The Life of Ibn Sina

STUDIES IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE

Published under the auspices ofthe Society for the Study of Islamic Philosophy and Science

EDITORIAL BOARD

George F. Hourani, State Universityof New YOl'k at Buffalo

Muhsin Mahdi, Hal'Vard University

Parviz Morewedge, Baruch Collegeof City University of New York

Nicholas Rescher, University of Pittsburgh

Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University

THE LIFE OF IBN SINA

A Critical Editionand Annotated Translation

byWilliam E. Gohlman

Albany, New York

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS

1974

l'he Life of Ibn SinaFirst EditionPublished by State University of New York Press99 Washington Avenue, Albany, New York 12210© 1974 State University of New Yo.rkAll rights ~'cserved

Printed in the United States of America

Li brary of Congress Catalog~ng in Publication DataA vicenna, 980-1037.

The life of Ibn Sina,Arabic text and English translation of the author's autobiography, Sirat al.,.

Shaykh al-Ra'is, which was completed by al-Juzajani.Originally presented as the editor's thesis, University of Michigan.Includes bibliographies.J. Avicenna, 980-1037. 1. al ...jflzajani, 'Abd al-Wai:lid ibn Mu1}ammad, 11 th

cent. II. Gohlman, WillIam E., ed. III. Title.B751.A5SS 1974 189'.5 73-6793ISBN 0-87395-226-XISBN 0-87395...227-8 (microfiche)

To Susan

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

MANY PEOPLE have aided me in the research for and preparationof this work, which was originally ~ubmitted in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy in the Horace H.Rackham School of Graduate Studies at The University of Michigan.I would like to acknowledge the following:

The administration of Baldwin-Wallace College, which has providedme with released time from teaching duties and with financial helpin the preparation of this work.

Professors Sencer Tongul$ and Cengiz Orhonlu of the Faculty of Arts,Istanbul University, as well as the directors of the Suleymaniye andIstanbul University Libraries, who helped me obtain microfilms ofthe manuscripts I needed. My thanks also to the Ministry of ForeignAffairs and the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Turkey forgiving me permission to do research in the libraries of Istanbul.

And especially Professor George F. Hourani, who provided me withthe photographs of one of the manuscripts and gave me a great dealof help and advice in all stages of the preparation of this work.

INTRODUCTION ....................•...............

INTRODUCTION TO THE EDITION ..................................... 1

INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATION . .. .. ~ .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 11

INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHIES ............... 13

EDITION AND TRANSLATION 16

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY / BIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

THE LONGER BIBLIOGRAPHy........................ 90

NOTES .........•.•......................•........... 115

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION....................... 115

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY /

BIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLIOGRAPHY... 139,

APPENDIXES 143

I. SHORTER .BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS... 143

II. LONGER BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS.... 147

III. CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF IBN SINA'S WORKS... 153

BIBLIOGRAPHY 155

INDEX........................................ 159

INTRODUCTION ....................•...............

INTRODUCTION TO THE EDITION ..................................... 1

INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATION . .. .. ~ .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 11

INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHIES ............... 13

EDITION AND TRANSLATION 16

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY / BIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

THE LONGER BIBLIOGRAPHy........................ 90

NOTES .........•.•......................•........... 115

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION....................... 115

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY /

BIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLIOGRAPHY... 139,

APPENDIXES 143

I. SHORTER .BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS... 143

II. LONGER BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS.... 147

III. CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF IBN SINA'S WORKS... 153

BIBLIOGRAPHY 155

INDEX........................................ 159

INTRODUCTION TO THE EDITION

THE STANDARD ARABIC VERSION of the autobiography of Ibn Sinaand its continuation by one of his pupils, Abu CUbayd al-Ju:zJani,has been in print since 1884, when August Muller's edition of thecUJun aL-anbii) fi tabaqat aL-atibbii) of Ibn Abi U~aybiCa (d, A.H. 668/A.D, 1270) was published.! The section on Ibn Sina is found inVol. II, pp. '2-20, and consists of a bricr introduction (p. 2), theautobiography of Ibn Sina (pp. 2--4), the continuation of the biogra­phy by al-juzjani (pp. 4'-9), including a short bibliography (p. 5),anecdotes and poems about Ibn Sina (pp. 9-10), a number of poemsattributcd to Ibn Sina (pp. 10-18), and a longer bibliography (pp.18-20) .

