compromise sound water management in Egypt. Water

losses in unlined or badly kept canals are also considerable, with water delivery losses from main

canals to fields ranging between 15%-20% (Saeed, 2013, pers. comm.). The DDC recorded water

loss reaching up to 50% between wells and fields in a Western Desert oasis. While water along the

Nile is “recycled” several times between Aswan and the Mediterranean Coast, making the “effective

efficiency” of the Nile as high as 91%, on-farm water use efficiency is as low as 40-50% (El-Agha et

al., 2011)2. On-farm losses are due to the current flood irrigation system, lack of leveled lands, and

discrepancies between government water delivery schedules and farmer‟s actual crop requirements

(Saeed, 2013, pers. comm.).

In the current supply-based water management system, the government releases set amounts of

irrigation water during the month, regardless of crop water requirements. Water is delivered through

an intricate hierarchical system of mostly open canals utilizing gravity flows. Water is diverted from

the river into arterial or main canals using barrages, and flows into branch canals through regulated

sluice gates. Theoretically, branch canals are supplied with water on a rotational basis. Distributary

canals are below field level, and farmers lift water into field ditches using a variety of means, the

most common current method being a small portable diesel pump. Since farmers do not trust future

water availability in the canal, they tend to over-irrigate during periods of water availability, “using at

least 20% more water than the crop and the land require” (Karajeh, 2013, pers. comm.). Many

observers recommend a demand-based system, in which local users can plan to receive the amount

of water according to their cropping system requirements. This strategy would require a fundamental

shift in the way the water distribution system is managed in Egypt.

4.2.3 Agriculture and Food Security

Egypt has 3.15 million ha of irrigated agricultural land, of which 75% is the “old lands” in the Nile

Valley and Delta and 25% is newly reclaimed desert land. About 229,000 ha is rain-fed cultivation

along the Mediterranean coast (Eid et al., 2007). According to the World Bank, Egypt leads the

2 Citing a concept introduced by Keller and Keller, 1995.

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world in yields per hectare in a number of major food and industrial crops. Major agricultural crops,

such as wheat, maize and rice, have experienced increases in production as a result of land

reclamation efforts; between 1986 and 1993, yields surged by 52%, 37% and 34% respectively

(Wichelns, 2000). In addition, over the past 30 years, there has been a striking growth in the export

of horticultural crops from the New Lands. In terms of national food security, however, these

spectacular gains in production at the farm level were largely negated by population growth. It is

estimated that “agriculture production has to increase by 70% by 2050 in order to keep pace with

population growth and changing diets” (El-Ramady et al., 2013).

The loss of agricultural land due to urban expansion is a serious issue. A recent study concludes that

in the Nile Delta alone, over 2,500 km2 of prime agricultural land was lost to urban and village

expansion between 1984 and 2006 and that the rate of agricultural land loss now stands at over

11,000 ha per year; for the country as a whole this figure is perhaps double (Shalaby 2012). From the

1950s, the government has devoted considerable money and energy in desert land development for

agricultural expansion, but agricultural land per person continues to fall– from 542.5m² in 1981 to

472.5m² in 1994 (Khalifa et al., 2000). Even if reclamation efforts were expanded, area gains might

not compensate for loss of land in the Delta and Valley. Self-sufficiency in food production is not a

reasonable target for Egypt in either the short or medium term; the country needs to resort to

external sources to balance food requirements. The main import items are cereals, with about 58%

of the total, followed by animal feed, edible oils and dairy products.

In 2008, the price of foodstuffs in general rose 24%; rice prices rose by 83%, while the cost of

cereals and bread went up by 48% (Weber and Harris, 2008). Surging market prices threaten the

food security of the most vulnerable parts of Egypt‟s population. According to the Government‟s

HIES3 conducted in 2008/09, 40% of households live off less than 25% of the country‟s total

income (WFP, 2011). There are around 15 million people in Egypt who do not have sufficient

income to buy enough food (Vella, 2012). Undeveloped local markets and poor transportation and

logistics further complicate food accessibility and availability (Vella, 2012).

Egyptian government subsidies programs have been reduced in the past decade, but there are still

significant subsidies on bread, edible oil and sugar. Food subsidies make up 18% of the total

commodity subsidies program. Problematically, subsidies disguise the real value of commodities;

however, limiting food subsidies would increase the cost of local food production, which would

likely be passed on to the consumer (Bush, forthcoming). Reasons for the high cost of food

subsidies include increasing volumes subsidized each year and the increase of the number of people

eligible for food subsidies (World Bank, 2010). Between 2004 and 2009, 68% of Egyptian

households held ration cards making them eligible for subsidized food, compared to 58.5% in 2004

(Bush, forthcoming). The World Bank estimates that improved targeting that excluded the country‟s

richest 40% could save 9.5 billion EGP or 48.6% of the cost (World Bank, 2010).

3 Household Income Expenditure and Consumption Survey.

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4.2.4 Climate: Past, Present and Future

According to Egypt‟s National Environmental, Economic and Development Study (NEEDS) for

Climate Change under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (April, 2010),

climate change will impact the country in three principal ways: temperature rise, sea level rise and

water availability. This will adversely affect the already tense relations among population, agriculture

and food security (Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency, 2002, cited in Attaher et al., 2006, 1053).

Egypt‟s increasing temperature levels in the upcoming decades are a significant subject of the climate

change discourse. A 2010 report by the Egyptian Cabinet‟s Information and Decision Support

Center (IDSC, 2010) presents alarming numbers of 1.0°C-1.3°C by 2025, 1.9°C-2.6°C by 2050 and

2.2°C-4.9°C by 2100. As a result of the increased temperature levels, the demand for water is

expected to increase, especially for crops, since evapotranspiration levels would increase (Strzepek et

al.‟s, 2000), while agricultural productivity may decrease. Temperature rise may also cause a decrease

in organic matter in soils due to the speedier decay of such matter, reducing soil quality (El-Nahry

and Doluschitz, 2010). Additionally, sudden, unusual temperature drops in the year 2012 damaged

fruit trees in Nubaria and increased yields for wheat for the country, meaning that shifting weather

patterns caused by climate change may have negative as well as positive effects on crop production

in Egypt (Gouda, 2013, pers. comm.). However, further research is required on the possible impact

of temperature rise and fluctuation on Egypt‟s crops.

Although a much academically debated and politically avoided topic, most scientists agree that

climate change will probably lead to some degree of sea level rise in the Mediterranean, affecting

Egypt‟s Northern shore and Nile Delta. If the Mediterranean Sea were to rise by a meter by 2050, as

much as 30% of Egypt‟s most precious farmland in the Delta as well as several coastal cities would

be flooded (Bohannon, 2010; Simonett et al., 2005) (Appendix 4, Figure 1). The Delta would

naturally sink, the process accelerated by the fact that the Nile River no longer annually deposits the

silt washed down from Ethiopia because it is retained in upstream reservoirs, while at the same time

the Delta shoreline is being eroded by the sea (Bohannon, 2010). Parts of the Nile Delta, depending

on the nature of the underlying sediments, may be sinking at a rate of half a meter per century or

more (Stanley and Warne, 1998; Becker and Sultan, 2009). Natural subsidence is accelerated by

excessive extraction of groundwater, heavy industrial constructions and compacting of soils due to

heavy machinery use (El-Nahry and Doluschitz, 2010; Medany, Mahmoud, 2013, pers. comm.). In

2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) thus listed the Nile Delta among the

areas globally most vulnerable to climate change (Bohannon, 2010).

There is also significant saltwater intrusion into the Delta‟s groundwater, increasing salinity levels in

Delta soils (Malm and Esmailian, 2013). Kashef (1983) recorded saltwater intrusion in Delta aquifers

as early as the 1980s. The Delta, especially the coastal governorates of Port Said, Damietta, Dakahila

and El Behaira, is threatened by three major environmental processes: inundation from sea level rise

and subsidence, coastal erosion, and soil and water salination. A salt wedge has formed in the

underground aquifer that turns well water as far as 30 km inland too salty for drinking (Bohannon,

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2010). According to Karajeh at ICARDA4, currently “30% of the Nile Delta has been impacted by

some salinity level” and this figure is bound to increase if no action is taken (2013, pers. comm.).

The annual variability of the Upper Nile basin rainfall pattern has increased, meaning that the

already highly variable amount of water flowing in the Nile each year will likely become even more

unpredictable. “One climate change scenario predicts that the Nile discharge may decrease to 3/4 of

its present volume if CO2 emissions double,” in addition to a high probability of increased droughts,

directly affecting water availability in the Nile (El-Ramady et al., 2013, 76). Adapting to the challenge

of increased uncertainty regarding water availability is a necessary, if daunting, task for both

governments and residents in the Nile Valley and Delta.

4.2.5 The Nexus: Water, Food, Climate and Population

Improving water use and reducing losses is essential for Egypt‟s future. This is recognized by the

Egyptian National Water Resources Plan (2005), which stresses better irrigation management

through devolving decision making, adoption of modern pressurized field-level irrigation systems,

and the introduction of more water efficient cropping systems. Egypt‟s Sustainable Agricultural

Development Strategy to 2030 (Abul-Naga 2009) focuses on maximizing Egypt‟s comparative

advantages within the global food system to achieve agricultural self-reliance. Comparative

advantage in the export crops would ensure sufficient returns to cover the costs of food imports.

Many technologies which facilitate these strategies are available and readily adapted to Egyptian

conditions. Modern pressurized drip and sprinkler systems have been successfully employed in

Egypt‟s new lands for a generation. Protected agricultural systems showed success in Egypt‟s fresh

produce export sector, although there is room for improving environmental and economic

efficiencies. Egyptian scientists recorded successes in breeding improved varieties of major crops

that have short duration, or are more drought and heat tolerant. New wheat varieties require 1,100

m³ of water per season instead of the traditional 1,560 m³ on average (Karajeh, 2013, pers. comm.).

Both the national water resources and agricultural development plans stress the importance of local

farmer contributions to alleviating water scarcity and food insecurity. To organize water

management efforts at the level of the command area, the Egyptian Government, supported by

USAID, has been helping to formalize water user associations, of which there were about 4,000 in

2005 (Allam et al., 2005) under the national Egypt Water Use and Management Project (1977-84)

and Irrigation Improvement projects (1989). Abdin (2009) suggests that institutional reform is

needed towards integrating water management systems, steering away from the currently separated

domains of irrigation, drainage and electricity generation.

Another dimension in the development of coping strategies for water scarcity, population growth

and climate change is to look at ways in which farmers currently respond to such stresses. Molle et

al. (2010) suggest that farmers respond to drought and lack of irrigation water by reducing the

cultivated area, using alternative water sources such as groundwater and wastewater, changing

4 The International Center for Agricultural Research in the Dry Areas.

Page | 17

production patterns, engaging in on-farm water saving techniques, physically reallocating their land,

changing land tenure, stealing water or abandoning agriculture. Experts have long called for policy

reforms in managing irrigation and drainage water in Egypt (Wichelns, 2000). Gersfelt (2007)

suggests policy options for regulating farmers‟ water management that include direct and indirect

pricing mechanisms, quotas, and market or user-based allocation mechanisms. Wichelns (2000) adds

adopting crop-specific land assessments to render cropping patterns more water efficient, and using

financial income from water pricing for upgrading and rehabilitating Egypt‟s irrigation and drainage

system. This study suggests that policies might equally be served by responding to and encouraging

local initiatives that help alleviate the impact of population growth, water scarcity, and climate

change on food and water security.

4.3 Lebanon

4.3.1 Population and its Distribution

In 2012 the World Bank estimated the Lebanese population at 4.4 million, an increase of 25% from

3.5 million in 1992 (UNDP, 2012). Over a half-million Palestinian refugees have been registered

with UNRWA since 1948, but only 260,000-280,000 currently reside in Lebanon (AUB/UNRWA,

2010).

Recent estimates indicate that annual population growth has been on the decline since 2003 when a

4.84% growth was registered, falling to 0.96% in 2012 (See Table 1). The annual urban growth rate

also decreased over the same period, reaching 1.1% in 2012 (World Bank 2013).

Table 1: Population growth (annual %)

Year 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

Population growth

(annual %) 4.84 4.33 3.40 2.30 1.46 1.11 1.44 2.19 0.96 0.96

Source: World Bank 2013

The Lebanese population is fairly young, with the under-18 age group representing 31.1% of the

Lebanese; this number drops to 21.1% in Beirut but soars to 41.2% in the northern rural cazas5 of

Akkar and Meniey-Doniyyeh (CAS, 2009). The youth group between the ages of 15 and 29

represents 27% of the total population. The majority of this group has a good level of education and

is either bilingual or trilingual (UNDP, 2012). Despite these advantages, unemployment among

university graduates is high, reaching around 22.1% in 2007 (Index Mundi, 2012). Gender-wise, over

half of the Lebanese population are females. Only 21% work outside of the household, mostly in

services, finance and insurance (CAS, 2009). However, female employment among the younger

generations and university graduates is high and diverse.

5 Caza is an administrative region, a sub-district with the district being the Mouhafaza. There are 27 cazas divided among six Mouhafazat.

Page | 18

Lebanon has a high number of Palestinian refugees; 62% live in camps and the remainder live in

areas proximal to the camps. According to a recent survey, the number of Palestinian refugees in

Lebanon registered with UNRWA reached 425,000 (AUB/UNRWA, 2010).

4.3.2 Water Resources and Water Security

Lebanon faces serious water availability challenges due to population growth, pollution, and climate

change, which is expected to cause a reduction in precipitation (World Bank 2010 and MoEW 2010).

Annual precipitation over Lebanon is about 8,600 million m3 (Mm3). It varies between regions, from

600-800 mm per year in the coastal areas, and between 1,000 and 1,400 mm per year in the

mountains. The drier Beqa‟a region receives between 200 and 600 mm per year, while the south

receives between 600 and 1,000 mm per year (MOE/ECODIT 2002). Lebanon has approximately

80 to 90 days of precipitation throughout the year (Comair 2010).

Water demand in Lebanon ranges between 1,473 and 1,530 million m3 per year (WB, 2009 &

MOEW, 2010), with 61% for agriculture, 18% for domestic use and 11% for industrial use.

Theoretically, available water exceeds the country‟s needs until the year 2035; however, water

pollution and misuse of water in agriculture and other sectors, such as industry, has placed a great

strain on available resources (MOEW, 2010). Most water withdrawal is from groundwater (53.4%)

with very little water recycling practiced; only 0.2% of wastewater is treated and reused (MoE, 2012).

Historically, Lebanon has had few dams and lakes in which to store water during the drier months.

The Qaraoun reservoir on the Litani River has a capacity of 220 Mm3 with an effective storage of

160 Mm3; 140 Mm3/year where the water is used for irrigation and domestic purposes. This

reservoir also operates three hydroelectric power plants (MoE, 2011). To increase water availability,

the Ministry of Energy and Water (MOEW) planned in 1999 to build 17 dams and lakes in different

areas as part of its 10-Year Plan, which would capture approximately 650 Mm3 of water per year

(Comair, 2010). Most of these projects should be finished by 2018 (MoE, 2005).

Water security

In 2012 the Lebanese Council of Ministers adopted the National Water Sector Strategy (NWSS) with

the aim of ensuring “water supply, irrigation and sanitation services throughout Lebanon on a

continuous basis and at optimal service levels, with a commitment to environmental, economic and

social sustainability” (World Bank 2012). MoEW estimates the total renewable sources per capita per

year at 926 m3, which is lower than the international benchmark of 1,000 m3 (MoEW, 2010).

However, other sources put the share per year per capita at around 1,100 m3– slightly above the

international benchmark (RIO +20 2012). MoEW estimates that by 2015, the individual share will

drop to 839 m3 (MoEW, 2010).

Population growth is a determining factor in water availability. The country‟s water infrastructure

needs upgrading and its coverage needs to be increased. It is estimated that almost half of the water

distribution networks suffer from leakage (MoEW 2010), leading to losses and contamination. The

Page | 19

connection of Lebanese households to water networks is uneven between regions; the highest share

of connection is in the Beqa‟a (77%), whereas the lowest is in Nabatieh (27%).

Water quality is a major component of water security, since pollution greatly reduces the availability

of potable water. Sewage connection is still an issue with the highest rate of connection to sewage

networks recorded in Beirut (96%) and the lowest in the Batroun district (1%). Due to limited

knowledge and awareness as well as the lack of means, many communities in Lebanon discharge

their untreated sewage water directly into rivers, which carry their toxic contents all the way to the

sea (Houri and Jeblawi 2007, Massoud 2012). Agricultural pollution of rivers adds to the water

quality issues. Industrial pollution in the form of chemical refuse is discharged directly into rivers,

streams or municipal networks with little or no treatment at all (RIO +20 2012).

Syrian crisis and its impacts on food and water security:

The recent Syrian war is greatly impacting food security in Lebanon. According to the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), as of July 2013 there were 541,079 Syrian

refugees registered in Lebanon with 104,701 awaiting registration. Their distribution varies between

regions, with the highest concentration in the Beqa‟a, followed by North Lebanon, Mount Lebanon,

Beirut, and finally South Lebanon.

Within the host communities, especially in the mostly poor Beqa‟a and Northern regions, the

situation is becoming ever more critical, as international aid has not matched the scale of the crisis.

