iim calcutta indian social structure - caste, social backwardness and obc reservations – mandal...
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Caste, Social Backwardness and OBC Reservations – Mandal – I and II
-- Zoya Hasan (2009)
Search for Equality and Justice – A4
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Reservation- Equality and Justice
• In the last few decades, both Central and State governments have implemented reservation policy that aim to increase opportunities for backward classes/ castes in government employment and education.
• Since 1950, the SCs and STs have been entitled to reservation.
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Reservation Policy
• 1994 : Reservation extended to the OBCs in public employment by PM V P Singh of the Janata Dal – MANDAL - I
• 2006 : Instituting Reservation for OBCs in institutions of higher and professional education by the UPA Government - MANDAL II
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Issues
• Two issues have dominated policy debates regarding reservation of OBCs–
i) On the identification of the category OBC- Whether caste or economic and occupational criteria is an indicator of disadvantage ?
ii) Regarding the conception of backwardness itself.
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Who are the Backward Classes?
• OBCs constitute a more heterogeneous category than the SCs and STs.
• Not estimated in the decennial censuses, but OBC population is estimated to range from 25 to 52 percent.
• Most of the OBCs belong to peasant and agrarian communities, not untouchables, considered backward because of their low peasant status.
• Traditionally lack education and access to public institutions.
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Backwardness ?
• No clarity in the definition and criterion of social backwardness with regard to the term OBCs
• ‘Backward Classes’ retained a multiplicity of meanings-
• - ‘lowly’, those comparable to SC/STs, ‘less well-off’
• - reference to a middle stratum• - those who suffered discrimination historically
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Backwardness- ? - II
• Constituent Assembly there was a debate regarding identifying OBCs- whether ritual exclusion, or economic criteria of backwardness or in terms of low status in the caste system?
• The purpose of reservation for the SCs- to right the historical wrongs, hence to enhance equality of opportunity
• For the OBCs- to increase representation and power sharing.
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“Other Backward Classes” - Origin
• The term Backward Classes had appeared for the first time in 1870 in Madras Presidency.
• Despite ambiguity the provinces of Bombay, Madras and Mysore had instituted reservations of jobs and seats for them in education before independence.
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Other Backward Classes- II
• After independence, Nehru coined the term, “Other Backward Classes” – implying classes other than the untouchables and the tribes.
• The Constitution refers to ‘Backward Classes’ in Articles 15 (4) and 16 (4), under which the state is empowered to make special provision for those socially and educationally backward.
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Kalelkar Commission -1
• In 1955, the First Backward Class Commission led by Kaka Kalelkar (a disciple of Gandhi) submitted its report.
• It drew up a list of 2329 castes (about 32 percent of the population) as socially and educationally backward classes.
• - characterized by (1) low social position in the caste hierarchy, (2) lack of general education, (3) poor representation in government services, as well as (4) trade, commerce and industry.
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Kalelkar Commission -2
• Caste was used as the criteria for identifying beneficiaries, though Kalelkar gave a dissenting note. He favoured identification based on economic criteria, not caste.
• Report tabled, but its recommendations were not implemented by the Central government.
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Kalelkar Commission - 3
• Govt. in favour of economic criteria, feared that the Report will deepen caste divisions.
• Home minister Govind Ballav Pant argued that it would hinder efficiency in the administration and business.
• Nevertheless, several states set up Backward Classes Commissions and instituted reservations for castes.
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Political alignments
• Congress leadership- dominated by the upper castes, backward classes found no space
• Economic interests do not become the basis of mobilization, caste categories did
• Congress- reluctant to regard caste as the criteria for reservation of OBC category, yet caste was the primary criteria for defining backwardness !
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Political alignments - II
• At the State level several states granted them reservations in government employment and education.
• States in the South among the first to do so, have been responsive to them since 1920s…
• The long standing political mobilisation of the backward castes in the regions could not be ignored at the national level.
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Political alignments - III
• Opposition to reservations did not rule out power sharing with other castes,
• Backward class politics played a crucial role in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra in supporting political formations
• In UP backward caste groups supported by the non Congress parties, esp after the defeat of the Congress in 1977, were mobilised.
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Political alignments - IV
• Progressive realization that the backward classes need to be accommodated in the political system.
• The Backward Class Commissions in the States too identified backwardness on the basis of caste.
• When Mandal Commission came up the economic criteria was almost forgotten!
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Mandal Commission - 1
• Non-Congress parties took up the backward- caste issues in a major way from the late 1960s and more forcefully after the defeat of the Congress in the post-Emergency 1977 elections.
• The Second Backward Classes Commission (Mandal Commission) constituted in 1978 (Janata Party regime), fully embraced ‘caste’ as the defining criteria for backwardness.