Anothcr vcrsion of Ibn Sina's autobiography/biography waspublished a few ycars later (1903) in julius Lippert's edition of theTa)rikh aL-{lUkama) of Ibn al-Qifti (d. 646/1248).2 The material onIbn Sina is found on pp. 413-26, and, like the version in Ibn AbiU~aybiCa, contains a bricf introduction (p. 413), the autobiography(pp'. 413-17), and al-juzjani's continuation (pp. 417-26), with theshortcr bibliography (p. 418). It docs not contain the last three partsof Ibn Abi U~aybiCa's section on Ibn Sinai i. c., the anecdotes andpoems about Ibn Sina, the poems written by him, and the longerbibliography. In the major sections which the two works have incommon, the autobiography/biography, they are almost identical,and so one must suppose that Ibn Abi U~aybiCa copied this sectionfrom al-Qifti, or that they both copied from the same unknown source,perhaps a manuscript of al-juzjani's work.

The other major early source for the life of Ibn Sina, Ibn Funduqal-Bayhaqi (d. 565/1170), has a section on him in the Tatimmat ~iwan

aL-~ikma3 which contains a great deal of new material and probablynot known to either al-Qifti or Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, since neither men­tions this material. Ibn Khallikan (d. 681/1282) <1 may have usedIbn Funduq's work, because he includes some material found in IbnFunduq but not in al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybica. However, hisbiography of Ibn Sina is a condcnsation of the autobiography/biography, with other information interspersed. 5 Ibn aVlmad(d. 1089/1678) follows Ibn Khallikan almost identically in his noticeof Ibn Sina's life, several times mentioning Ibn Khallikan by name. (I

2 INTRODUC'IION

Although the accounts in al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybiCa seemedto have been mere copies of the original manuscript which was dictatedby Ibn Sina to his pupil al-]uzjani, and then continued by the latter,several pieces of evidence have turne~ up recently to show that thereis another version of this account. This new text, found in almostidentical versions in several different places, does not differ at anymajor point with the earlier published version, but there are a greatnumber of minor variations. A description of the versions of this newtext follows.

In one of the volumes of the Avicenna Memorial, A. F. al-Ahwanimentions the discovery of a new version of the autobiography!biography which differs from the one in al-Qifti and Ibn AbiU~aybjCa.7 He found this version, written by Yary.yft ibn Ary.madal-Kashi (d. after 754-/1353), on the margins of a manuscript of Shah­razuri's Nu;;:,hat al-arwii~, 8 which itself contains an account of IbnSina's life which sounds very much like that of Ibn Khallikan. 9

AI-Ahwani notes that al-Kashi's version must merely be a copy ofa manuscript similar to the one(s) used by al-Qifti and Ibn AbiU~aybica,1° and so in his edition of it he notes the variant readings ofal-Qifti and!or Ibn Abi U~aybica. However the edition of al-Ahwaniis not a critical edition of the manuscript itself, since his notes merelycarry out his intention of comparing the two versions, and he makeshis corrections, emendations, etc., without mentioning them in thenotes. This published version of al-Kashi, called N in the Englishsections of this work and (.) in my Arabic edition (from the title of thepublished work, Nukat fi a~wiil. ... ), contains the autobiography ofIbn Sina (pp. 9-17), the continuation by al-]uzjani (pp. 17-28), butwithout the shorter bibliography, the longer bibliography (pp. 29--35),similar to the one in Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, and the colophon (p. 36),giving the date as 15]umada II 754- [Thursday, 18]uly, 1353].

Another publication of a version different from that of al-Qifti andIbn Abi U~aybiCa was made by Sacid Nafisi, who also added a Persiantranslation,u Although Nafisi states in his introduction the source ofhis edition: Yildiz Hususi Library (Istanbul), MS. 889, now a part ofthe Arabic collection of Istanbul University, MS. 4755,12 he does notprovide a critical edition of the work. Rather, he includes a few wordsin parentheses which represent some of the marginal additions to themanuscript, but there is no indication of any other corrections whichhe made. I have been able to obtain photographs of this manuscriptand so have not had to rely on the published version of Nafisi. The

TO THE EDITION 3

full description of this manuscript is as follows: Universite, MS.4755(24), fols. 308a-317b. Written in nashkhi script, 16x24· em.(12x16 em. each page), 15 lines/page, this manuscript is uated 588/[1192] ,13 Called B in the English and y in the Arabic sections of thiswork, it contains the autobiography (fo1s. 308a-311a), the continua­tion by alJuzjani (fols. 311a-316a), without the shorter bibliography,and the longer bibliography (fols. 316a--3l7b).