There is an increased demand for primary agricultural products and decreased access to food for

Lebanese people. It is estimated that there is a shortage of 55,000 mt of cereal resulting from the

heightened demand (FAO, 2013). Before the crisis, total living expenses in Northern Lebanon were

estimated at $793 USD; one year after the crisis this has jumped to $842 USD, with up to a 12%

inflation rate in food prices (DMI 2012). The influx of Syrian refugees is also pushing the limits of

the already strained water infrastructure. With this constant flow of people escaping war in their

motherland, Lebanon‟s water crisis is expected to hit sooner than previously estimated (WFP 2013).

4.3.3 Agriculture and Food Security

The geographical location and topography of Lebanon enables it to have a diverse agricultural

profile, from semi-tropical produce in coastal areas to high-mountain orchards, and a wide range of

crops in between (CDR 2005). Around 270,000 ha are cultivated in Lebanon, half of which are

irrigated (ICU 2013). The highest number of agricultural lands can be found in the Bekaa valley,

which accounts for 42% of the country‟s total cultivated lands and produces the bulk of its dietary

staples such as cereals and vegetables (MoA 2007). Agriculture‟s contribution to Lebanon‟s GDP is

small and has been dropping over the years, from about 7% in 1994 to about 5.5% in 2013 (see

Error! Reference source not found.). Between 20% and 25% of Lebanon‟s active population are

involved in agriculture either as full time, part-time, seasonal or family laborers.

Page | 20

Figure 1: Value added of agriculture as % of GDP (Source: World Bank 2013)

The amount of land dedicated to agriculture has also been declining over the past twenty years,

starting out at nearly 18% of Lebanon‟s total land in 1994, and falling precipitously to about 13% in

1999. It has continued to drop ever since, reaching a little below 11% in 2011 (see Figure 2).

Figure 2: % of total land under agricultural production (Source: World Bank 2013)

One of the important factors that inhibit agricultural development is gender. The roles of men and

women in agriculture differs from one region to another in developing countries, depending on the

socio-economic development of that country: in Lebanon, only 16% of females work in agriculture

(UN, 2001). Of the population involved in agriculture, women are believed to be one of the most

vulnerable groups, as evidenced by an increased incidence of poverty. Moreover, women‟s

contribution to the agricultural sector has been underestimated and undervalued, and women have

been shunned from effective participation in the decision-making process (FAO 2012). Constraints

and challenges facing women in the agricultural sector are legal, cultural, and socio-economic (FAO

2012). To summarize, women in rural areas have little access to land, which is caused by legal (such

as inheritance and property-rights laws), economic and cultural constraints; technology transfer in

rural areas is generally not geared towards women‟s needs and concerns; and, of particularly critical

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importance, rural women lack access to credit.

Banana plantations are the biggest irrigated water consumers and are commonly found along the

coast, planted at less than 150 m of elevation, as they require hot and humid conditions (MoE 2011).

South Lebanon is famous for banana plantations, as is Mount Lebanon, though to a lesser extent

(MoA 2007).

Food Security

The agricultural sector at the moment cannot meet the internal demand for basic food commodities.

Thus, Lebanon has a free-market policy and imports 80% of its cereal, 82% of its red meat, 75% of

its fish, and 37% of its dairy products from abroad (Chaaban 2012).

The openness of the Lebanese economy makes it easy to supplement the market with any lacking

fresh or processed foods, but also makes it dependent on foreign imports even for staples such as

meat and grains. The situation becomes riskier when food prices fluctuate internationally, putting a

significant burden on the already-strained budget of the Lebanese consumer (WFP 2013).

Nutrient deficiency is common in the poorer areas of Lebanon, since adequate diets cost more than

what impoverished families can afford. This results in iron and iodine deficiencies and disorders

such as anemia and goiter (Baba 1998, Baba 2000). Nearly 25% of children under five and 33% of

women have been shown to suffer from iron deficiency (Hwalla, Adra and Jackson 2004). Around

16.6% of Lebanese women of low socio-economic status were found to suffer from anemia,

although for the most part their cases were not severe (Khatib 2004). The share of carbohydrates

from bread and cereal in the Lebanese diet decreased, while fat, milk and animal protein intake

increased (Baba 2000).

Poorer families, especially in the more deprived parts of the country (suburbs, rural areas) spend

over a third of their monthly income on food. This makes their situation particularly precarious in

case of fluctuation in food prices or food shortages. The exact number of people living in a food-

insecure or precarious situation is not available, but it is estimated to hover around 15 to 20%

(Chaaban 2012), even though some 9% of Lebanese are classified as deprived and 41% are

considered poor (ESFD 2004, MoSA 2011).

The limited budget accorded to the Ministry of Agriculture, along with high production costs, lower

returns, lack of government planning, a monopolized agricultural supply chain, fragmented lands,

and other issues have impeded agricultural development. As such, agriculture has not developed into

a sector capable of coping with and meeting the growing demands of the Lebanese (Hunter 2008,

Chaaban 2012).

4.3.4 Climate: Past, Present and Future

The climate profile of Lebanon varies with its topography, which allows for a wide distribution of

temperature and precipitation. During the previous century, the observed temperatures fluctuated

Page | 22

between 23°C and 25°C without any discernible trend. The PRECIS (Providing Regional Climates

for Impacts Studies) model temperature (adjusted for an approximate -1.5°C climatological bias

from the observed) also looks stable in the recent past (MoE 2011).

Current models are projecting a possible 20 to 30% drop in water run-off in most of the MENA

region by 2050, mainly due to an increase of 3°C to 5°C in mean temperatures and a decrease of

20% in precipitation (Milly et al., 2005). The reduced stream flow and groundwater recharge might

lead to a reduction in water supply of 10% or greater by 2050. Climate change effects can be

summarized by the following: greater seasonal temperature variability, more extreme weather events

including droughts and floods, significant sea level rise (the Mediterranean is predicted to rise

between 30 cm and 1 meter by the end of the century), expected shifts of Mediterranean biomes

(300-500 km northward if a 1.5°C warming occurs), and an increase in vector-borne diseases and

pests, as well as mortality (Elasha 2010).

The Regional Climate Model (RCM) simulations predict that temperature will start to change after

2025, and that by the end of the 21st century it may reach unprecedented levels. By 2040, maximum

temperatures are predicted to increase between 1°C around the coast and up to 2°C in the

mountainous region in the summer. By 2090 the increases are expected from 3 to 5°C respectively.

Minimum temperatures will also increase in a similar manner, but are not expected to exceed 4°C by

the end of century (MoE 2011). Regarding rainfall, significant reductions are projected, ranging from

-10% to -20% for 2040 and -25% to -45% for 2090. These conditions will result in an extended hot

and dry climate. The drought periods over the whole country will likely become nine days longer by

2040 and 18 days longer by 2090 (MoE 2011).

In the event of extreme weather conditions, people living in remote locations in Lebanon

(particularly underserved populations mostly concentrated in the rural north and east) will be more

vulnerable to environmental issues and less able to cope with the consequences of such events

(MoE 2011). Climate change presents a great challenge for Lebanon and the region, and it

necessitates more regional cooperation to mitigate its impact and protect people‟s livelihoods.

4.3.5 The Nexus: Water, Food, Climate and Population

Though population growth in Lebanon is slower than in other countries in the MENA region

(Gregoire 2012), it has one of the highest population densities in the Arab world. The impact of

population growth caused by the influx of Syrian refugees remains to be quantified, but it will surely

have negative implications on the long-term resilience of Lebanon to water shortages. MoE (2011)

highlights that water security in the country will be threatened in the future due to the expected

decline in water availability, in addition to the increase in water demand and groundwater salinity.

Climate change is expected to cause a reduction in agricultural productivity as a consequence of a

decrease in water availability, especially for crops that depend on irrigation like wheat, tomatoes,

cherries, apples and olives. Climate change will have an effect on temperature that may directly

affect the chilling requirement of some fruit trees like apples and cherries, which will also negatively

affect their productivity. An increase in temperatures would have a detrimental effect on other crops

Page | 23

like grapes, leading to low-quality fruit. Rain-fed crops will show either a slight decrease in their

productivity or no change, as they are adapted to low water availability. Vegetable and fruit growers

may face new pathogens and insects, as the change in climate creates new, suitable environments for

pests and diseases that were not a problem in the past (MoE 2011).

Recent estimates indicate a 20-days decrease in the duration of dense snow-cover on high mountains

before its subsequent melting in the warmer months (Shaaban 2009). Water quality is expected to

decrease as percolation of water will decrease, leading to higher salinity in underground water

resources (MoE 2011). Adapting to this water-stressed situation implies a need to optimize water use

in the domestic, agricultural and industrial sectors as well as protect underground and surface-water

resources from pollution (MoE 2011).

To face these upcoming challenges, farmers should start taking some precautionary measures, such

as planting new varieties of crops that tolerate low water and high temperatures, adjusting planting

dates, applying integrated pest management (IPM) techniques that will address production

challenges, and even shifting planting locations (MoE 2011).

In addition to the predicted climate changes, the current trends in population growth will also exert

pressure on agricultural production. The higher demand for food will lead to the usage of more

intensive agricultural practices, characterized by the increase in the use of water for irrigation and by

the excessive use of agrochemicals (MoE 2011). Projections up until 2030 show an increase of 41%

in total domestic demand for water (from 296 Mm3 in 2000 to 418 Mm3 in 2030). The estimated

need for irrigation water is at 1,600 Mm3 (CDR, 2005). According to the Ministry of Environment

(2001), by the year 2015, only 60% of water resources will be available for agricultural use (compared

to 74% in 1994) and 32% will be directed to domestic use. Water withdrawal figures for 2005 show

that the share of agriculture had already dropped below 60% (FAO, 2010). The National Integrated

Water Resources Management Plan for Lebanon mentions other projections and forecasts a 47%

increase in the irrigated surface area by 2030 (2005 as a base year), and a 10% increase in the demand

for irrigation water (Hreiche 2009). The total need is estimated at 1,410 Mm3 in 2030, versus 1,600

Mm3 estimated by CDR (2005).

As for food security, MoE (2011) states that Lebanon produces half of the population‟s

consumption in terms of value. The food security balance tends to highlight more disequilibrium,

with increasing imports and demographic growth that cannot be covered by a notable increase in

exports (MoE and AUB, 2009). Demographic pressure and climate change are expected to cause a

decrease in the production of exportable crops such as citrus fruits, banana, apple, and potato,

amongst other fruits and vegetables. In terms of poultry, olive oil and potato, Lebanon is close to

self-sufficiency. However, the country imports half of its needs of milk, and most of its

consumption of red meat and vegetable oils.

4.4 Comparison Matrix

Considering the above exploration of issues surrounding population, water resources, agriculture

and food security, and climate change in both Egypt and Lebanon, it is clear that there are numerous

Page | 24

parallels as well as critical distinctions between the situations in the two countries. It is valuable to

provide a more structured and compressed assessment of the context in these countries. The

summary comparison matrix below draws from the above analysis and consolidates key comparable

statistics and findings. It allows for easier interpretation of the prevailing similarities and differences

between Egypt and Lebanon and provides a foundation for deeper analysis via expert consultations

and case studies.

Egypt Lebanon

Population

Total 83 million (2013) 4.4 million (2012)

- Plus almost 0.5 million Palestinian

refugees (many in camps) and,

recently, several hundred thousand

refugees from Syria

Annual growth

rate

Around 2%

- Adding over 1 million per year

- Decreasing in recent years

Around 1%

- Significant decrease in recent years

(from nearly 5%)

Distribution Very concentrated along the Nile River and

Delta (96% of population on 4% of land)

Densely populated and largely concentrated in

urban areas of Beirut and Mount Lebanon

Water resources and water security

Annual

precipitation

Typically less than 200 mm (hyper-arid) Varies from 200 mm to 1400 mm

- 600-800 mm along coast, 1000-1400

mm in mountains, 200-600 mm in

drier Beqa‟a

Annual water

per capita

Less than 700 m3 (international water

poverty threshold) in 2007 and decreasing

Near 1000 m3 in 2010 and expected to reach

839 m3 by 2015 (below international water

scarcity threshold of 1000 m3)

Consumption Up to 85% for agriculture Around 60% for agriculture

Primary sources Over 90% from Nile River; limited

amounts from groundwater

Primarily from groundwater (53.4%); limited

but expanding reservoirs

Quality and

availability

concerns

Water quality

- Excess use of fertilizers and

pesticides is already contaminating

groundwater, and industrial

chemicals are also polluting

Water quality

- Untreated sewage is being dumped

into rivers, and agriculture-related

pollution was found in high levels in

rivers during dry months

Page | 25

waterways

Future water availability

- Significant concerns due to

potential of other countries

(principally Ethiopia and Sudan)

to divert water from Nile River

- High population growth is

expected to put great pressure on

water security moving forward

Future water availability

- Population growth, particularly from

refugee populations, are expected to

put great strain on water availability in

coming years

Policies and strategies

Promote local water user associations, adopt modern pressurized field irrigation systems, introduce more water-efficient cropping systems and promote integrated water management

Build dams and lakes, extend the drinking water projects, increase the quantity of irrigation water, build wastewater treatment plants and clean river courses

Agriculture and food security

Total cultivated

land

3.38 million ha

- 3.15 irrigated (93%)

- 0.23 rain fed, along the coast (7%)

0.27 million ha

- Around half (0.135 million) irrigated

- Around half (0.135 million) rain fed

Distribution 75% in the “old lands” of the Nile Valley

and Delta and 25% in the newly reclaimed

desert land

Largely in Beqa‟a Valley, (42%) with many

vegetables and cereals, and North Lebanon

(25%)

Contribution to

GDP and labor

force

GDP contribution

- 13.2% in 2008, with a 3% growth

rate

Labor force

- Declining to around 24% of total

labor force in agriculture

- Rural population declining by

1.7% annually, to 56% in 2013

GDP contribution

- Dropping from 7% in 1994 to 5.5%

in 2013

Labor force

- Between 20-25% involved in

agricultural labor in some capacity

Exports and

imports

Overall net food deficit of $6 billion USD

- Imports mostly cereals (a global

leader in wheat imports), followed

by animal feed, edible oils and

dairy

- Main exports are citrus, cotton

and rice

Overall produces half of consumption needs

by value

- Imports over 75% of needs for

cereals, red meat and fish

- Main exports are fruits and vegetables

(e.g., citrus, apples, bananas and

grapes/wine)

Page | 26

Poverty and food

security

- 22% of population defined as

poor (2009), with 50% living off

less than $2 per day and 80% of

rural population poor

- Estimated 15 million (18%) have

insufficient income to buy food

- 41% defined as poor and 9% defined

as deprived

- Estimated 15-20% thought to be food

insecure

Policies and

strategies

- Investments in reclaiming desert

land for agricultural uses

- Liberalization of imports/exports,

partly resulting in increased food

prices

- Significant subsidies for basic

food commodities (over 60% of

population eligible)

- Focus on improving agricultural

productivity, particularly with

respect to water use

- Openness to food imports

- Strategic plan and framework for

agriculture, including infrastructure,

extension, credit to SMEs and value

chain and agricultural productivity

improvements

- Integrated, cross-sector strategy

focusing on social development

services

Climate change

Historical

conditions

Suggestions of increased temperature and

decreased rainfall over recent decades

Temperature and rainfall conditions seem to

have been largely stable in recent years in the

country, but with temperature increases and

rainfall decreases in the region as a whole

Projections - Egyptian report suggests

increasing temperatures by 1.0-

1.3°C by 2025, 1.9-2.6°C by 2050,

and 2.2-4.9°C by 2100

- Sea level rise may rise by 2.5-3.5

cm per year, and some estimates

of 1.75 m rise along lower Delta

zones by 2100

Somewhat differing results from various

models

- Results from regional modeling

suggest max temperature increase of

1-2°C by 2040 and 3-5°C by 2090,

and annual rainfall reductions of 10-

20% by 2040 and 25-45% by 2090,

with drought periods increasing by 9

days by 2040 and 18 days by 2090

Potential

impacts

- Significant possible reductions in

crop productivity for many crops

by 2050 and even more so by 2100

(e.g., wheat: -36% and maize: -

20%), but increase of 31% for

cotton

- Potential large-scale displacement

- Decrease in runoff and stream flow

(from reduced rainfall, snow and

higher heat), leading to decreased

water supply of possibly around 10%

by 2050

- Possible impacts include increased

conflict with neighbors over scarce

Page | 27

(6.1 million people), cropland loss

from sea level rise (4,500 km2)

- Possible additional salt water

intrusion into groundwater as sea

levels rise

- Possible impacts on Nile flow,

particularly if neighbors change

dam management due to climate

change

resources as well as increased rural-

urban migration and tension as

agriculture conditions deteriorate

- Possible reduction in agriculture

productivity with decreased water

availability, higher temperatures and

changing conditions for pest

infestations

28

5.0 Consultation Workshop Summary

A number of experts were invited to the national expert consultations held at AUC and AUB to

discuss the findings of the synthesis study. The selected experts were provided with the synthesis

report to review prior to the meetings and they were asked to respond to a number of key questions

focused on the main topics of this research. The summary below includes the findings of the two

consultation workshops in Lebanon and Egypt. The original report also includes the workshop

agendas, lists of participants and the presentations delivered during the workshops.

In Egypt, the primary problems identified included land fragmentation, non-rational use of irrigation

water, loss of agricultural land to urbanization and lack of inter-ministerial coordination. Solutions

focused on changes in water management, opportunities to raise agricultural productivity and

improving education services. For Lebanon, discussion focused largely on the role of climatic

changes on current and agriculture and water resources as well as on issues surrounding population

pressures, trade and management in the context of food and water security. For further information

on the consultation workshops, please see Appendix 2.