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Mandal Commission - 2
• Headed by B P Mandal, the Commission estimated the population of OBCs to be around 52 percent.
• Recommended a reservation of 27 percent for OBCs in all services and public sector undertakings, in addition to 22.5 percent.
• Report was submitted in 1980, the Congress Party was in power, unwilling to act on the report. “It’s a can of worms, I won’t touch it”. – Rajiv Gandhi.
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Mandal – I (1)
• In 1990, non-Congress coalition government led by Prime Minister V. P. Singh proposed the implementation of Mandal Commission recommendations (Mandal – I).
• Widespread disturbances and violence in the country, an upper-caste backlash, especially in Delhi, Orissa, Bihar and UP including instances of self immolation by upper caste students.
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Mandal – I (2)
• For its proponents, Social Justice (rectification of social inequalities in status and power, not primarily economic inequalities) was the goal.
• Mandal CRITERIA of Backwardness: ELEVEN INDICATORS: Social Backwardness – 4, Educational Backwardness – 3 and Economic Backwardness – 4 indicators.
• Historical discrimination rather than current inequalities got more importance.
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Mandal 1 (3)
• Caste based social backwardness was crucial, educational and economic backwardness linked to it.
• Main principles :- Caste membership rather than individual class- Low social ranking rather than individual income- Inadequate representation in government services,
in trade, commerce, industry- Religious and linguistic groups cannot qualify for
inclusion
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Mandal 1 (4)
• Main difference was in the conception of social justice.
• In the pre-independence Constituent Assembly debates, disadvantage was conceived in terms of reduction of socio-economic disparities between groups.
• Now emphasis would be on reducing power and inequalities of status between groups.
• Political power primary engine of social transformation.
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Mandal –I (5)
• Legal disputes over the primacy of caste vs class, whether caste stands for class
• Lack of clear guidelines regarding definition,
composition, identification, scheduling- triggering discontent
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Mandal – I (6)
• Congress favoured excluding the privileged among OBCs and to accommodate the underprivileged amongst the upper castes; proposed 10 percent reservation for ‘other economically backward sections of people’.
• However, the Supreme Court upheld the 27 percent reservation for OBCs, not the 10 percent for ‘other economically backward sections of people’. The Court upheld caste as a criterion.
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Mandal – I (7)
• In 1990, the OBCs had a negligible presence of about 2 percent in government employment, when the Mandal – I recommendations were accepted.
• By 2000, the SCs, STs and OBCs together accounted for more than 55 percent of the total recruitment in the Union Civil Services.
• However, dominant groups and castes (within the OBCs) have monopolized benefits.
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Mandal – II (1)
• In 2006, the Central government planned to extend reservations to OBCs in Central educational institutions (Mandal – II).
• A huge public debate began. Supporters believed it would promote social justice and inclusion in upper-caste dominated system of higher education. Opponents warned that India’s edge in the knowledge economy would dwindle, competitiveness erode, MNCs move away.
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Mandal – II (2)
• Official argument offered two principal justifications:
• First, extending quotas in higher education was the continuation of preferential treatment in public employment to the OBCs.
• Second, it came up in 2006 mainly in the context of the legislation on private unaided institutions.
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Mandal – II (3)
• Unlike the Mandal – I decision, which was rushed through without adequate consultations, this legislation was the result of wide-ranging consultations with MPs and political parties and was also routed through the Cabinet and various government departments.
• However, controversies and countrywide protests followed led by the doctors at the AIIMS, students from IITs and IIMs and Youth for Equality – a newly formed protest group.
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Market Reforms and Socio-economic changes
• Change in political and economic landscape since Mandal – I.
• Market reforms have broken down the Nehruvian consensus on a mixed economy and the Congress social coalition of upper castes, minorities and SCs.
• High GDP growth and high consumption.• Growth of Media, IT revolution, service sector,
knowledge economy – affluent middle class.
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Shifts in Public Debate
• A large section of Indian public now believe that market reforms have leveled out social distinctions and disadvantages.
• Recent dimensions of OBC reservation politics:– A) Justice versus merit issues– B) All parties now accept the logic of quotas– C) A consequent disengagement of Reservation
issues from the political process.– D) Increasing reliance on judiciary and the media.
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Emerging Issues - 1
• By the time of Mandal – II, caste and class has become inseparable.
• Exclusion of creamy layer or privileged within the OBCs, despite fear of political reactions.
• Affirmative action for religious minorities.
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Emerging Issues - 2
• Why Reservations – pursuit of justice or pursuit of votes?
• A need to revisit the framework of affirmative action, need for regular review, need for foundational changes, more sophisticated affirmative action than reservations.
• Freedom of equality and justice issues from the mechanical caste and class concerns.