In addition, the most complete bibliography of Ibn Sina's writings,Yahya Mahdavi's Fihrist-i mu~annafiit-i Ibn Sina, lists a number of othermanuscripts of the a sar-gudhaslzt" in the libraries of Istanbul. 14 I havebeen able to obtain microfilms or photographs of several of thesemanuscripts, the descriptions of which are as follows:

1. Aya Sofya, MS. 4852(1), fols. 1b--13a. Written in large, clearnaskhi script, 16x24 em. (lOx 16 em. each page), this manuscriptis dated from the first part of the 7th/13th century.15 Called A in theEnglish and I in the Arabic sections of this work, it contains theautobiography (fols. 1b-4b) , the continuation by al-Juzjani (fols.4b-13a), with the longer bibliography appearing where the shorterbibliography does in al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybiCa (fols. 5a--Sa), andthe shorter bibliography missing.

2. Ahmet III, MS. 3447(6), fols. 20b-26b. Written in clear taCliqscript, 23 X 31 em., 17 lines/page, this manuscript is dated 866/[14621. 16

Called J in the English and ( in the Arabic sections of this work, itcontains the autobiography (fols. 20b-22a), the continuation by al­Juzjani (fols. 22a-26b), with the longer bibliography appearing as inA (fols. 22b-23b), and the shorter bibiliography missing. It alsoincludes a number of comments on the n;'a~gins.

3. Aya Sofya, MS. 4829(19), fols. 72b-75b. Written in largenaskhi script, 25 X 36 em., 35 lines/page, this manuscript dates from the'10th/16th century,17 It contains the autobiography (fols. 72b-73a),the continuation by al-Juzjani (fols. 73a-75b), with the longer biblio­graphy appearing as in A (fols. 73b-74a), and the shorter bibliographymissing. This manuscript derives from A, containing all of the errorsof A and peculiar errors of its own, so I have not used it in my edition. I8

4. Nuruosmaniye, MS. 4894(44), fols. 24·7b-·250b. Written in naskhiscript, 23 X 35 em., 37 lines/page, this manuscript is dated as "possibly"10th/16th ccntury.19 It contains the autobiography (fols. 247b-248a),the continuation by al.Juzjani (fols. 248a-250b), with the longerbibliography appearing as in J (fols. 248a-24·9a), and the shorterbibliography missing. This manuscript is derived from J, incorpora-

4- INTRODUCTION

ting the marginal material found in] into its text, so I have not usedit in my edition.

5. Universite, MS. 1458(26), fols. 71b-75a. Written in taCliq script)36 X 21 em" 29 lines/page, this manuscript is dated 1236/[1821] .20

It contains the autobiography (fols.. 71b-72b), the continuation byal-]uzjani (fo1s. 72b-75a), with the longer bibliography appearingas in] (fo1s. 72b-73b), and the shorter bibliography missing. Thismanuscript, like the one just previously described, is derived from ],including ]'s marginalia as part of its text, so I have discarded it in thisedition.

6. Ali Emiri Efendi, MS. 4-353(5), fols. 42b-4-5a. Written in taCliqscript, 10-1/2 X 15 em" 17 lines/page, this manuscript is dated 936/[1530].21 It contains only the autobiography of Ibn Sina and isderived from a1-Qifti (Q), Ibn Abi U~aybiCa (IAU), or the source(s)which they used, so I have not used it in this edition.

There is another manuscript in Istanbul which Mahdavi calls a"sar-gudhashtJJ of Ibn Sina, but it appears to be a condensation of IbnFunduq's notice of Ibn Sina in the Tatimma. 22 The author of thisabridgement is called Taj aI-Din al-Farisi on the margin of fol. Sa,and in the body of the text on this and other pages he says, "the authorof the Tatimma said ... " ("qiila ~ii~ib al-tatimma ... "). He followsIbn Funduq closely through the autobiographical section (fols. ~ b-3a),then inserts a long bibliography-far longer than the one in thislocation in Ibn Funduq-(fok 3a-4a), then skips all of the materialin Ibn Funduq down to the description of Ibn Sina's last illness anddeath (fols. 4b-5a), This manuscript, then, was not included in myedition of this work.