Page | 29

6.0 Case Studies

6.1 Overall Introduction

Following production of the inception report, a synthesis study addressing broad issues of food

security, water security, population growth and climate change in Lebanon and Egypt, and

consultation workshops on these issues, the case studies in this project enable a rich and in-depth

assessment of on-the-ground conditions, offering greater context for the challenges being explored.

This approach helps improve understanding of the complex set of issues covered in this project and

allows for emphasis on contextual analysis and the interplay of a range of factors. Through a

combination of a limited amount of secondary data review as well as significant primary data

collected in interviews, focus groups and rapid assessments, the AUC and AUB teams were able to

put together a more nuanced and higher-resolution description of how communities are coping with

changes in population, climate, food and water security.

6.2 Egypt

6.2.1 Introduction

The data collection for this project was carried out in three case study areas that represent Egypt‟s

different agricultural production systems. Shubra Qubala is an urbanized village in the Nile Delta

where farmers exclusively practice flood irrigation. Imam Malek is a settler village on reclaimed

desert land near the Cairo-Alexandria desert road, which obtains its water mainly from the Nile.

Here, the irrigation system relies entirely on drip and sprinkler systems. Abu Minqar is a remote new

oasis of settlers in the center of Egypt‟s Western Desert, and is entirely dependent on the finite

waters of the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer. The farmers of Abu Minqar practice largely flood

irrigation, except for a small number of private investors. In all communities, the project team

carried out initial assessments (the center is already familiar with the communities of Shubra Qubala

and Abu Minqar), collected data from local authorities, and carried out a total of 57 in-depth face-to-

face interviews with farmers as well as focus groups (except for the village of Imam Malek, where

only interviews were conducted).

6.2 .2 Shubra Qubala

The research team spent a total of four days in Shubra Qubala. The team carried out two rapid

assessments, mapped canals and wells, viewed fields and assessed the developed area of the village.

The team held one focus group with members of the local Agricultural Association and another with

employees at the mayor‟s office. A total of 30 interviews were conducted, plus two focus groups.

The team spoke with 20 small farmers, the village veterinarian, a nematode specialist, the local

mayor and officials at the Agricultural Association.

6.2.2.1Population Dynamics

Shubra Qubala‟s population has been growing slightly over the past three years, from 9,414 residents

in 2010 to 9,983 in 2013, according to data provided by the local council of Shubra Qubala

(Appendix 4, Figure 2). There are slightly more male residents in the village than females.

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6.2.2.2 Water Sources and Uses

The village of Shubra Qubala derives the bulk of its irrigation from the Nile. The Banha water

station provides the primary canal Um Shalaby with Nile water, which then takes three branches into

Shubra Qubala‟s cultivation areas. These three main branch canals are called mesqas. El Ghofara

Canal irrigates 100 feddan, a relatively a small portion of the land; El Ghannama Canal irrigates

around 400 feddan on the western side of the village; and El Sheyakha Canal irrigates around 700

feddan on the east side of the village. but the village at the end of this canal which have a lot of

problems.

Agricultural fields in Shubra Qubala are higher in elevation than the canal itself, meaning that

farmers have to operate pumps to bring the water up to field level. Farmers usually use small diesel

pumps that can be transported from one field to another on wheels, either dragged by tractors or

donkey carts. Though farmers are not charged for water, there is an indirect irrigation cost for the

operation of pumps (Appendix 4, Figure 5). All farmers in Shubra Qubala practice flood irrigation,

including the village‟s largest investor who cultivates a total of 20 feddan. During the interviews many

farmers described flood irrigation as the most successful way of allocating water properly because

controlled pipes avoid over-irrigation. Farmers stated that other irrigation methods, like sprinkler

and drip, were never considered because of their high cost of installation (see Appendix 2).

Farmers in Shubra Qubala complain about water shortages. According to the Government‟s

Irrigation Office water distribution schedule, a canal receives water for five days followed by a five-

day water cut (in winter this rotation is changed to ten days on, followed by ten days off). Water

distribution is part of village politics. As one farmer described, “the person in charge of opening the

gate for the irrigation cycle often delays the cycle or doesn‟t open it at all. Personal connections are

involved in the cycle of opening the gates or closing them, which is illegal” (Male respondent 19,

pers. comm., 2013). Moreover, the misuse of branch canals leads to blockages in water flow. As

another respondent remarked, “we are supposed to get water every other week, but a lot of the time

we don‟t get water for 10 to 15 days and sometimes the canal gate is closed for 20 to 30 days” (Male

respondent 15, pers. comm., 2013).

Many farmers recounted that water was often absent from the village‟s main canals for several weeks

at a time. This sporadic and unreliable water supply causes farmers to tend to over-irrigate their land

on the days when water is available. This reduces the availability of water for farmers whose lands

are located further downstream, even during periods when water should be available. In addition,

due to water scarcity, many farmers have cut back to cultivating only half their property and renting

out the other half. As one farmer described it, “I had to sell 1.5 feddan of my land because of water

shortages, leaving only 2 feddan to cultivate for the household consumption and cattle feed” (Male

respondent 3, pers. comm., 2013). Figure 2 in Appendix 2 summarizes the perceived reasons for

water scarcity.

One common response among Shubra Qubala farmers facing water shortages is to dig shallow wells

to access groundwater for irrigation. Such wells are typically 60 m to 80 m deep, cost around 8,000

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EGP to drill and provide 100-150 meters3 of water per hour, according to a farmer interviewed

while he was drilling a private well. Male respondent 1 estimates that 50-60 wells, each around 75

meters deep, were drilled during the past five years. The results from the interviews strongly show

that due to the shortage of canal water, most farmers turn to drilling these new wells in order to save

their fields from drying out and crops from damage. As Graph 1 shows, only 7% are totally

dependent on canal water, and that is due to their inability to afford the cost of digging a well. 93%

use both the canal and well waters most of the time (Appendix 2).

Drilling new wells is usually done by private farmers from around the area who have drilling

experience and the necessary equipment. In order to drill, farmers must obtain permission from the

Egyptian Ministry of Irrigation. In practice, well drilling often occurs semi-informally. Groups of up

to 15 individual farmers pool money to drill a new well, as it is too expensive for any one farmer to

afford. Water discharged by such informal wells is usually seen as something of a charity commodity

for the community, and farmers share this water free of charge with family members, friends and

neighbors at times of water shortages. Almost 64% of the people in the village rely on shared wells

for irrigation. “Around here, we help each other to get water. Some wells are built in goodwill as a

service for the community,” commented male respondent 1. Costs inferred by well pumping include

the operation of the diesel pump. As the farmers in Shubra Qubala referred to as the „negative

economic cycle‟, where one pays an extra cost for production of the same amount of revenue

collected at the end.

A farmer from the neighboring village of Kafr Abshish, who happened to be in Shubra Qubala

during the time of the fieldwork, agreed to participate in an interview in order to explain this new

irrigation system, which he referred to as “modern flood irrigation” (Male respondent 4, pers.

comm., 2013). This system requires one canal with constant water flow as well as two pumps (one

working and one on stand-by, in case the other is broken). One big irrigation pipe that passes by all

agricultural plots, with each plot having its own tap for irrigation. In order to irrigate their fields,

farmers simply open the tap. However, irrigation times are regulated and not up to the farmers to

freely choose.

6.2.2.3 Livelihoods and Farming

Shubra Qubala is an agricultural community with few other options for livelihood generation. There

are some corner shops in the community selling groceries, as well as a welding workshop, a

carpenter and two small home-based factories producing cheese. There are five milk collectors in the

village who buy milk directly from farmers. Most families engage in a combination of agricultural

cultivation and paid jobs, which are typically taken by the sons.

Farmers in Shubra Qubala follow two main planting seasons: summer and winter. The main winter

crops are wheat, clover, and vegetables (onion, fava bean, pea, lettuce, cabbage, cauliflower and

potato). The main summer crops are corn, maize (fodder), and vegetables (squash, cucumber,

peppers, eggplant, potato, sweet potato and tomato). There are also 160 feddan of citrus production

in the village‟s agricultural area, and a few feddan each summer are planted with rice. In the winter of

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2013, 450 feddan of the area were planted with clover, representing 40.6% of the total agricultural

area, and 153 feddan with citrus, representing 12.9% of the area, while 8.4% or 100 feddan were

planted with potatoes and onions. Some farmers still grow cotton in summer, which used to be the

main crop produced in Shubra Qubala. According to our interviewees, Shubra Qubala‟s cropping

calendar has changed over the years because of population growth, consumption increase and the

need to plant more clover for livestock (Appendix 4, Figure 6). Previously there were two cropping

seasons, and in between the land lay fallow for two months. Now there are three cropping seasons a

year. This has resulted in an increased water demand, despite the unchanged land area.

Raising livestock is an important source of income for the residents of Shubra Qubala. Livestock is

raised mainly for milk and meat for the owning family, and as an asset to be sold whenever larger

amounts of money are needed. According to the local veterinarian, there are 2,400 cows in Shubra

Qubala, in addition to 2,300 buffaloes and around 15,000 poultry. Around half of the cows are

locally bred (1,100 heads). 1,300 were purchased from outside, as outside breeds guarantee higher

production.

6.2.2.4 Food Security

Residents of Shubra Qubala who engage in agriculture produce much of their family‟s food

requirements on their own land. This includes wheat and vegetables. The surplus is then usually sold

at the market. When productivity goes down, families have nothing to sell, and expenditures are

covered by the sale of livestock.

Most farmers produce wheat, vegetables and milk to feed their family. According to one resident,

employees who do not cultivate land had previously (10 years ago) spent around 60% of their

income on food (about 300 EGP per month). Now, as minimum salaries have increased to 1,000-

1,200 EGP per month, a family of five persons would spend as much as 80% of their income

purchasing food. As many residents cannot afford this, according to the local council, as many as

5,499 food ration cards for access to food subsidies were handed out in Shubra in 2012, benefiting a

total of 7,460 residents (compared to a total population of 9,805 that year).

According to one Shubra Qubala resident, most people in the village eat meat once a week. Fish is

often consumed once in the middle of the week , either frozen or fresh bolty (tilapia) or boury (grey

mullet) purchased from shops in the nearby town of Quesna. Bread used to be home-made; now, a

total of three bakeries produce 15,000 pieces of 100 g loaves of bread per day. According to the

local council, the total amount of government-subsidized flour of the types 76 and 82 going out to

Shubra is 1.60 tons per day. Ironically, according to a resident, some of this bread, especially the low

quality bread, is used for feeding ducks and chickens, because it is subsidized and thus cheaper than

purchasing fodder. For comparison, 1 kg of bread costs 50 piasters, while 1 kg of fodder costs 3

pounds. Shubra Qubala residents have suffered from a sharp increase in prices over the past few

years, threatening food security in the village. According to a local resident, a kilogram of potatoes

cost 30-50 piasters 10 years ago; today it costs 4 EGP.

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Farmers complained about the rising costs of food as well as the prices of agricultural inputs, such as

fertilizers. As agricultural production necessities increase in price, so does the final price of

agricultural products, unless the government sets a particular price (Male respondent 13, pers.

comm., 2013). The increased prices decrease a household‟s ability to spend on necessities and crop

production, in turn leading to lower crop quality and difficult marketing. In addition, labor has

become more expensive as education levels have increased; this has also reduced the overall number

of available unskilled laborers.

According to the Shubra Qubala‟s veterinarian, over the past 10 years, animal production in Shubra

Qubala in terms of numbers of livestock has increased, while the quality of meat has decreased,

mainly as a result of water pollution (Appendix 4, Figure 3). Water pollution in Shubra, as the vet

explained, is mainly a result of factory drainage, sewage water dumped into the Nile and waste

thrown into canals. The doctor felt that water obtained from wells in Shubra was safer for animals to

drink than Nile water. According to the vet, polluted water stifles animal growth, which leads

farmers to either sell the animal or treat it with hormones, which pollute the meat itself and can

harm consumers. The vet claimed that animal production can have a 99% dependence on the use of

clean water, and that he had seen at least a 20% increase in animal production at farms that use

filtered water for animals. Water shortages, according to the vet, also have detrimental effects on

animal production and food security. A decrease in the availability of water means a decrease in

agricultural production, which leads to a drop of fodder production, causing a rise in fodder prices

and an increase in meat prices, making meat less affordable for the local population.

6.2.2.5 Climate Impacts

Generally, farmers interviewed in Shubra Qubala were much less aware of climate change impacts

than of water shortages. Most farmers were not familiar with the scientific background of climate

change and its impact on Egypt. Some farmers expressed a feeling that the weather in Shubra

Qubala was getting hotter in general, even if they did not necessarily link this to climate change.

Some farmers mentioned changes in planting dates over the past decade, which can be seen as a

reaction to the microclimatic conditions in Shubra Qubala, even if not consciously linked to the

concept of climate change. As one respondent said:

For 15 years, usually, for wheat, I cultivate on the 15th of November. But due to a hotter

climate at harvest time I lost some of the yields. So instead I cultivate in the beginning of

November to harvest before it‟s too hot. This year our eggplants, pineapple and cucumber

were damaged due to high temperature. (Male respondent 16, pers. comm., 2013).

The productivity of livestock is also being impacted by climate change and water scarcity in Shubra

Qubala. One respondent saw a link between the effect of climate change and the increase in pests,

requiring farmers to increasingly use pest control measures.

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6.2.3 Abu Minqar

The research team used over six years of previous fieldwork in Abu Minqar to provide rapid

appraisal data. A total of 22 face-to-face interviews were conducted with 14 male and 8 female

respondents, including the mayors from three villages. The team also conducted two focus group

sessions. The first was large and included a group of people drilling a well, while a second smaller

focus group was conducted with a family of three women and two men from UmAbu Minqar. Such

mini focus groups were included as part of the research methodology to allow for a more

comfortable setting for participants. This is described in more detail in Appendix 3 of the case

studies report.

6.2.3.1 Population Dynamics

The oasis of Abu Minqar is a collection of several villages, 300 km from the Nile Valley and 650 km

from Cairo. It did not become a permanently settled community until the 1980s, when government

resettlement programs opened the area for agricultural development, offering desert settlers land at

low prices. Under the settlement program, beneficiaries received six feddan of land, divided into three

separate plots of two feddan each. Residents of the oasis‟s six villages have diverse social and cultural

backgrounds and originate from other oases, Upper Egypt and the Nile Delta. The population, given

by local authorities and residents, was about 4,000 in 2006, increasing to around 5,000 in 2013.

Official figures from the Information Office of the Local Council in Farafra curiously provide much

lower numbers for Abu Minqar. According to these numbers, the population is also slowly

increasing (Appendix 4, Tables 3 and 4).


The oasis depends exclusively on the water supply from 15 deep wells, which tap the finite Nubian

Sandstone Aquifer System, irrigating 1,680 ha. Some of these wells are artesian or free flowing wells,

as the pressure causes water to gush out continuously, while some others need pumps for water

extraction. As the discharge of some free flowing wells has gone down over the past seven years,

several farmers have taken to organizing the private drilling of wells. Most farmers in the oasis use

traditional flood irrigation methods.

The villages of Abu Minqar are each served by their own well. The schedule for the irrigation of the

346 feddan serviced by the artesian wells of the Bir Wahid (or “Well Number One”) area foresees

that farmers receive one hour of water per feddan of land every 15 days. This means that farmers who

typically cultivate 6 feddan in the area are entitled to 6 hours of irrigation water every 15 days. In Abu

Minqar‟s mostly unlined mud canals, it can take up to 3 hours for water to reach the field. In order

to make the water distribution more efficient and minimize loss, farmers informally negotiate the

water distribution schedule and swap irrigation hours. Distribution schedules for pump-operated

wells are more rigid, as these wells only discharge during the day while the pump is running.

All farmers interviewed are experiencing significant water shortages. The decrease in discharge in

some of the artesian wells of Abu Minqar, notably one of the two wells that service the cultivation

area of Bir Wahid and which now needs a pump for operation, have caused significant disruptions in

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the irrigation and cultivation schedules. As one Bir Wahid farmer described the situation, “we

started to really feel that the water was decreasing around 2005. Between 2005 and 2008 we were

only able to water four feddan in the summer and two in the winter [out of the 6 feddan cultivated by

Bir Wahid farmers]” (Male respondent 3, pers. comm., 2013).

An older farmer stated that the Bir Wahid wells, when they had first been drilled, were used to

irrigate as much as 570 feddan. This number had gone down to 360 feddan in 2006. In 2013, according

to the farmer, these wells irrigate only about 150 feddan.

Some farmers expressed the concern that part of the problem was the recent appearance of big

agricultural production companies consuming large amounts of water extracted from the same layer

of the aquifer used by locals. One example is Juhayna Company in Farafra oasis, which cultivates

10,000 feddan and has recently drilled 10 private wells. Another nearby company, El Ekhwa, owns

450 feddan in Abu Minqar and has drilled two private irrigation wells.

An immediate response to water scarcity is to cultivate smaller areas. Two Bir Wahid farmers stated

that they were only cultivating a fourth of their agricultural area. One farmer said that he usually

cultivated one feddan in the summer as compared to four during winter. Another farmer complained

that his two feddan of wheat had gone completely dry. One respondent stated that due to water

shortages his family now only cultivated enough land in summer to satisfy their subsistence needs.

As mentioned, farmers also pool money to drill private wells. There were 18 privately drilled wells in

Abu Minqar in 2013, compared to none in 2006; this is because the government only began issuing

permits for shallow private wells in 2012. These permits, however, only allow drilling in “unofficial

land”– fallow land outside the boundary of the original settlement project that farmers may

independently reclaim. Most farmers agreed that digging shallow wells (200-250 meters deep) is only

a temporary solution; most would like the government to dig a deep artesian well that would cover

the village‟s water demands and ensure sufficient water supply for irrigation in the long term. A

focus group was conducted specifically with representatives of a group of around 25 farmers who

joined forces to drill a private well on land outside the official irrigation map of Bir Wahid. These

farmers, who own a total of 72 feddan of land, took three years to obtain the permit for drilling.

Farmers agreed to divide the pump operating costs based on the share (in feddan) owned by each of

them.

Some farmers felt that the process of obtaining government permits for drilling such additional

private wells was unfair, with priority given to large investors and companies. As one farmer stated:

The government does not issue licenses for us to dig wells, the reason being that they want

to conserve the aquifer‟s water. At the same time they allow companies and investors to dig

wells at depths of 650-800 meters and sometimes even 1,000 meters. When we objected, the

government allowed us to dig only surface water wells (Male respondent 3, pers. comm.,

2013).

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Abu Minqar farmers are not very aware of the finite nature of their groundwater. Many farmers

perceive that shortages can be solved through improved well drilling techniques and strategies, and

they do not see the eventuality of the aquifer running dry. However, even relatively newly drilled

wells already show signs of decline in water levels: “Four years after drilling a new well, water levels

drop significantly and a pump is needed to get water from deeper down. This requires more

electricity [or diesel], which is a problem Abu Minqar already faces” (Male respondent 8, pers.

comm., 2013).

Another solution to water shortages mentioned by farmers was the lining of irrigation canals. Some

canals have been lined in recent years either through government or NGOs and grants. Some

farmers also mentioned having a reservoir in which to store water for times of need, and utilizing

the free-flowing artesian wells during times of no irrigation.

Farmers also mentioned switching to pressure irrigation systems, such as drip and sprinkler, in order

to irrigate more efficiently. Yet, government support in installing such costly systems is needed. One

farmer added that “[c]hanging our agricultural ways will not happen or at least it is very

difficult…people are attached to flood irrigation” (Male respondent 13, pers. comm., 2013). Cost-

sharing mechanisms requiring farmers to pay 30-50% of the cost have been successful in advocating

drip and sprinkler irrigation, as they help farmers bear the costs of investment. Some farmers have

adjusted their choice of crops to meet the limited availability of water; for example, many farmers

have stopped growing profitable rice. Still many others have shifted to less water-demanding crops,

such as alfalfa, as even maize requires significant water inputs (for more responses to water scarcity,

see Appendix, Figure 7).


By design, the six feddan a new settler received were typically divided into three plots of two feddan

each, one located at the beginning of a main canal, close to a well; one located in the middle of a

canal, and one located at the end. This was to avoid misallocation and unequal water distribution.

The main crops grown in Abu Minqar are alfalfa, clover, maize and grasses for livestock fodder, in

addition to wheat, fava beans, and rice (although the growth of this water-intensive summer crop is

technically prohibited by law in the Western Desert), as well as some dates, olive and vegetables.

Wheat is a popular crop as it can be sold directly to the government-owned agricultural development

bank in the village at a fixed price announced by the government before the start of the season.

Farmers can thus securely calculate incomes. Abu Minqar farmers buy their seeds, fertilizers and

pesticides either from the local agricultural bank (run by the government), or on the free market,

which may require them to travel to Farafra or Dakhla oases. Marketing is a problem in Abu Minqar

given the community‟s distance to large markets. The transportation of some agricultural products is

impossible– it is an eight-hour trip through the desert to Cairo. Additionally, most Abu Minqar

residents do not own cars, and farmers are largely reliant on traders and middlemen coming into the

oasis. In Abu Minqar, irrigation and farming are mainly men‟s tasks, although some women do help

with lighter work such as harvesting clover and caring for livestock. In some parts, in accordance

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with cultural beliefs, it is perceived that a household is wealthier if women do not need to help in the

fields.


The most important economic activities in Abu Minqar are growing and marketing crops and

livestock. In addition to the farming, animal production is a central economic activity both in terms

of income generation and input consumption. Livestock and its products serve both as traded and

domestic goods. As one farmer mentioned during the interview, “[t]here are three things that are

essential to life in Abu Minqar: one, flood irrigation; two, clover; and three, our cattle” (Male


Water shortages have tangible effects on the village‟s food security. A female farmer stated in an

interview,

Irrigation water has decreased…It has affected the food available for the livestock and we

stopped planting rice. It has affected income; some people sold their livestock. This last year

was particularly hard for the livestock and we had nothing stored for them. We had to buy

them corn and fodder (Female respondent 1, pers. comm., 2013).

Most of the interviewees experiencing food insecurity said that it‟s due to water scarcity which

restricts their farming area (Appendix 4, Figure 4).


Many farmers interviewed in Abu Minqar stated that they were not aware of a significant change in

climate. Some farmers mentioned an increase in temperature over the past few years and stated that

they had changed the planting dates for some crops. One of the women living in the Bedouin village

of Bir Khamsa maintained that “[h]igher temperatures have caused a lot of our crops to be

damaged,” and that there was “less food for the cattle and household demands…Less food for the

cows leads them to be weaker and less productive in milk and meat” (Female respondent 5, pers.

comm., 2013).

6.2.3.6 Key Challenges and Solutions

The main agricultural problem Abu Minqar farmers identified was water scarcity, particularly during

the summer months. The discharge of several of the deep water wells tapping the Nubian Sandstone

Aquifer has decreased over recent years, requiring costly diesel-run pumps. Farmers have not had

sufficient access to water in order to cultivate their entire agricultural area for years, but they are

more immediately and apparently affected now that wells are running dry.

Responses to water scarcity in Abu Minqar include the decrease in cultivated areas, a change in crop

selection, the lining of canals, the installation of drip and sprinkler irrigation and the drilling of new

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wells. Abu Minqar farmers do not link water scarcity to the finite nature of their aquifer, but blame

well drilling techniques and depths instead.

Water scarcity and a hotter climate have affected agricultural production and food security

negatively. Though there is not much awareness of climate change in Abu Minqar, individual

farmers referred to increased temperatures. Overall, there was no conclusive evidence of local

climate change or extreme weather events.

6.2.4 Imam Malek

At this site, the research team carried out eight intensive, informal, face-to-face interviews as well as

one more superficial interview with a farmer working in a field. Additional fieldwork in Imam Malek

was complicated by the response of the representative of the government‟s agricultural office in the

community. He insisted that any further interviews be carried out in the presence of a representative

of his office or the Agricultural Association, which the team feared would have influenced the

participants and skewed the interview results. Given this, the research team decided it was best to

stop the fieldwork in Imam Malek. They felt, however, that the diverse spectrum of interviews

already conducted provided a sufficient enough overview of the villagers‟ situation and problems to

be able to include Imam Malek as a case study.


The village of Imam Malek was founded as a settlement scheme, to encourage horizontal expansion

into the desert. It is only around 15 years old, and is located in the third region of El Bustan (Bustan

III) in Nubaria. It has an estimated population of around 5,000 settlers (approximately 1,000

families). Most of the first wave of settlers who arrived in Imam Malek had previously lived in the El

Beheira governorate, and were displaced under the land owner-tenant relationship law coming into

effect in the Nile Delta. Displaced farmer tenants are called beneficiaries, and they each received 2.5

feddan of land for a low price on installment. University graduates who plan to settle each receive 5

feddan. Investors have to purchase the land outright. Of the 75,000 feddan of land cultivated in Bustan

III, 38,000 are cultivated by investors owning large horticultural farms (the crops of which are

mainly for export). The remaining 37,000 feddan were distributed to settlers. Imam Malek is primarily

an agricultural village, with most livelihood revolving around agricultural activities. Options for work

outside agriculture are limited to no more than 10% of the village‟s population, who work as

teachers, doctors, pharmacists, etc.


The Nubaria canal supplies all three of the El Bustan regions with water from the Nile. A pumping

station supplies water to the village of Imam Malek, among others. Water is drawn from the main

feeder canal (mesqa) to electric pumping stations that push water into drip and sprinkler irrigation

pipes, each of which serve 20 feddan of land. Farmers open their field valves when water is available.

Flood irrigation is prohibited in Nubaria, as lands are equipped with pressurized irrigation systems

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According to the local governmental agriculture office, the official water distribution schedule is

three days of water availability in the canal per week, followed by four dry days. However, four

farmers related that water cuts have been increasing, causing water to be unavailable for five to

seven days in a row. One farmer believes that the usual five-to-six-day water cuts are one of the

main reasons behind what he estimates to be a 40%-60% loss in agricultural yield: “The reason for

all these problems is one thing: water scarcity. If there was enough water, this would solve 90% of

our problems” (Male respondent 4, pers. comm., 2013). A government employee mentioned that the

pumping station‟s supposed efficiency of 10 meters3 per second has been declining over the years, as

the station requires maintenance.

Many farmers in Nubaria specialize in the production of horticultural crops, which are particularly

vulnerable to water scarcity. Farmers mentioned that a decrease in irrigation water availability,

coupled with the strong winds of the desert, causes young fruits to rip off of trees before maturity,

resulting in production loss. A total of 33%, or two out of six farmers who responded to this

question, reported that their crops (particularly apple trees and peanuts) suffered yield losses due to

lack of irrigation and desert heat. A six-to-seven-day water cut is a significant issue for sprinkler or

drip-fed crops, which require more frequent watering than those receiving flood irrigation. In

comparison, the two neighboring sectors of El Bustan I and II receive irrigation water on a daily

basis, and experienced production losses as insignificant as 1%, according to Male respondent 4.

The electrical pumping system in Imam Malek is beneficial during times of diesel shortages in Egypt,

but also bears risks in the form of electricity cuts. As one farmer pointed out, “if there is water in the

canal but no electricity on that day, then people are unable to irrigate their fields” (Male respondent

3, pers. comm., 2013). Moreover, fields closer to the canal receive two days of irrigation out of the

three available days, while the fields further away irrigate on the third day and at night, the farmer

explained. In this system of unequal distribution, the agricultural lands downstream are

disadvantaged, often receiving the least amount of water (as reported by 66% of the farmers6).

Electricity payments to the government, however, are divided up equally among the farmers who

share a pipe. According to one farmer, if an electric motor needs maintenance, the government is

responsible for changing it (an often-lengthy process), and farmers pay extra maintenance money.

Fields thus remain dry until the next round of water availability, often resulting in crop loss.

The most common method farmers use to adapt to water shortages is accessing groundwater

through wells. Five out of six farmers who mentioned responses to water scarcity said they would

drill a well. According to three farmers who explained the system, groups of eight farmers, each

cultivating 2.5 feddan of land, collectively drill one well for their total surrounding area of 20 feddan.

Wells are usually between 100-120 meters deep, with construction costs rising as drilling goes

deeper. A 120-meter-deep well costs between 30,000 to 40,000 EGP. All costs, including drilling,

electricity and maintenance costs are divided up equally and one farmer is chosen to manage the

well.

6 The majority of those commentators have land located at the beginning of the canal.

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While wells are a temporary solution during weeks of water scarcity, there are some drawbacks.

Other than the significant costs involved in drilling and maintenance, all farmers agreed that well

water quality is inferior to Nile water, due to lack of sediments.

Another, less popular, response to irrigation water scarcity is the construction of a water reservoir to

store irrigation water for times when the canal is dry. An investor cultivating 140 feddan of land

explained that he was building a reservoir with a capacity of around 2,500-3,000 meters3 in order to

store Nile water during days of water unavailability. He believes that “wells are not a solution

anymore,” as he often needs to mix Nile water with well water as the latter is becoming saline (Male

respondent 1, pers. comm., 2013). Two other farmers also reported that the increased salinity levels

of well water had negatively affected land productivity and crops (see Appendix, Figure 8 for more

responses to water scarcity).


Around 85% of the farmers interviewed cultivate field crops for subsistence purposes, mainly wheat,

peanuts, beans, clover and corn. Some also grow citrus (Appendix 4, Figure 9). All beneficiaries

interviewed commented on the fact that the 2.5 feddan allocated to each farmer were far from

enough to sustain a living. Farmers often try to find more land to rent from graduates (who receive 5

feddan). As one farmer maintained, “[2.5 feddan] is equivalent to only one feddan in the valley, because

of fertility differences” (Male respondent 3, pers. comm., 2013).

Farmers complained about the rising costs of land maintenance and agricultural inputs; around 85%

of farmers reported that costs of fertilizers and pesticides were high. The family of Female

respondent 1 cultivates only 1 feddan and rents out the rest, as they cannot afford the high costs of

maintaining the land. The region faces a recent spread of whitefly infections, particularly affecting

grape fields. While the Agricultural Association offices in local villages provide fertilizer at

subsidized rates for farmers, the amount provided is often not enough, forcing farmers to turn to

the free market. Four respondents cited grievances with regards to the ineffectiveness of often

tampered-with fertilizers purchased on the free market; Female respondent 1 said she paid around

2,500-3,000 EGP for what turned out to be adulterated pesticides. Another farmer explained that,

due to the sandy nature of the desert, land in Nubaria needs more fertilizer than Delta lands. He

receives around 40% of his required fertilizer from the Agricultural Association, but has to buy the

remaining 60%, as well as tampered-with pesticides, from the local market, which is costly. A worker

at a local fertilizer shop estimated the market cost for fertilizers and pesticides for 2.5 feddan at 5,000-

6,000 EGP (Male respondent 6, pers. comm., 2013).

Several farmers commented that this years‟ peanut harvest experienced extraordinary losses due to

under-irrigation. One farmer who rents 5 feddan of land on which to cultivate peanuts explained that

the issue was not so much yield reduction as the finances behind the peanut crop. “Now I buy

chemical fertilizer for 170 pounds, fertilizer for 200 pounds, and fuel for around 200-300 pounds.

You come to sell the produce and find the merchants forming an oligopoly against you.” (Male


Page | 41


In Imam Malek, much of the population‟s food requirements derive from what is grown on the

village‟s agricultural lands. Generally, one farmer meets around 40% of his family‟s food needs from

his own land. Despite this, 33% of farmers interviewed stated they spend around half their income

on food. Two others spend almost all income on food. A female respondent buys limited amounts

of food from the local market, while storing all her wheat harvest for consumption, since buying

bread on a daily basis is costly. A third of the farmers reinvest their remaining income into the land

(including maintenance and buying fertilizer and pesticides) for the next cropping season. Many

farmers are experiencing income loss from their crop yields due to declining market prices. One

farmer sold his orange harvest for only 700 EGP/ton in 2012, compared to the usual price of 2,000-

2,500 EGP/ton. Marketing is an issue that significantly impacts farmers‟ incomes, as merchants

often offer very low prices for small farmers‟ harvests. A large investor acknowledged, “Small

landowners and farmers are getting destroyed by merchants” (Male respondent 1, pers. comm.,

2013). He illustrated his case, where local merchants buy his grapes (which cost around 4 EGP) for

around 2 EGP and then sell them at a much higher price– up to 9 EGP at the consumer level. This

situation is exponentially worse for small farmers, who have considerably less bargaining power with

merchants.


Most farmers were not familiar with the scientific background of climate change and its impact on

Egypt. Two respondents mentioned a cold wave and hailstorm that struck Nubaria in 2011.

Residents related that unusually hot weather coupled with a short circuit caused a fire that burned

around 50 houses in June 2013. The fields, which are located away from the houses, were not

affected. Male respondent 6 said he does not observe any climate change happening. The investor

interviewed could not see a weather trend for the past 10 years, with different weather each year.

Most of the farmers did not try changing their cropping patterns to cope with climate change. Male

respondent 5 stated that he will be changing his apples trees, as the heat rendered them

unproductive. But generally, during hot weather, farmers merely increase irrigation hours or intensity

as an instinctual response to higher temperatures.


Farmers named water shortages and the unreliability of water distribution schedules as the main

problem in agricultural production. This causes particular problems with drip and sprinkler

irrigation, which rely much more on regular water supply than flood systems.

Reasons named for irrigation water shortages were inefficient pumping rates at the main

pumping station, electricity cuts and maintenance problems in the electric pumps, and unequal

distribution systems that short farmers with land towards the end of the feeder canal.

Page | 42

Imam Malek farmers named drilling wells and building water reservoirs as their main responses

to water scarcity. Well water was described as suffering from excess salinity and being of a

lesser quality than Nile water. Mixing the two waters is a solution to the salinity problem.

Rising prices of food and agricultural inputs were named as issues by local residents. The

people of Imam Malek spend a significant amount of their income on buying food for their

families.

Inefficient, adulterated fertilizers and pesticides were a big issue for Imam Malek villagers.

People did not seem aware of climate change, but did refer to some extreme weather events,

notably the extraordinary heat wave that caused the 2013 fire and the cold wave that destroyed

crops in 2011.

6.3 Lebanon

6.3.1 Introduction

In Lebanon, the research team focused on two sites: the Beqa‟a region and Kfardebian. These two

target areas were chosen because they represent a variety of the diverse landscapes, agricultural

production outputs and socio-economic conditions in Lebanon. The Beqa‟a plain is Lebanon‟s

leading agricultural production region and is known for its open-field crops such as wheat, barley,

onions, grapes and high-quality fruits and vegetables. Kfardebian, located in Mount Lebanon, has

more abundant water resources but lacks the types of fields suitable for large-scale agriculture.

Kfardebian, like most of Mount Lebanon, grows fruit crops, predominantly apples. Vegetables are

grown in greenhouses or in the open.