Based on the previous descriptions of the surviving manuscripts,the witnesses may be arranged into the following stemma: 23

(original manuscript)

(archetype)

A B ] N Q/ I A U

The major split in the manuscript tradition is be~ween QflAU onthe one hand and A, B,], and N on the other. I have considered Q

TO THE EDlTION 5

and IAU to be a single witness, because there is almost no disagree­ment between them and they do contain numerous separative errorswhich are also conjunctive. For example, on page 20, line 7, there is alacuna in Q/IAU: the word o_Iy4~ is omitted. Since the sentence isgrammatically correct without the word, no copyist would likely haveadded it to the text, therefore A, B, .1, and N are not dependent onQ/IAU.

There are also a great many differences of a stylistic nature betweenthe two traditions. At some point Q/IAU was extensively revised andreworked from the point of view of style. The basic meaning of aparticular passage re~ains the same, but word order, verb tenses, andeven specific words themselves have been changed by someone whowas .not just a copyist, but an editor who felt th~t the passage in ques­tion could he improved. I think that this was very likely done byal-Qifti, since he was certainly more than a manuscript copyist ·andwould therefore be more concerned with correcting and improving amanuscript than- a copyist would. In any case, Q/IAU must beconsidered quite independent from the other witnesses.

These other sources-A, B,], and N--must be cOIlsidered as separ­ate witnesses, since each has at least one separative error against allthe rest:

As the oldest manuscript, B could not have derived from any of theother witnesses, nor did any other witness derive from it. There is aseparative error against all other witnesses on page 18, line 7, whereB has ~:...., and all other witnesses have ~.

There is a separative error in' A against all other witnesses on page64, line 5, where A has rl~J and all other witnesses have ~~ .

There is a separative error in N against all other witnesses on page74, lines 1-2~ where N omits a sentence by homoioteleuton .which allof the other witnesses contain, and which could not have been addedby a copyist. Since only] is dated lat~r than N, this error shows that] does not depend directly on N, nor does it depend on any of the otherwitnesses.

A problem arises, however, when we consider the question ofcontamination of the witnesses. Since Q/IAU and N are printedsources, no subsequent containination has affected them, and theireditors do not specifically mention any previous contamination of themanuscripts from which they prepared their editions. On the otherhand, there is evidence of contamination in all three of the manuscriptwitnesses which I have used in preparing this edition. The most

6 INTRODUCTION

heavily contaminated is B, which contains additions and correctionsin the text itself (alteration or crossing out ofwords--see, e.g., page 42,line 5 in the apparatus), between the lines of the text (lacunae arefilled in-see page 42, line 1 in the apparatus), and in the margins(alternatc readings arc provided--see page 26, line 1 in the apparatus) .

There is less contamination in the text ofJ than there is in B, but Jcontains a great many marginal notes, some of which provide addi­tional information (see page 16, n. 1, where the name of Ibn Sina'smother is given), and some of which make corrections in the text (seepage 30, line 1 in the apparatus.) The least contaminated is A, butit does have some words added between the lines to fill lacunae (seepage 54, line 9 in the apparatus) and some marginal additions (secpage 74, line 7 in the apparatus.)

In preparing the edition, I have treated A, B, J, and N as indepen­dent witnesses of one manuscript tradition and Q/IAU (designatedas U',,/J in the apparatus) as the witness of the second tradition.Since, as stated above, Q/IAU is more likely to have been revisedthan the other witnesses, I have followed the latter and listed thevariants from Q/IAU in the apparatus. Where the manuscript wit­nesses have different readings, I have followed the one or more whichagree with Q/IAU; where Q and IAU disagree, I have not listedeither variant. I have listed the individual variants of the four othersources, including the marginal and interlinear corrections or addi­tions, and have so noted them in the apparatus. I have not footnotedany of the variants, but have listed them by line number for each page.The chosen reading is listed first, followed by the witnesses containingthat reading, then a colon (:), followed by the variant and its witness,then (if there is more than one variant), a colon, the variant, itswitness, etc. 'If there is more than one variant passage in a given line,the two, or more, are separated by a double stroke (f/).