The AUB team conducted 21 interviews in the Beqa‟a site and 10 in the Kfardebian site. In the latter

site, the team contacted 35 farmers who had worked with AUB team members on previous projects

and asked if they would participate in the survey. Since many had jobs other than farming, the team

planned to meet with the farmers on a Saturday at the Municipality‟s meeting hall. The turnout was

near 30% (10 out of 35). While the AUB team tried to reschedule with those who did not show up,

they were unsuccessful given project time constraints.

6.3.2 Kfardebian


Kfardebian is one of the larger, high-altitude mountain villages of the Keserwan district and

supports a large population for a village of its type. The range of economic activities practiced in

Kfardebian and the surrounding villages allow for a large permanent population. Agriculture has

long been the backbone of rural economies such as Kfardebian‟s; however, in recent years

Kfardebian has become a major tourist attraction in both winter and summer. As a result, many

locals work in service and tourism activities as a reliable and more lucrative source of income.

Page | 43

Population estimates remain tricky in Lebanon, with a lack of an official census. It is estimated that

Kfardebian has around 10,000 registered individuals. Individuals from other villages including

permanent and seasonal workers, seasonal residents and visitors swell the population to 30,000 in

peak touristic times (the skiing season and summer).

The Syrian crisis has impacted Kfardebian‟s population, as an influx of refugees have come seeking

work or shelter. The exact number of refugees within Kfardebian is not yet determined, but current

estimates indicate around 2,000. The locals are noticing some negative impacts on water resources

and solid waste management, especially since in many cases the refugees are clumped together in

makeshift settlements that lack essential infrastructure. The municipality has expressed its concern

and its inability to offer much help in this regard.

In Kfardebian, the agricultural workforce among the surveyed farmers was dominated by male

workers (See Figure 10 in Appendix 2). This could be explained by the relatively few needed workers

per dunum (1000 m) for fruit orchards. Moreover, female workers in Mount Lebanon, especially

village natives, prefer to engage in other, more highly remunerated activities than picking fruits and

vegetables. However, agriculture fuels certain economic activities that are usually practiced by local

women, such as making high-quality food items including jams, molasses, pastes, dried fruits and

vegetables, pickled goods and many other staples of the Lebanese diet.


Kfardebian receives some of the highest amounts of rain- and snowfall in Lebanon. Several major

springs exist in the village, such as El Assal and El Laban. With the seeming abundance of water,

many farmers in Kfardebian, especially orchard owners, maintain irrigation systems (furrow

irrigation) that can be classified as wasteful. Only 40% of the surveyed farmers have upgraded their

systems from furrow irrigation to modern drip or mini-sprinklers (for orchards) (See Figure 11 in

Appendix 2).

Farmers acquire water from a variety of sources. Most prominently, 70% use mainly spring water,

whereas 30% rely on shared water networks. Of these, some also use either artesian wells or other

means, such as buying water.

Table 2: Sources of water used in Kfardebian

Source of Water Spring Artesian

Well

Buy and Transport

Tank Trucks

Shared water

network

Other Means

Percentage of adoption

among farmers

70.00% 10.00% 0.00% 30.00% 10.00%

Of the surveyed farmers, 55.6% expressed that they have not encountered issues with water

availability, whereas 44.4% reported the opposite. This divergence in perception between

Page | 44

respondents can be attributed to the geographical situations of their orchards. Farmers whose lands

are upstream and near major springs hardly notice a lack of water even by the end of summer.

However, those situated downstream begin to lack water towards the end of summer and into early

fall.

An absence of proper water treatment poses a threat to the finite water sources of the village. Some

locals expressed concern that the chaos accompanying the Syrian refugee crisis is posing a risk to

water resources: dense populations of refugees concentrated within certain parts of the village,

combined with a complete lack of sanitation, means effluents are discharged haphazardly, even into

irrigation or water transfer canals. Additionally, due to its high elevation, Kfardebian is upstream of

many water resources that feed the villages of the Keserwan and Maten districts. Contamination of

water resources upstream is a hazard to downstream communities.

6.3.2.3 Livelihood and Farming

Farming is still practiced in the village, although its importance has dwindled. Most land holdings are

small, as is the case in most mountain villages with a difficult landscape. As shown in Table 16,

around 60% of respondents reported owning lands between 1 and 10 dunums; the rest own lands

between 10 and 30 dunums. The high real estate value of the lands in the village, the fractioning of

lands due to inheritance rights, and the absence of large plains provide barriers to large land

holdings.

Table 3: Distribution of land holdings’ area among the surveyed farmers

Land holding size (dunum) 0-10 10-30

Kfardebian 60.00% 40.00%

All of the surveyed farmers reported that they own their own lands. However, some lease additional

lands in order to expand production; this is especially true of more experienced and financially

capable farmers.

Table 4: Land Tenure in Kfardebian

Type of ownership Owned Leased Both

% of farmers 100.00% 30.00% 30.00%

Fruit orchards form the backbone of agricultural production in Kfardebian, as the weather and

geography provide the ideal conditions for their growth. Apples, pears, peaches and plums are the

most widespread, with apple serving as the most economically significant crop. This corroborates

the results of the survey (Table 18), where all farmers reported owning orchards (open field) and

only one farmer had small greenhouses in addition to his orchard plantations. The greenhouse was

mainly for growing household vegetables, as large-scale production in greenhouses at this altitude is

difficult due to heavy snow-pack in winter and the difficult topography.

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Table 5: Type of Agriculture

Survey Number Open Field Greenhouse

Percentage by

Kfardebian 100.00% 10.00%


The importance of agriculture is decreasing for many of the Kfardebian locals, as is the case in most

Mount Lebanon villages. The survey conducted among apple farmers showed that around 70% of

them rely on agriculture as their main source of income; this is not the case for the remaining 30%.

Fruit orchards are more lucrative than other agricultural products and manage to provide a living for

those who depend on them, especially those with larger landholdings.

The survey also determined that, on average, farmers who rely primarily on agriculture have 3.43

dependents. This reflects the moderate-to-small size of families in this village, which is the norm in

the more affluent district of Keserwan.

Food insecurity is not evident in Kfardebian, as farmers and other locals depend on a variety of

economic activities, including money sent home from the diaspora. Nevertheless, it should be noted

that farmers use their lands to grow products with a high market value, and do not attempt to use

their holdings to produce dietary staples. This is not always the case, and subsistence agriculture is

more widespread in poorer areas. The increase in the prices of fertilizers and pesticides and the

absence of an established crop calendar increase the initial cost of production for farmers and limit

productivity with the drop of market prices.


Of the farmers interviewed, 80% reported a noticeable change in climate. The change in weather is

affecting their production quantity and quality. The last growing season, for example, was

catastrophic, as late-season hail storms damaged the flower stage of the orchards, which affected

pollination and reduced production significantly. Another climatic condition the farmers reported

was the longer period of sustained high humidity, which is increasing the likelihood of fungal disease

attacks and infection. Apple scab is one of the main diseases affecting the apple production in this

area, and it thrives in high humidity.

The earlier onset of colder temperatures and prolonged periods of drought are causing irrigation

problems in late summer, and have forced many farmers to favor the use of early-maturing varieties

or to mix such varieties with traditional ones to ensure productivity.

Table 6: Climate change knowledge

Knowledge of climate change Yes No

Percentage of farmers (%) 60 40

Page | 46

In this atmosphere of noticeable climatic changes, 60% of the farmers interviewed had a clear idea

of climate change and its effects. This is attributed to their higher education level and to the

dependency of their growing system on parameters such as humidity, temperature and water

availability. As such, 57% of the farmers have shifted to new varieties more adapted to the change in

climate, and 14% have made changes to their irrigation practices (see Figure 37). Most of the

farmers who have changed to better irrigation methods (drip) are also the ones growing vegetables

and maintaining orchards, and now they are using bubbler irrigation or short sprinklers instead of

surface irrigation, which is more water demanding. While orchard producers can change varieties to

adapt to climatic changes, they cannot change planting times, since trees are only planted once and

last for several seasons. This makes the choice of appropriate varieties more critical.

Figure 3: Adaptation to climate change in production techniques

Of the interviewed farmers, 80% reported that pest and diseases have increased noticeably, by an

average of 40%. This is due to weather conditions compounded by poor management, as well as the

(suspected) decrease in the quality of available pesticides, which in turn has led to an increase of

chemical inputs usage. Farmers receive very little extension support from the MoA, and they are left

to take whatever decision they deem suitable.

6.3.3 Beqa’a


The central Beqa‟a between the districts of Zahleh and Baalback is more densely populated than all

other regions in the Beqa‟a, and has been inhabited since ancient times due to the productive nature

of its lands. Agriculture remains a central economic activity in the Beqa‟a, employing a large

percentage of the active population and hosting the most important agro-industries of the country.

Besides agriculture and agriculture-derived industries, the Beqa‟a has a number of other economic

activities to support its growing population, including trade and small-scale industries.

The Beqa‟a families are larger, on average, than their counterparts in Mount Lebanon. This is

especially true among farming families, with the number of dependents per person among the

14.29

57.14

28.57

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

ChangingIrrigation Patterns

Changingplanting species

Changing time ofplanting

Adaptation to climate change in production techniques

% of adoption

Page | 47

surveyed farmers averaged at 6.42 individuals. This indicates that the Beqa‟a population grows at a

faster rate than in other parts of the country.

The Beqa‟a‟s geographical proximity to Syria means that a large number of Syrian refugees have

settled there. As of December 6, 2013 the United Nations High Commission for Refugees

(UNHCR) figures indicate that the number of Syrian refugees in the Beqa‟a is 274,235 individuals–

nearly equal to the combined population of the two largest districts in the Beqa‟a. This sudden and

dramatic rise in population has a deep impact on the limited water resources of the region and

increases the strain on the economies of the Beqa‟a‟s mostly underdeveloped villages. Additionally,

though a large number of the refugees reside in homes within the villages and cities of the Beqa‟a,

the extremely poor families are living in tents built, in most cases, on agricultural lands. Though the

areas these camps occupy are not large, the production potential of their host land is lost. Further

compounding the environmental, economic and social stress is the lack of adequate solid waste

management and a water infrastructure to cater to these refugees. Within the surveyed

municipalities, some, like Rayak, have taken drastic measures and banned the entry of refugees to

their territories. The villages of Talia and Hawch el Refka host around 300 refugees – 15% of their

combined population.

In the Beqa‟a, the agricultural workforce among the surveyed farmers was dominated by female

workers (see Table 7). These females are employed seasonally and come from nomadic or gypsy

communities that have lived in the Beqa‟a for many generations. The larger workforce needed in the

Beqa‟a is due to the types of crops grown, including potatoes, tobacco, vegetables and others that

require picking, collection, careful cleaning and packaging. Females are preferred in many cases

because they can be paid less. The local females of the Beqa‟a also engage in economic activities that

are fueled by agriculture, such as the preparation of mouneh (food cooked, stocked and used out of

season, mainly during winter) or other food commodities. Many local NGOs based in the area see

the expertise of local women working in this type of food preparation as a means to enhance their

living conditions, provide them with economic independence and improve their social standing.

Table 7: Gender Distribution of Workers

Workers Gender Male Female

Percentage % 29.0 71.0


The Beqa‟a plain‟s climate is controlled by its geographic inland location between two mountain

ranges. The northern and eastern parts of the Beqa‟a are the driest lands in Lebanon, whereas the

central and southern areas have a more humid climate. The Beqa‟a receives less rain than Mount

Lebanon and North Lebanon; however, the plain is rich in rivers and springs. The Litani River and

its twelve tributaries constitute the Upper Litani watershed flowing into the Qaroun Lake– a vital

water resource for the Beqa‟a and for all of Lebanon. The Beqa‟a population relies upon its

groundwater resources for potable water and irrigation.

Page | 48

Depending on their location, the Beqa‟a farmers‟ sources of irrigation water are either well, irrigation

networks or surface-water bodies, namely the Litani and its tributaries. The interviewed farmers

showed a clear preference for well water; 95% rely on groundwater, whereas only 5% use spring

water for irrigation (see Table 13).

Table 8: Water source in Beqa’a

Water Source Spring Artesian

Well

Buy and

Transport Tank

Trucks

Shared

water

network

Other Means

Percentage % 4.76% 95.24% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

Most of the lands of the surveyed farmers in central Beqa‟a are irrigated especially for greenhouse

production. Irrigation practices in the Beqa‟a have been upgraded over the years, and most farmers

(90%) now rely on modern irrigation techniques like sprinklers and drip systems, while furrow

irrigation is only marginally practiced (by the remaining 10%) (see Figure 12 in Appendix 2).

Out of the surveyed farmers, a total of 81% expressed that they have encountered issues with water

availability. This clearly indicates that water availability will be more problematic in the near future,

which should stimulate more research and practical solutions to reduce water consumption,

especially in key crops.


Beqa‟a represents one of the most fertile areas in Lebanon, and it enjoys a privileged geographical

setting nestled between the Mount Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountain ranges. Farmers in eastern

and central Beqa‟a, where semi-arid environmental conditions prevail, usually plant open field crops

such as wheat, barley, potatoes and grains ; they also practice year-round vegetable cultivation in

greenhouses and in open fields during summer.

During the field visits, it was determined that the majority of the farmers grow open field crops.

However, many grow vegetables under greenhouses along with their open fields to ensure year-

round production (see Table 14).

Table 9: Type of Agriculture

Agriculture Type Open Field Greenhouse

Percentage % 95.24% 80.95%

Page | 49

Agriculture is still the main economic activity for many Beqa‟a natives, and around 90% of the

interviewed farmers confirmed that agriculture is their main (and even sole) economic activity. Only

10% had other occupations that allowed lesser dependence on agriculture.

As shown in Figure 4, land tenure differs between farmers. While most (around 71.43%) own their

lands, many lease, and some landowners also lease addition lands. Leasing is especially helpful for

greenhouse farmers, as after repeated years of growing a narrow selection of crops, diseases and

pests accumulate and soil salinity increases, all leading to a decrease in productivity. Thus, leasing

and then turning the land over to other farmers who typically do not pursue greenhouse production

is beneficial to the farmers and to the land itself.

Figure 4: Land Tenure


On average, farmers that rely mainly on agriculture for their livelihoods have 6.4 dependent persons

in their households, reflecting the fairly large size of families that is common in the Beqa‟a.

Though most of the Beqa‟a villages can generally be considered of middle income, with some poor

areas, food availability and quality can become problematic for the less fortunate families. However,

most farmers use a small portion of their lands to grow products they would otherwise buy at high

prices, which increases their resilience to food price fluctuation and shortages. The increase in the

prices of fertilizers and pesticides and the absence of an established crop calendar both increase the

initial cost of production for farmers and limit productivity with the drop of market prices. Most of

the surveyed Beqa‟a farmers use their lands to grow high market-value products, and try to diversify

their crop profile in order to have continuous production.


Central Beqa‟a is considered to have a semi-arid climate, characterized by cold winters, with rain and

snow from mid-December to late February, and hot summer temperatures from mid-May until late

August. Farmers in the region are used to these climatic features and synchronize their planting

accordingly. During the field surveys in the Beqa‟a, all of the interviewed farmers reported noticing a

change in weather conditions over the past 10 years that is affecting their regular planting cycle.

They explained that they are witnessing an early onset of colder temperatures by as much as one

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Owned Leased both

Page | 50

month, which severely affects summer crops, especially the annual open field crops including cereals

and vegetables. This leads to a loss of one month of production and a drop in revenues.

This change has led 90.5% of the interviewed farmers to shift the time of planting so that crops can

reach maturity before the temperature drops. This decrease in the length of the cropping season has

affected the production quantity, as reported by 95% of farmers. Pests and diseases have increased,

as confirmed by all of the interviewed farmers, prompting 90% of them to use more pesticides.

As a result of the water shortage due to the change in climate, 88% of the farmers interviewed have

adapted by digging an additional artesian well. Some 23.5% have made their wells deeper, and only

12% changed their irrigation systems. This latter number is low probably because the majority of

farmers already use efficient irrigation systems like drip or sprinkler.

Another adaptation measure practiced by 79% of farmers was the change in the time of planting to

adapt to the early drop of temperatures in order to avoid crop loss. 42% of farmers changed the

variety to be more suitable to the change in climate and ensure high production.

When asked about their familiarity with climate change, the majority of the Beqa‟a respondents

(76.19%) reported a lack of knowledge about the topic. However, though climate change as a global

threat is not something with which they are familiar, they are taking note of local changes in climatic

phenomena.


Farmers in both Beqa‟a and Kfardebian have expressed concern regarding several challenges and

constraints limiting their productivity, and their need for assistance. The main issues listed include:

1. Weakness of government extension services, which is limiting the progress of the technical

know-how of farmers on issues related to a wide range of agricultural problems. This leaves

them with only the assistance and extension offered by private agricultural companies that

engage in such activities to boost their own economic returns. Farmers want to see more

involvement of the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA), by their hiring of engineers that could

offer needed technical advice and guidance in all of the imminent agricultural constraints.

NGOs and other civil society groups could engage more to help farmers.

2. Decreased quality of available pesticides and fertilizers. The MoA needs to enforce more

regulations on standards of chemical inputs in agriculture.

3. Marketing problems and a decrease in prices during times of peak production due to

imports. The MoA must develop a crop calendar, and limit and impose high taxes on foreign

imports during the time when local farmers market the same agricultural produce.

4. Water shortages as a result of decreasing rain and snow (For Beqa‟a). The MoA must

increase the construction of surface-water holding structures such as hill lakes, dams and

others. Farmers in the Beqa‟a use efficient, modern irrigation techniques; nevertheless, more

Page | 51

research could be done to optimize the use of water and time irrigation to address actual

crop needs.

5. Introduce new techniques in production (like grafting plants) that could decrease the usage

of pesticides. NGO projects would promote and train farmers on such techniques, while the

MoA should launch programs to promote improved agricultural practices.

6. Security unrest, affecting product prices and market accessibility.

6.4 Cross-Case Analysis

6.4.1 Population Dynamics

All three villages in Egypt have been experiencing slight population growth, albeit not at alarming

rates. Although each village will be indirectly affected by overall population growth in Egypt, the

direct impacts of current levels of population growth on water availability, food security or

agricultural productivity seem rather limited in these villages. However, the shrinking size of land

holdings due to family growth and land inheritance is likely already affecting agricultural productivity

and may impact it further in coming years. Additionally, the growth in population and its attendant

increase in agricultural demand can be expected to put additional strain on both water quantity and

quality in the near-to-medium term.

The population situation in Lebanon is different than in Egypt. In addition to the higher natural

population growth rate in both survey areas, they are both also experiencing significant pressures

due to the influx of Syrian refugees. This has already had measurable impacts on the villages in terms

of water quantity and quality (due largely to pressures on the waste-treatment system), food security,

and even agricultural land availability as refugees seek accommodation. Additionally, the tourism

boom is shifting labor and livelihoods away from agriculture.

6.4.2 Water Sources and Uses

Both Shubra Qubala and Imam Malek draw their water mostly from the Nile. In Shubra Qubala,

water is received from canals in the Nile Delta. In Imam Malek, the Nubaria Canal transports water

into the newly reclaimed desert areas. In both villages, farmers complain about official water

distribution schedules being unreliable. In Imam Malek farmers are particularly frustrated with this

condition, given that the government lured settlers with promises of enough water for cultivation.

Farmers in Abu Minqar also complain about water shortages, which are the result of deep

groundwater wells running dry. As Abu Minqar, too, is a settler village, there are similar sentiments

of government responsibility for water provision.

Farmers in all three villages have turned to private well drilling in order to obtain sufficient water to

irrigate their land. In some cases farmers have obtained official permission for these private wells,

and in other cases the drilling is handled in an informal way, with the government turning a blind eye

Page | 52

to the activity. In Abu Minqar, farmers have started irrigating significantly smaller plots due to water

shortages, particularly in summer, and have adapted their crop selection to water shortages. In

Shubra Qubala and Imam Malek some farmers have also reported changes in crop selection, though

at less significant levels than in Abu Minqar. Other responses to water shortages in Abu Minqar

have been canal lining and the installation of drip and sprinkler irrigation. In Nubaria, farmers

already operate on drip and sprinkler irrigation, with pipes replacing tertiary canals, while in Shubra

Qubala no farmers have changed their irrigation practices or lined canals.

There are numerous parallels between the conditions in the Egypt sites and those in Lebanon. As in

the Egypt case study locations, both the Kfardebian and the Beqa‟a sites have significant sources of

water (surface springs for the former, and springs and groundwater for the latter). The downstream

locations in Kfardebian noted water stress, indicating challenges in water management given the

relative overall abundance. While the Beqa‟a sites did not experience this, due to their reliance on

groundwater wells, an overall higher percentage of people indicated experiences with water scarcity.

As in the Egypt sites, the different agriculture water sources and levels of perceived water scarcity

have contributed to different irrigation practices and responses. Similar to Shubra Qubala, the

relative abundance of availability of water from springs is a contributor to the dominance of less

efficient furrow-style irrigation. However, in the Beqa‟a, as in Abu Minqar and Imam Malek, the

reliance on groundwater and other farming system conditions have helped propel the significant use

of drip and sprinkler irrigation.

6.4.3 Livelihoods and Farming

In all villages, it is seen that some farmers are starting to diversify their income by taking up

employment outside of farming, or are starting small enterprises such as a shop. Farmers in all three

villages complained about the rising costs of agricultural inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides,

while farmers particularly in Nubaria complained about adulterated fertilizers and pesticides.

While the disparate climates and landscape in the two countries result in somewhat different crop

portfolios, the irrigation systems in Egypt lead to some similarities. The drier Beqa‟a has some

overlap with the Egyptian sites, with significant cereal production and some vegetables. In

Kfardebian orchards dominate, which is similar to Imam Malek though to a greater degree, and with

less efficient irrigation systems due to the high availability of water. Overall, those engaged in

agriculture in the Lebanon sites appear to have less reliance on other employment outlets than the

farmers in the Egypt sites. While the general economic situation in Kfardebian is leading to a

diminishing role of agriculture, several farmers in the study are expanding their orchards and all own

their own lands.

6.4.4 Food Security

In all three Egyptian villages, farmers reserve a portion of their agricultural production for

subsistence. As agricultural production decreases, some farmers only have this subsistence part left

Page | 53

and nothing to sell, leading to significantly reduced family income. Farmers in all communities have

livestock such as cows, sheep, goats and poultry (at least a couple of heads at the household level)

for milk, egg and meat production. Meat consumption is reduced to once or twice a week in all three

communities. Farmers in all three villages spend a significant amount of income on food (some

farmers in Imam Malek stating that they spend all their monthly income on food), and suffer greatly

from the increased food prices in Egypt.

The situation is generally different in the Lebanon regions. None of the surveyed farmers in

Kfardebian included agricultural outputs for subsistence, and this seemed to largely reflect

conditions in the area. The farmers are able to raise and sell high-value crops and then meet all food

needs on the market. Among those interviewed, there were essentially no concerns regarding food

security. The farmer respondents in Beqa‟a also experienced little to no food security concerns,

though subsistence farming is more prominent in the region than in Kfardebian, and the region is

general poorer.

While the ability to earn sufficient income to allow for food purchase offers great food security in

general, there are also increased risks from market fluctuations (e.g., higher pesticide and fertilizer

costs, lower prices for the agricultural products, or higher food costs). Farmers in both Kfardebian

and the Beqa‟a complained of increases in input costs. This similarity to the sites in Egypt conveys

the significance of this issue across multiple systems and levels of reliance on subsistence farming.

However, the greater availability of funds with which to purchase food appears to provide farming

families in Lebanon with more diverse dietary options than those found in Egypt.

6.4.5 Climate impacts

There were no conclusive, tangible results on the local impact of climate change in the Egypt sites.

While some farmers in each of the three communities felt that it was getting hotter, others in the

same community reported no change in climate. Some farmers recounted extreme weather events

(such as the heat wave that caused the fire in Imam Malek, and the hail storms in Nubaria), but no

conclusive data could be collected to indicate a particularly dense incidence of such extreme weather

events over the past decade. Farmers showed no, or very low, awareness of climate change itself,

and it was only through indirect questions about local weather, extreme weather events and planting

dates that the researchers were able to gather information about possibly changing climate

conditions.

The situation was markedly different in the Lebanon sites. Nearly a quarter of the respondents in

Beqa‟a were familiar with climate change, and a full 60% of those in Kfardebian were aware of the

issue. The difference between the two may largely attributed to education, with Kfardebian residents

much more educated on average. While this might also explain some of the disparity with Egypt on

the issue, the more likely factor is the great degree to which agricultural communities in the Lebanon

sites have experienced a changing climate over the past ten years. This itself is likely driven by both

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more observable changes in the local climate as well as greater reliance of the irrigation systems in

Lebanon on rainfall.

The respondents in Lebanon reported a strong emphasis on changing practices to adapt to the

changing climate and its impacts, including a reduced or more variable water supply. This included

changing planting time (when possible, and less applicable for trees) and the variety of crops

planted. Respondents also indicated that they had made changes to the irrigation system/patterns

and made efforts to improve reliable water availability. Significantly, these activities, which include

digging new or deeper wells, are consistent with actions reported in the Egypt case studies.

However, in the latter, the activities are framed as responses to water scarcity, while in Lebanon they

were often reported as climate change adaptation strategies. Thus, while the experience of climate

change may appear to be less pressing in Egypt, communities in both countries are experiencing

similar climate and/or water-related pressures and responding with similar approaches.

6.4.6 Key challenges, solutions and analysis

Across the Egyptian sites, the principal concerns regard the availability of water. In Shubra Qubala,

the primary issue is a shortage of canal water from the Nile River and the unreliability of the

irrigation system. This unreliability of water schedules is also a leading challenge in Imam Malek,

with technical and mechanical failures as well as poor and unequal distribution. While a critical and

significant constraint for Abu Minqar is also water scarcity, it is largely due to the depletion of

existing deep wells in the Nubian Aquifer and an associated lack of resources to drill deeper or new

wells.

While water scarcity was cited as a key challenge in the Beqa‟a, there were some differences between

how it was perceived and experienced in Egypt versus Lebanon. The awareness of climate change

was quite low in the Egyptian sites, and the water scarcity issues were almost entirely attributed to

human-related management or technical constraints. However, the key driver for scarcity in the

Beqa‟a was identified as decreasing rain and snowfall. In general, population growth was not cited as

a key challenge in Egypt. While population growth in the other Egypt locations was not significant,

there is awareness that the combination of decreased water availability and increasing demand by

more people could have a serious impact in the future. It is clear that the spike in population due to

the Syrian refugee situation is an immediate and critical challenge for the Lebanon villages, in terms

of pressures on both food and water security.

For communities in both Egypt and Lebanon, the challenges from water scarcity, climate change

and population are all compounded by increased financial burdens. Financial constraints especially

compound challenges in nearly all sites where well drilling is necessary, as costs of drilling wells and

running pumps are increasing, creating more barriers to successful farming.

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Many of the necessary solutions to the key challenges require investment and improvements from

the national and sub-national governments. As drawn from both countries‟ case studies and

applicable in each context, the government (in partnership with the private sector) can help address

challenges through increased agriculture extension, technical training and skill development,

regulation of fertilizer and pesticide prices and enforced quality-control, agricultural marketing

support, and improved water infrastructure and management of existing systems. Further solutions

will be discussed in more detail in the report on the final consultation workshops and the final

project report.

The findings in these case studies can be understood to be representative of a wide range of

different on-the-ground conditions, both within the two research countries and elsewhere in the

region. While it is critical to conduct further research and analysis of other ecosystems, landscapes

and socioeconomic conditions (e.g., coastal regions facing sea level rise, urban or peri-urban areas,

and communities with significantly different government involvement), the case studies in this

project cover rather disparate conditions and reflect a spectrum of possible impacts and responses.

Ultimately, findings such as well-drilling as a response to scarcity, an overall limited awareness of

climate change science, and the need for more active and informed support from national and sub-

national governments can be seen across both countries and many others in the region. Thus, the

recommendations and further analysis in the subsequent section may be able to be broadly applied

in similar contexts elsewhere in these countries and the region. It could also be of great value to

fund and conduct projects similar to this one, but focusing on vastly different conditions.

Table 10 summarizes the farming conditions and farmers‟ responses to some key challenges in the

five case study sites.

56

Table 10: Summary of agriculture, water and climate conditions and farmer responses

ABU MINQAR SHUBRA QUBALA IMAM MALEK BEQA’A KFARDEBIAN

Desert Delta Desert Plateau between mountains Mountainous

Flood irrigation / some drip and sprinkler

Flood irrigation Drip and sprinkler irrigation Drip and sprinkler, some furrow irrigation

Furrow irrigation, some drip

Main complaint water scarcity, wells running dry

Main complaint water scarcity, mismanagement, unequal distribution

Main complaint water scarcity, mismanagement, technical failure

Water scarcity and quality key constraints; Wells facing challenges

Water availability and quality key constraints; Downstream suffers most

Decreasing agricultural area, drilling private deep wells, changing crops

Over-irrigating when water is available, drilling private shallow wells

Drilling wells as temporary solution, water reservoirs

Changing planting time and varieties, some changing irrigation patterns

Changing crop varieties, planting time and irrigation patterns

Mainly open field crops, some date palm

Open field crops, some horticulture; Cotton virtually abandoned

Horticulture and field crops Open field crops and many greenhouses for vegetable production

Fruit orchards, limited greenhouses for household vegetables

Water scarcity impact on food security; Improved access and services

Subsistence but large portion of income spent on food

Subsistence but large portion of income spent on food

Limited subsistence, mostly sell high value-crops for food purchase; most rely solely on agriculture for work

Sell high value crops to purchase food; many use agriculture as work supplement

Some change in temperature noted; No conclusive evidence

Some change in temperature and occurrence of rain mentioned

Fire caused by extreme heat; Crop loss due to extreme cold and hail

Changing crop seasons (onset and length), changing climate averages; reduced rainfall and snowmelt

Increased extreme weather events; Changing crop seasons, changing climate averages

57

7.0 Final Workshop Summary

The research team conducted expert consultation workshops in Egypt and Lebanon to present the

results of the case studies, as well as to discuss the methodologies used in gathering information

from the stakeholders involved at the five representative field sites. The experts were also asked to

assist in identifying key conclusions and recommendations for the final milestone of this research

project. In Egypt, the discussion focused on special education and training, establishing functioning

water-user associations, and prioritizing research and policy development. The workshop discussion

in Lebanon covered a range of issues regarding government action, land use, agriculture productivity

and water use as well as priorities for future research directions. The summary findings from these

two workshops are in Appendix 3.

8.0 Analysis and Recommendations

8.1 Egypt The fieldwork in Egypt revealed an array of farmer responses to water scarcity and climate change,

some of which are sustainable in the long run and others that bear considerable weaknesses and

threats. Please see the Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities-Threats (SWOT) analysis and some

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resulting recommendations in Appendix 4. Below are additional recommendations for each case-

study site as well as from the expert consultations.

Analysis and Recommendations Per Case Study Area

In Abu Minqar, the main sustainability concern is the finite nature of the Nubian Sandstone

Aquifer, while the community may also expect rising temperatures as a result of climate change.

Making the current irrigation system more efficient is paramount. This can happen in the form of

reducing water loss by lining canals, introducing drip and sprinkler systems and creating integrated

farming systems that make the most of each drop of water. Reservoirs may help alleviate water

shortages during summer. In Imam Malek, reservoirs may also help during times of water scarcity

that occur due to the unreliability of water schedules. In Shubra Qubala, given current local

resistance to the introduction of drip and sprinkler irrigation, an introduction of modern flood

irrigation (one irrigation pump and connected pipes passing by all lands, automatically or manually

controlled to evenly distribute irrigation water among farms) as practiced in the neighboring village

could be an option. All these measures could be built either through funded investments, or cost-

sharing mechanisms involving a funding entity (government or private sector) and farmer

contributions. In all villages, more efficiently managed water-user associations and farmer

associations could help organize more efficient water management and act as organizers and

controlling units in the purchasing of fertilizer and pesticides, thereby protecting farmers from fraud.

Table 11 shows recommended strategies for farmers, beyond those already implemented:

Table 11: Recommended Strategies for Farmers in Response to Water Scarcity and Climate Change

Abu Minqar Shubra Qubala Imam Malek

More efficient irrigation infrastructure and practices:

Lining canals, switching to drip and sprinkler irrigation, water reservoirs

More efficient irrigation infrastructure and practices:

Pipe conveyance flood irrigation systems as practiced in neighboring village

Switching to drip and sprinkler irrigation

Bridging supply gaps:

Water storage facilities

Improved cultivation systems: e.g. raised beds

Improved cultivation systems: e.g. raised beds

Farmer cooperatives helping to avoid fraud

More water-efficient, heat-tolerant crop varieties



Integrated farming systems that implement “more crop per drop” and reuse drainage

Integrated farming systems that implement “more crop per drop”

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water and reuse drainage water

Large scale planting and marketing through farmer cooperatives



Expert Recommendations

During the expert workshop held in Cairo, the participants voiced their opinions on how the

recommendations could be implemented and up-scaled to a national level.

1. Research

Database for national findings and recommendations: Collecting and compiling research results and

data collected in Egypt about climate change, water scarcity, food security and response strategies

in a centralized database would greatly assist the implementation of strategic interventions. Such

data could also help prepare a toolkit of farmer responses that could be compared with knowledge

about best practices, thereby informing knowledge and capacity-building approaches.

Agricultural and climate mapping: In order to strategically plan and coordinate crop production

according to area and expected climate and water availability changes, the development of an

agricultural map that reflects expected climate projections is essential (this map can show

conventional and nonconventional water resources).

2. Education and Extension

Bridging the gap between research institutions, government agencies, farmer associations and farmers: More

efficient extension and educational models are needed. Possible approaches would include raising

extension agents‟ capacity and training, bridging the gap between senior and junior agriculture

students, raising the enrollment of students in agriculture studies and making sure government

extension agents, engineers and technicians are hired based on a minimum catalog of skills and

experiences.

Visible pilot fields in villages: Showcase best-practice farming solutions on a demonstration plot

that can be observed by farmers so they do not have to bear the financial risk of experimenting

with new solutions.

Key farmers: Partnering with key farmers and community champions is essential, as these

farmers can implement best-practice examples and enhance farmer-to-farmer knowledge transfer.

IT-based extension (most promising in Egypt): SMS extension services: Governmental

extension services should collaborate with private telecom companies to provide farmers with

sufficient and useful updates on agriculture-related issues and conditions. i.e., crop water

requirement, weather forecast, best agricultural practices, provision of new crops and varieties,

market prices, notifications of prohibited or tampered-with fertilizers/pesticides, etc.