I have footnoted the material found on the margins of J whichprovides additional information (perhaps taken from Ibn Funduq)and have placed it below the apparatus in separate notes. Othermarginal or interlinear material in J which provides additions orcorrections to the text I have placed in the apparatus.

I have not listed minor variants such as differences in the placementand number of dots in a word, ~ (pi)) rather than; (ham,'(.a) in themiddle of a word, use of \ rather than c.S (or vice versa) as a final alif,or other orthographic variants which do not alter the meaning of the

TO THE EDITION 7

text. I have added ~ (shadda) , initiall or 1, and have vocalized passiveverbs and any doubtful readings.

1 have included in my edition the autobiography, the continuationby al-]iizjani, with the inclusion of the shorter bibliography (whichseems LO have been compiled by al-JUzjani and is f(mnd only illQ(IAU), concluding with the longer bibliography.

The following is a comparison of the order of the contents found inthe witnesses, as well as the order of the contents of this edition (1 = theautobiography; 2a & 2b =~ al-]iizjani's biography, sometimes inter­rupted by 3 or 4-; 3 = the shorter bibliography; 4- := the longer biblio­graphy) :

Q/IAU I, 2a, 3, 2b, poems, and 4- (last two inanecdotes, lAU only)

A 1, 2a, 4- 2b,B I, 2a, 2b, 4] I-i 1, 2a, 4, 2bN I, 2a, 2b, 4-

Thisedition 1, 2a, 3, 2b, 1-

In both the edition and translation the introductory material of thevarious witnesses was omitted, so that the first words of both are thoseof Ibn Sina, beginning his autobiography. For completeness' sake,I give the introductions of the various sources below, first in Arabic,then in translation.

4A tU.)~~ ~lJ ~)I tfJl~ lJ: oP~,J.'J :JzAAlIJot; 0 p.. if ol;:,.')\j :f J:- j .JL ~I if J~\ 4::.? 0~

( t 'f~ ) :JI~ .Lii JA} ~ ".)k- ~ ~k-

JP J~i JA ( ~ ~ I ~)I t:.~l) :~i LS.i 0! I

0ts'" 01) JAJ ~ ~ ~ ~ u-:J-I ~ ~\ .y:- ~ ~I:f J~~.u.oIj.)k...J0\ j-4 J~i .JjL,aj) .)~~ 0i lI' j~i

~ ~I ~.1j) w) if Off ~ ~ ol,jk"':f ~JJ .ol~i

,y,i ~) ..Li le JvJ ~ if JA ".J)'~ ~ le J&- I!Jb :f

a

( "

( 1;

INTRODUCTION

0J5'~ ~ ~ I~J Jly.-i ~ L.a.:'. I t~\ ~~ J~jJJ:1 ~

t:z..:J1 Jt9 J~ j-,.4-:\ .J.Z~ -,~i ~ JAj ~ ..:.r ~)\ ~\~A~ .J~\ ~;=1:\ ) :~)I

o.j~ J i J:zi ~ ~~\ ~~J.j-,~ r-~)\ 0~)\ ~I r :it::..:J\~~ .o.jL40 0"'~.J.Aj ~J ~-' ~ ~J.gj-,

~JJ-\~ v:z~)I &JI JI-,>-i J J~ jyJ:\ ..1.>-1-,11 ..I..f- ¥ J~i

0 J J,J. \ ~)I-,jJ 4~ .luI ~) t~ ~ ~\ ...If- ~ ~\ Jv l$~i

« : J~ J':- J~i v~)I t~1 Ji"J.>. )) .J.:z~ -,~i Jt; .~..l.( -.r!, ;;"..~~ )

~ ~""..)tiJ 41 ~J V"*:.i)\ ~I ~~ :~

..b-Iyll..1..f- .J.:~ ",~i Jl; .~...';,.15' r ~-'JJ.\ ~)",jJ .J\y~.i J5'~J

(( : Jij ~I 44>-) J? ",~i r..r:~)\ t~1 Li.fJ.:>-)) ilJl '4>-) J~ jyl;\

(J ,(-A~)

41 ~.)t~ ~ Jc- ~t ~)\ ~~I Yl... :c::.