3. Encouraging Private Investment

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Private sector investments incentives: Investors are better positioned than small farmers to make

investments in water-efficient irrigation technology; cost-sharing schemes involving

government/donors/private sector might provide incentives for farmers to make investments.

Private sector services: Involve the private sector in providing and maintaining water management

infrastructure (50,000 km of irrigation and drainage systems in the Delta are in need of constant

maintenance). Private sector can be involved as a contractor to provide machinery, fertilizers,

etc.

4. Government Incentives

Obligatory crop selection and rotation: Explore possibility of introducing obligatory set crop

rotations per area in response to water scarcity and climate change impacts. Include incentives

such as higher set prices for participants, subsidies on fertilizers or assistance with crop

marketing, providing security for farmers, etc. This solution would limit farmers‟ freedom on

crop choices, however.

Land consolidation and joint production/marketing: Encourage farmer cooperatives, associations or

companies run by farmers that enable mass production and marketing. Farmer cooperatives

could be supported through incentives, while the private sector can act as a wholesaling agent.

Financial incentives to encourage urban agriculture, green roofs, hydroponics, aquaponics on

roofs to help with climate change alleviation.

Rationalizing virtual water flows: Import high water consuming crops and export low water

consuming crops.

8.2 Lebanon

Below are recommendations for each case study site as well as from the expert consultations.

Analysis and Recommendations Per Case Study Area

Kfardebian

The findings of the field surveys were mostly consistent with what was anticipated in the Synthesis

Study, and with the views expressed by the experts during the first consultation meeting. The

relatively low number of women working directly in agriculture in the Kfardebian area is a reflection

of their education level and their involvement in other forms of agriculture, namely processing and

preservation of food needed during the winter. Lack of governmental involvement was another

finding that was consistent with the Synthesis Study.

The more significant and unexpected finding was farmers‟ awareness of changes in their production

environment, and their formulation and implementation of adaptation measures, all undertaken

without any guidance. While some were able to relate local weather changes to climate change, they

did not really understand the mechanisms and science behind the phenomenon, and the extent to

which it will impact their lives and livelihoods.

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One adaptive example can be seen through water management. Water was identified by most

farmers as a limiting or controlling factor in their production, as was anticipated in the Synthesis

Study. To address water unavailability, especially towards the end of the season, some farmers

moved to more efficient irrigation practices, while some began storing water for use during low

availability periods. The more significant adaptation measure is the shift by farmers (especially

vegetable farmers) to planting drought-tolerant varieties.

Another example is the damage to crops induced by climate change, which was well noted by

farmers. This included increased pest infestation and actual physical damage to crops due to heat or

cold waves and extreme events (unusual or unseasonal hail and frost). Farmers tried to cope with

these changes by either spraying more pesticides or by shifting to different crop varieties. In both

these examples, farmers adapted in a positive way not anticipated in the Synthesis Study. This

adaptation, as some farmers told the research team, came after some trial and error experiments that

cost them a significant amount of money (which the team believes they should not have had to

expend).

The information gathered indicates that though there are pressures on water and land resources

from an increasing population (Syrian refugees) and a changing climate, farmers in the Kfardebian

area have been attempting to adapt using more innovative than traditional responses. This was

evidenced by their relying more on schedule shifting than on spraying, and focusing more on variety

selection than increasing irrigation water. This was done without governmental support and without

extension services by NGOs, proving that farmers are willing to learn and implement change. If

effective communication on the impacts of climate change is undertaken, and the relaying of best

management practices is developed, farmers‟ productivity would increase and their livelihoods could

improve.

Thus, governmental policies should focus on improving the extension and outreach programs at the

Ministry of Agriculture. Equally important is the launching of awareness campaigns to educate

farmers on climate change and on what they must know and do in terms of adaptation efforts and

behavioral change (leading to applied activity changes). Table 12 below provides additional specific

recommendations based on the Kfardebian case study.

62

Table 12: Recommendations for Kfardebian Area

Recommendations – Kfardebian Implementer/

funder Obstacles

How to overcome obstacles

More efficient irrigation infrastructure and practices Upgrade from surface irrigation to drip and micro-sprinkler irrigations systems, and build water reservoirs and hill lakes.

- Governmental institutions - NGOs

- Land structures - Cost

- Secure funding from international donors or Ministry of Agriculture - Secure loans from agriculture companies

Improved cultivation systems, e.g., raised beds

Farmers Lack of know-how

Provide technical trainings

Use more water efficient, heat-tolerant, early-maturing fruit crop varieties


- Lack of know-how -Availability

Work with reputable companies

Adopt integrated pest management techniques

- Private sector - NGOs

- Lack of know-how - Cost

- Technical trainings - Extension agents follow-up

Use improved orchard varieties/grafting - Private institutions - NGOs

- Lack of know-how - Higher costs

- Provide technical trainings - Work with reputable seed companies

Introduce conservation agriculture (no till), intercropping between fruit orchards


- Lack of know-how - Availability of equipment

- Provide technical trainings - Link to input suppliers offering no-till equipment

Optimize the role of agriculture cooperatives in reducing input costs, marketing and extension services

NGOs Seriousness of cooperative work

Good selection of serious cooperatives working with farmers

Implement a good crop calendar to improve marketing

Governmental institutions

Lack of government actions

Good government strategy

Use carton boxes packaging with good labeling


Lack of governmental and NGO initiatives

International or local funding to projects

Record keeping NGOs Lack of governmental and NGO initiatives

Training on its importance

63

Beqa’a region

Similar to the findings in Kfardebian, the survey results for the Beqa‟a case study were in line with

most of what was indicated in the Synthesis Study and what was discussed with experts during the

first consultation meeting. The lack of knowledge of farmers of climate change, coupled with low

education levels, has led to the adoption of unsustainable adaptation measures. For example, most

farmers indicated that water is the limiting factor affecting their productivity; the solutions of drilling

extra wells or deepening in-use wells are not only expensive but hasten the depletion of the resource.

Had farmers been guided towards more efficient irrigation management approaches, rather than just

shifting to drip and/or trickle systems, their adaptation measures would not only likely maintain or

improve their yields, but would do so sustainably.

An important observation is that women working in the agricultural sector in the Beqa‟a largely

serve as a type of manual labor akin to what machinery could accomplish; they are preferred in this

role because they receive such low pay. This is in contrast to the agricultural sector in Kfardebian

and similar areas, where women contribute directly to the household income in a more significant

and effective manner.

Thus, the government should address the issue of women‟s equity in pay and protection from labor

abuse. As well, policies must focus on improving the extension and outreach programs at the MOA.

Equally important is the launching of awareness campaigns to educate farmers on climate change

and point out what they must know and do in terms of adaptation efforts and behavioral change

(leading to applied activity changes).

Support on technical matters must be improved to enable locally developed adaptation measures.

This effort falls on the shoulders of local research centers and academic institutions as well as the

government and non-governmental organizations.

Table 13 below provides additional specific recommendations based on the Beqa‟a case study (with

some overlap with the Kfardebian site, where appropriate).

Table 13: Recommendations for Beqa'a

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Recommendations – Beqa’a Implementer/

funder Obstacles

How to overcome obstacles

More efficient irrigation infrastructure and practices (such as building water reservoirs)


- Financial - Land structures

Secure funding from international donors of Ministry of Agriculture

Improved cultivation systems, e.g., raised beds

Farmers Know-how Provide technical trainings

Use more water efficient, heat tolerant and high-producing crop varieties


- Know-how - Availability

Work with reputable companies

For protected agriculture, improve greenhouse structures from regular hoop houses to side-wall greenhouses with side nets, and use integrated pest management techniques

- Private sector - NGOs

- Know-how - Cost

- Select local reputable companies - Make loans available

Use grafted vegetables seedlings - Private institutions - NGOs

- Know-how - Higher cost

- Provide technical trainings - Work with reputable seed companies

Introduce conservation agriculture (no till) - Governmental institutions - NGOs

- Know-how - Availability of equipment

- Provide technical trainings - Link to input suppliers offering no-till equipment

Optimize the role of agriculture cooperatives in reducing input costs, marketing and extension services

NGOs Seriousness of cooperative work

Good selection of serious cooperatives working with farmers

Implement a good crop calendar to improve marketing

Governmental institutions

Lack of government actions

Good government strategy

Use carton boxes packaging with good labeling


Lack of governmental and NGO initiatives

International or local funding to projects

Record keeping NGOs Lack of governmental and NGO initiatives

Training on its importance

65

Expert recommendations

During the final workshop in Beirut, experts identified the following:

Several gaps were noted in the studies that were conducted, as summarized below:

• Data on government/farmer cooperation in regards to guiding farmers through climatic

changes.

• Whether linking adaptation to the extension services affects farmers‟ decisions.

• Investigation of the SMS extension service to determine whether government outreach is

helping farmers adapt to climate change.

• Data on importance to food security in terms of farmers‟ spending on food for self-

sustenance and self-sufficiency.

• Detailed data on agricultural land loss and the impact of urbanization on agriculture.

Below are some of the recommendations for future research and activities in the field:

• Encourage academic centers to engage in studies on enhanced agricultural practices and the

development of varieties of crops that are more resilient to climatic changes.

• Through extension work, spread agricultural practices that ensure higher adaptation to foreseen

changes, such as grafting vegetables on rootstocks that are adapted to drought and higher

temperatures.

• Use the Technology Needs Assessment as a launching pad to develop its general concepts into

concrete and tangible projects that are cross-cutting and affect a wide range of sectors.

• Educate farmers on water scarcity issues and instruct them on determining and optimizing their

water use.

• Conduct qualitative surveys and interviews for a more in-depth study of targeted localities and a

better understanding of the needs of local communities.

• Study the order of priority of water availability and consumption, food security, land use, and

agriculture practices for Lebanese farmers, and investigate the connection of these factors and

their combined effect on agriculture and the environment.

• Tackle important topics separately (e.g., water use optimization or resistant crop varieties), and

then combine various results into a unified framework for a comprehensive picture.

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8.3 Final Recommendations

This research project brought together several teams from across multiple countries to conduct a

review and analysis on a wide range of complex, interconnected topics. Any one of these issues (e.g.,

climate change, population dynamics, food security or water security) can allow for vast and deep

exploration. Integrating the concepts into one, and conducting a unified, comprehensive and

coherent analysis of it is both exceptionally challenge and incredibly necessary. But viewing these

issues in isolation risks missing significant drivers of change in the other areas. Thus, projects such

as this one are critical for fully understanding how communities and countries are affected by

growing environmental and human-caused threats and how they are responding, and for generating

ideas for how they can improve their adaptation strategies. With the invaluable benefit of being able

to draw from an in-depth literature review, and with expert consultation and findings from case

studies in disparate conditions in multiple sites across two countries, the team has identified the two

sets of broad recommendations below. Further details on implementation strategies for these

recommendations are outlined in the above sections, with particular reference to conditions in each

site or country.

What can farmers do?

Consider drip and/or sprinkler irrigation

Change crop patterns, calendar and/or variety

Invest in lining canals or small retention reservoirs

Explore options for water reuse and multiuse systems

Collaborate with other farmers for water management and land use

Share knowledge with decision-makers on priorities

These proposed changes in equipment and/or practices (recommendations 1-4 above) will

ultimately be taken up by individual farmers or sometimes groups of farmers (particularly for the

canal lining and reservoirs). However, they currently face challenges due to financial constraints,

limited knowledge or technical know-how and limited availability of resources (e.g., lack of

improved seeds). The recommendation to collaborate with other farmers (e.g., in water user groups)

can be a good option for aggregating resources and centralizing forces.

As explored in more detail in the recommendation sections above, a combination of support from

the government (Ministry of Agriculture in coordination with Ministry of Water Resources), NGOs

and the private sector (e.g., equipment or seed providers), can help address these obstacles. A

valuable model for this would be introducing cost-sharing mechanisms in which one of these entities

co-funds a project with cost-share contributions from farmers (perhaps through a cooperative or

water-user group). There is a key opportunity for international donors and the development

community to address these barriers through targeted support for the above recommendations, and

the critical needs identified by stakeholders (final recommendation above) . The next set of

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recommendations provides a set of key strategies for donors and high level decision-makers to

follow in order to address the most important challenges identified in this project.

How can decision-makers and the development community enable effective adaptation?

Invest in research on best practices, including successes and failures of previous projects

Strengthen agriculture extension, e.g., through improved training and demonstration farms

Develop stronger connections with farmers to improve two-way communication channels

Promote institutional and policy architecture for water-user associations

Improve data collection, quality control, dissemination and use in water and agriculture

Identify, support and scale-up successful and innovative practices and technologies

Increase local control for water and agriculture resource management

The content of the above report and the previous deliverables for this project offer more in-

depth assessments and suggestions for the implementation and practice of these

recommendations.

68

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Appendix 2: Consultation Workshops

Overall Introduction

A number of experts were invited to the national expert consultations held at AUC and AUB to

discuss the findings of the synthesis study. The selected experts were provided with the synthesis

report to review prior to the meetings and were asked to respond to a number of key questions. The

summary below includes the findings of the two consultation workshops. The original report also

includes the workshop agendas, lists of participants, and the presentations delivered during the

workshops.

Egypt

Government officials from the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation, expert researchers7 in the

field of irrigation and agriculture, and university professors from Ain Shams and Zagazig

Universities were invited to attend a consultation workshop. After a presentation of the synthesis

report, a discussion of interconnections between the different themes covered by the research

project followed. Experts identified challenges and provided updates on current solutions and

projects.

Identifying Problems

Experts identified mainly land fragmentation, non-rational use of irrigation water, loss of agricultural

land to urbanization and lack of inter-ministerial coordination as main issues.

National Level Challenges

Agricultural and climate mapping: Agriculture map, atlas map (with conventional and

nonconventional water resources), and climate map were proposed. They were to show which

climate fits which crops, in order to maximize agricultural production and better utilize water

(Swelam).

Inter-ministerial cooperation and integrated approach: Experts agreed that cooperation and

coordination between different ministries, like the Ministry of Agriculture and Land

Reclamation, and the Ministry of Water and Irrigation, are needed. Different national plans need

to be consolidated into one national sustainability plan. Formation of an inter-ministerial

committee to bridge the gap and bring the two ministries together was proposed.

Changes in Water Use, Water Management and Irrigation

Rationalizing virtual water flows: It was recommended to consider importing high water

consuming crops and exporting low water consuming crops.

Shifting fish farms to new reclaimed lands: The following were encouraged: utilizing brackish

water to save on fresh waste; use of brackish water for agriculture and aquaculture (fish ponds);

and use of aquaponics on fish farms, integrating fish farming and agriculture government

initiative for irrigation (1m³ = 1,000 tons of fish).

7 Experts are affiliates of research institutes including: The International Center for Agricultural Research in the Dry Areas (ICARDA), Agricultural Research Center (ARC), Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ).

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On-farm techniques for water use efficiency: New varieties with lesser water requirements to be

adopted, and new irrigation practices for water saving, for example, furrow or raised-bed

irrigation. Farmers profited due to higher yields and lower water, fuel, and fertilizer needs.

Raising Agricultural Productivity

Land consolidation: Encouragement of the return to cooperatives, which enables mass

production. Incentives could be given to farmers and profits. Utilizing the private sector to act

as a wholesaling agent could be beneficial.

Boosting productivity: Experts suggested new crops, new technologies, support for small

businesses, and industrialized production.

Financial incentives for farmers: Urban agriculture, green roofs, hydroponics, and aquaponics on

roofs to help with climate change alleviation.

Involving Strategic Sectors

Encouraging the private sector: Efforts to involve the private sector in providing water

management infrastructure for the complex, 50,000 km irrigation and drainage system in the

Delta, which is in need of constant maintenance. This, however, requires a significant budget.

Proposal to include the private sector as a contractor to provide machinery, fertilizers, etc.

Involving civil society: Farmers‟ and water use associations are needed; involve NGOs.

Education and Services

Improving agricultural extension services: Experts noted this should not be confined only to

providing farmers with seeds and fertilizers, but also facilitating implementation of new

technologies.

Education in agriculture is an important component that should be included in sustainability

strategies. Capacity-building is needed in curricula, as is a way to bridge the gap between seniors

and juniors in the field of agriculture. A decline in students enrolling in agricultural schools is

increasingly noticeable.

Lebanon

Providing Feedback

The experts were asked for feedback on a set of research questions related to the project. The

following represents a summary of the discussion:

1. What are the challenges that producers might face in regards to climate change, and what are

some possible adaptation strategies?

- Current strategies do not address climate change adaptation

- Early warning systems to farmers exist, but their impact is limited for reasons including

an incomplete list of registered farmers, absentee farmers, etc.

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- The basic challenge is not related to climate change

- This question should not be only focused on climate change. It should tackle land-use,

water allocation to agriculture, land tenure, water scarcity and quality.

- A strong institutional mechanism is needed

- Some recommended measures are presented in the Second National Communication

report and the Technology Needs assessment report.

2. Are the crops Lebanon currently produces capable of adapting to forecasted long-term

climatic changes? Should the country invest in researching alternative crops better suited to

climatic extremes?

- Many of the crops can adapt, including forages and some fruit trees.

- Need to combine several practices (conservation agriculture and IPM)

- Research is being adapted to address climate change. ICARDA used to breed new

varieties for drought; now, they breed for extreme changes in temperature and weather.

- Pesticide use is decreasing for several reasons: Media; cost of pesticide; banning of some

pesticides; early warning systems, IPM and extension service.

- Some areas are switching to crops better adapted to changing in climate

- Changes in land use are more related to population growth

- We have to explore the various types of technologies and transfer the best to the farmers

through extension services.

3. Lebanon is in a precarious food security situation. What are the major gaps that exacerbate

this?

- Lebanon is only 20% self-sufficient on average due to land and water availability. It is

heavily reliant on imports, but self-sufficiency could be increased to 25-30% max.

- Increase efficiency of farming in the Beqa‟a and Akkar areas

- More crops/area and increase water efficiency

- Population growth cannot be stopped and more land is being lost

Water security

4. What would be the ideal schemes to reduce water pollution, especially of surface water, and salinization?

- Treatment and reuse of wastewater; reduction in pesticide and fertilizer use; Use low cost

techniques; Raising public awareness; Lebanon is one of the highest country with

percentage of bladder cancer due to irrigation with raw sewage in some places; Lebanon

has the highest rate/m2 of pesticide use in the Arab countries due to two facts: open

borders and high intensity of vegetables and fruit production; Increase better finances

for municipalities so they can carry out pollution control projects; Reduce gaps in

enforcement of policies

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Climate change and population dynamics

5. Climate change is expected to have a dramatic effect on Lebanon‟s weather, water resources

and food production capacity. What would be the top priorities to tackle in order to mitigate

the impacts of climate change?

- Water harvesting

- National policies

- Adopt new technologies

- Awareness raising

- Decrease the size of families: There is already a decrease in population growth due to

improved education for women and economic constraints

- Influx of Syrian refugees is a serious problem

- Reuse of water

6. Is climate change the main threat to Lebanon‟s food and water security or do other factors

such as population growth and the refugee‟s crisis pose a greater threat?

- There are more imminent threats than climate

- Should tackle: refugees crisis, then population growth then climate change or more

accurately, security then water then climate

General Comments and Recommendations:

Land-use management and land tenure are two major issues when it comes to population

growth.

Lebanon currently supports around 6 million people and climate change is not the main

concern for most of them.

Most experts agreed that the major climate change impact on agriculture will be through

water shortages. Most of the crops grown in Lebanon will tolerate a degree rise in

temperature but will not adapt well to water shortage and may even fail completely.

The recommendations given should be feasible, cross-cutting and in tune with the project‟s

multi-sectorial nature.

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Appendix 3: Final Workshop Summary

The research team conducted expert consultation workshops in both Egypt and Lebanon to present

the results of the case studies, as well as to discuss the methodologies used in gathering information

from the stakeholders involved at the five representative field sites. The experts were also asked to

assist in identifying key conclusions and recommendations for the final milestone of this research

project. The summary findings from these two workshops are below.

Egypt

Experts and participants discussed study results, as well as possible solutions to water management

and agricultural efficiency, on the levels of government, communities and farms. Links between

farmers‟ responses in Egypt and Lebanon were also discussed. The participants identified that

placing resource management in the hands of local communities is a key approach in solving water

mismanagement issues and increasing efficiency. One possible way to achieve this is through

formalizing and expanding Water Users Associations (WUAs); giving farmers a say in water

distribution and removing the fears that lead to cautious over-irrigation. It was agreed that the

following would increase the efficiency of the current water supply-and-demand system:

Focusing on the water requirements of various crops in addition to following crop patterns.

Using water more than once through integrated water management systems that could include

hydroelectric power production units to tackle electricity shortages, fish farms prior to irrigation

to tackle food and income security, drainage water utilization to irrigate salt-tolerant crops.

Encouraging and benefiting from economies of scale and cost savings through the possibility of

cooperatives and farmers‟ collaboration.

Identifying ways to encourage cooperation between farmers and the government, leading to more effective communication and increased trust and credibility in terms of extension services and irrigation schedules.

Special Training and Education

Intermediaries between the farmer and the Ministry of Irrigation are usually low-level local

agricultural association government employees who are under-qualified, inexperienced and

untrained at handling farmers‟ issues. These intermediaries hold a basic technical diploma; they

are not trained irrigation engineers, and they lack effective communication skills.

Capacity-building trainings, in the form of short courses targeted at specific agricultural issues,

resulting in a certification and serving as a qualifying basis for future candidate selection, were

proposed. An assessment of the training before the certificate is granted will ensure quality and

counter the current system of employment which does not require specific qualifications.

Training of trainers is needed to teach current government trainers and technicians effective

communication skills that replace the current “top-down” tone and approach.

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Establishing Functioning WUAs

The establishment of independent WUAs, beyond a few villages in the Delta, was emphasized by

experts as an ideal solution that avoids over-centralization of the water distribution system,

empowers farmers and gives them ownership, manages water allocation, and shares the

responsibility of existing branch canals.

Knowledge Transfer

Implement information delivery techniques that are relevant to on-field issues and are

participatory, including consideration in policy making.

Select key farmers to lead by example.

Encourage government collaboration with local companies in desert areas.

Government and research institutes should act as responsible monitors against misleading

information and implementation mechanisms.

Implement an SMS messaging function that allows for concise communication with

farmers, in the form of advice and updates about weather, irrigation times, water

requirements and new crop varieties, for example.

Implement cost-sharing mechanisms that increases the likelihood of cooperation and trust

between farmers.

Practical Demonstration

Practical application of knowledge is important so as to kinesthetically educate farmers about new and unfamiliar techniques or crop varieties.

Demonstration plots or local teaching farms in villages run by the Ministry of Agriculture to encourage farmers to test new methods and crops, as opposed to traditional methods on the farmers‟ land.

Further research on per-crop water requirements.

The Ministry of Agriculture‟s agricultural TV channel could reform boring and obsolete programs to make them more appealing to farmers, perhaps even featuring farmers themselves.

Further research and other policies

Observing farmers‟ adaptation methods, and where the transfer of enabling knowledge occurs,

is a good was to start in terms of the construction of research and policy frameworks.

Effective resource management dictates further research on water efficiency and requirements

for different soils, seasons and crops, in order to allocate crops to their best-suited

environments.

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Assessments of community focused farming associations will help research institutes

understand successes or failures of resource management, as well as which policies to

formalize.

Functioning laws that prevent urban encroachment on scarce fertile lands and which

accommodate a communities‟ natural growth.

Potential for solar energy-operated irrigation systems as a way to tackle frequent technical

irrigation issues. There are cost barriers to implementing this on a national scale.

The high costs of implementing modern irrigation methods could be mitigated by the

government lowering import taxes on materials like pipes, thus encouraging farmers to invest

in them.

Lebanon

Discussion and Recommendations

The discussion between the experts and the research team could be grouped into seven major

headings ranging from those that focus on farmers‟ needs to the impact of governmental and private

sector activities, as well as production and irrigation issues. These are summarized in the sections

that follow.

Farmers’ Main Concerns

What were the famers’ main complaints and needs? How can they be related to climate change?

• Farmers are in need of better agricultural extension. Official institutions such as the Ministry

of Agriculture (MoA) and academic research centers have not done enough to help farmers

enhance their productivity. On the other hand, the private sector represented by agricultural

companies plays a major role in providing farmers with new techniques and varieties.

However, the private sector seeks to maximize its profits, and most companies sell hybrid F1

seeds that cannot be used for more than one season. This forces farmers to buy new seeds

each year, which disables the old system in which farmers kept some of the year‟s harvest as

seeds for the next year‟s crops.

• There is a need for a deeper understanding of problems related to proper agricultural

practices such as integrated pest management and adaptation measures to climate change.

• According to farmers, the marketing of their produce remains a challenge. With the free

market policy that Lebanon has adopted, Lebanese farmers are the weakest link in an

agricultural economy in which middlemen and wholesalers reap the biggest benefits.

Governmental Actions

Though official agricultural extension is lacking, many projects and initiatives have been

implemented by the MoA and national research centers in recent years, such as the Lebanese

Agriculture Research Center (LARI), which helps farmers in managing their orchards and fields. The

Page | 85

experts questioned whether such projects actually helped farmers to better adapt to climate change.

The case in point would be the project in which Lebanon, through LARI, started circulating Short

Message Service (SMS) to registered farmers. The SMS is delivered to farmers in simple text to

understand climatic data with special recommendations on means to cope with the forecasted

weather events.

Besides the SMS service, several training programs and initiatives have been created to support

farmers. The Ministry of Environment (MoE) is using Web tools to reach out to farmers, whereas

the MoA is working on upgrading its 20 extension centers. These centers are located around the

country and are connected to key farmers, who in turn reach out to various networks of farmers.

For the purpose of this study, the experts noted that it would be revealing to know whether these

extension measures have materialized on the ground as climate change adaptation measures.

The experts agreed that beyond climate change, the primary challenge to farmers is economic in

nature. In order to support farmers, the government needs to pay more attention to the local

production calendar and impose higher taxes on imported items. Fair trade is a topic in which

government institutions lag behind civil society groups, which have taken the lead in promoting this

concept among Lebanese consumers. Fair trade aims to empower farmers by breaking the

middlemen cycle and forging a direct connection between farmers and consumers.

Scientific Research and Sector Assessment Needs

The experts discussed the need to strengthen the role that academic research plays in adaptation

measures, especially in the agricultural sector, and its paramount influence of water use. The use of

new crop varieties that are more adapted to climatic changes should be prioritized. However, so far,

testing has been done on only a few major cereal crops in LARI, namely wheat. More extensive

testing is required on other prominent crops.

An important intervention by the representative from the MOE highlighted the work done by the

Ministry in collaboration with UNDP under the framework of the “Technology Needs Assessment”

project to understand the needs of major sectors with regards to climate change. Accordingly, it was

determined that the agriculture and water sectors are the most vulnerable to climate change impacts.

Additionally, plausible adaptation and mitigation measures were proposed per sector, and some pilot

initiatives and projects were drafted.

Decrease in Production or Profitability

Many farmers reported a decrease in their production. However, experts argued that total land

productivity– or yield per hectare– has actually increased. As farmers think of production as total

revenue, experts suggested that the decrease in production is probably due to the higher cost of

production, not the productivity of the variety itself. Additionally, low-quality pesticides, soil

infestation and weather changes could be important factors in agricultural profitability.

Planting Varieties and Irrigation

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In their comments regarding the data collected from farmers on planted crops, varieties and

irrigation practices, some experts were interested to know whether the information covered only one

year or if it spanned a broader range of years. It was made clear that during the survey farmers were

asked about their main crops and means of irrigation and sources of water during the last ten years,

and asked if any changes were made for any reason, without leading them to state that climate

change was a leading factor for any changes. But it was also mentioned that record keeping is

something that most Lebanese farmers do not practice.

Water Issues

When presented with data on water resources and use in the surveyed localities, some experts shared

their personal experience and knowledge of the matter. They noted that water use is increasing not

only due to increased domestic and agricultural demands, but also because of tourist-targeting

infrastructure in certain villages, like Kfardebian.

The Syrian refugees‟ situation adds pressure on the water resources, and some noted that around

refugees‟ settlement, water quality has dropped due to increased levels of pollution. The long-term

effect of sporadic refugees‟ settlement is yet to be determined.

Additionally, as was reported during the surveys, some experts confirmed that recent climatic change

had decreased snowpack in the high mountains, causing farmers downstream to seek adaptation

strategies as their share of water is dropping significantly during the late summer months.

Land Use

A consensus was reached on the negative impact of land fragmentation on agriculture. Most land

holdings end up being divided into smaller holdings, resulting in increased difficulty in selling lands,

consolidating or using them efficiently. Additionally, rapid urbanization and the lack of legislation to

protect urban agriculture have caused the loss of prime agricultural lands.

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Figure 4: Abu Minqar Families Experiencing Food Insecurity & Perceived Reasons

Figure 5: Different Water Sources and Usages in Shubra Qubala.

Figure 6: Crops Cultivated by Small Farmers in Shubra Qubala.

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Canal reliance only Canal & Well

Water Sources

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0

1

2

3

4

5

6

Drilling Wells Building Reserviors Changes in Crops

Responses to Water Scarcity

Figure 7: Responses to Water Scarcity in Abu Minqar

Figure 8: Responses to Water Scarcity in Imam Malek (total number of farmers who responded)

Figure 9: Main Crops Grown by Small Farmers in Imam Malek.

Page | 90

Tables

Table 1: Population and Cultivated Land in Shubra Qubala (Population in numbers)

Year

(01 January of each year)

Males Females Total

2010 4,896 4,518 9,414

2011 4,994 4,608 9,602

2012 5,099 4,706 9,805

2013 5,194 4,789 9,983

Land (in feddan)

Area Cultivated 1,182

Unproductive Fallow Land 169

Tables 2: Population Dynamics in Abu Minqar

Year Males Females Total Population

2008 1316 1096 2412

2013 1871 1560 3431

Page | 91

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Furrow Drip Sprinkler

%o

f ir

rig

ati

on

meth

od

ad

op

ted

Irrigation method

Table 3: Population Dynamics in Abu Minqar II

Cultivated Area (2013) 2,640 feddan

Unproductive Fallow Land (Bour) 2,258,454.2 km2

Total Area of Abu Minqar 2,283,187.2 km2

Unproductive Fallow Land as Percentage of Total Area 98.9%

Lebanon

Figure 10: Labor Division in Kfardebian

Figure 11: Irrigation Methods in Kfardebian

Female 31%

Male 69%

Work force division among gender in Kfardebian

93

Appendix 5: Evaluation of Farmer Responses to Water Scarcity and Climate Change

The fieldwork in Egypt revealed an array of farmer responses to water scarcity and climate change,

some of which are sustainable in the long run and others that bear considerable weaknesses and

threats (please see Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities-Threats (SWOT) analysis below).

SWOT Analysis of Farmer Responses

Digging new wells

Strengths Weaknesses

● Instant availability of water ● Independence from government

schedules ● Better water quality in some cases

(worse in others)

● High cost of well drilling and significant personal investment

● Coordination among farmers to organize ● Challenges in joint management between farmers ● Additional pumping costs for farmers ● Many wells are illegal

Opportunities Threats

● Ability to provide secure water sources for crops at all times

● Potential to grow crops with higher crop water requirements

● More independence in managing the water

● Decision making lies with the farmer

● Exhausting natural resource of water, thereby harming the community

● Increased salinity after a few years (in Imam Malek) ● Inability to monitor number of wells ● Over-drilling in single areas and ever-increasing

depths ● Over-irrigation

Decreasing irrigation area


● Water savings due to reduced cultivation area

● Reduction of costs for cultivation inputs

● Farmers lose a part of their cultivation area for the season

● Land is not managed to full potential ● Overall reduced production and farm productivity


● Forced fallow periods may give land chance to recover and improve soil quality

● Farmers experience significant income loss ● Financial security of families jeopardized ● Overall risks of reduced food security

Page | 94

Introduction of new crops


● More water efficient/heat tolerant crops ● Increased yields of higher performing

crops

● According to some farmers, higher water consumption for some new crops

● Not all farmers have knowledge about, or access to, such new crops


● More resilience to climate change threats and water scarcity

● Higher yields depending on type of crop chosen

● Potential to increase profit and improve marketability of crops

● Unknown future impacts on land and water ● New crops require knowledge and training ● Potential dependence on seed production companies if

private sector takes lead in seed distribution

Changing irrigation systems


● Increased water use efficiency (as long as

farmers do not over-irrigate)

● Less water-logging and salinity problems

● Ease of use if installed properly

● Necessity for considerable farmer investment

● Additional costs for running pumps


● Water savings

● In pump-based irrigation systems (such

as Shubra Qubala), a unified system

leads to cost savings for farmers

● Potential to increase yields by

responding to plant water requirements

● Maintenance costs

● Potential problems if water distribution in combination

with flood irrigation systems is insufficiently coordinated

● Use of drip and sprinkler irrigation requires a certain

amount of knowledge and training

Page | 95

Changing planting dates


● Growing seasons are adapted to local

climate conditions and climate change

● Planting dates do not necessarily conform with times of

highest market demand/price

● Changed planting dates may confuse water distribution

schedules unless done by an entire cultivation area


● A change in planting and harvesting dates

can create market opportunities if they can

give a cultivation area a strategic benefit in

terms of market demand

● Greatly changed planting dates may expose crops to

unexpected risks (e.g. colder weather later in the

season, etc.)

● A lack of research of the effect of climate change on

crops may create trial and error risks for farmers

The drilling of new wells, a practice that can be found in all three case study areas, is connected with

significant weaknesses and threats and, although it is releasing farmers from immediate water threats,

may actually decrease the future availability of water (especially in the case of the Nubian Sandstone

Aquifer) and thus negatively affect future productivity. Decreasing the production area is a response

that also leads to mainly negative impacts on farmers and agricultural production.

The farmer responses that bear fewer weaknesses and threats than others are the introduction of

new crops and varieties, the installation of drip and sprinkler irrigation systems and the informed

and strategic change of planting dates. We recommend that these responses be enhanced and

supported, making sure that they are implemented in informed and strategic ways. These could

include:

Cost-sharing opportunities for the installation of drip and sprinkler irrigation and other

water management measures such as storage tanks or raised bed cultivation techniques.

Farmer support in the choice and accessibility of new crop varieties.

Training and extension services teaching farmers about the impacts and processes of climate

change, possible responses to water scarcity and their application, installation and

management.

Assistance with the organization and coordination of water-user associations and farmer

associations in order to foster joint, efficient management of resources.

96

Appendix 6: Workshop Presentations

Lebanon Consultation Workshop - September 23, 2013

Page | 97

Page | 101

Page | 103

Page | 105

Egypt First Workshop: September 18, 2013

Page | 106

Page | 107

Page | 109

Egypt Final Workshop – November 12, 2013

Page | 110

Page | 111

Page | 112

Page | 113

Page | 114

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