«: Jt; JP ",~i ~)\ ~I ~fJ.>. )) ¥ J~i Jl; ~)\ :.r>-)I ~\ r(j;y-~)

~"t~~i~)I~~IJ\",>\~~ :~

J~ j-,.J:\ J.>.1",1I ..I..f- ~~ -,~i ~1 ..~~ .~)\ :.r>-.)I ~~ r~1 ~) ~ 0~ ~I..I..f- ~ J? l$~1 JJ-\~ ~)\ t.~l JIJ>-I Jv::~)1 t.~ I ~fJ.:>- : .J.:~ J~i Jt; .~..i5"' -.r! 0 J JJ.\ o.;'•.!,j lyjJ o.;.y

(1\ ;;"".Q..p) : JIj J? ",~i

Q: Abu 'Ali Ibn Sina, The Shaykh al-RaJis (Master and Leader),whom I have mentioned here [rather than earlier in this work, underhis ism, al-I:Iusayn] because his kunya [Abu 'Ali] is better known thanhis ism. One of his pupils asked him about his past, and so he dictatedwhat has been recorded from him to him [the pupil], which was thathe said: (p. 413)

lAD: The Shaykh al-RaJis Ibn Sina, who was Abu 'Ali al-I:Iusayn

TO THE EDITION 9

ibn cAbel Allah ibn al-I:Iasan ibn CAli ibn Sina, and who was too famousto need mentioning and whose merits were too obvious to need to berecorded. He related his experiences and described his life so thateveryone else can dispense with his own account. And therefore wehave confined ourselves for that reason to what he related abouthimself and also to those of his experiences described by Abu CDbaydal-]iizjani, the companion of the Shaykh. This is the sum of what theShaykh al-Ra)is related about himself: from whom Abii CUbaydal-Juzjani has passed it on. The Shaykh al-Ra)is said: (Vol. II, p. 2)

A: In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate, [We ask]your aid, 0 Everlasting God, in [presenting] this biography, thebibliography of his writings, and the compositions of his which mustbe set forth.

The Shaykh Abii CUbayd cAbd al-Wal).id al-]uzjani has coveredwell everything concerning the experiences of the Shaykh al-Ra)is,Proof of the Truth, Abu CAli al-IJusayn ibn cAbd AlHih ibn Sina (mayGod be pleased with him) and his history, known as ('sar-gudhasht"[a Persian term meaning "recollections"]. Abu CUbayd said, "TheShaykh al-Ra)is, Abii CAli said to me" : (fol. Ib)

B: The Biography ~f the Shaykh al-Ra)is (may God be merciful to him),the Bibliography of his Writings, and the relation of his experiences andhistory, known as "sar-gudhasht." Abu CUbayd cAbd al-Wal,1id al­juzjani (may God have mercy on him) said, "The Shaykh al-Ra)isAbu CAli (may God have mercy on him) said to me": (fol. 308a)

]: The Attainments ~f the Shaykh al-Ra)is Aba CAli Ibn Sinii (may God bemerciful to him). In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate;Abu CUbayd said, "The Shaykh al-Ra)is Abii CAli said to me":

(fol. 20b)

N: Stories Concerning the Experiences of the Shaykh al-Ra)is Aba CAli IbnSinii. In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate; theShaykh Abii CUbayd cAbd al-Wal).id al-]u~jani has covered welleverything concerning the experiences of the Shaykh al-Ra)is, Proofof the Truth, Abu CAli ibn cAbd Allah ibn Sina (may God be pleasedwith him) and his history, known as "sar-gudhasht." Abu CUbaydsaid, "The Shaykh al-Ra)is Abu CAli said to me": (p. 9)

INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATION

IN ADDITION to the earlier Arabic printed versions of the autobio­graphy/biography of Ibn Sina, an English translation of this work bythe late Arthur J. Arberry has been available since 1951. 21 ProfessorArberry's translation was made from the versions of al-Qifti and/orIbn Abi U~aybica-'probably from the former, since he follows al­Qifti in the only major discrepancy between the two works2!i-so hewas unable to take advantage of the new versions published by al­Ahwani and Nafisi.

Arberry's translation also contains a number of minor errors, suchas "four dirhams" (p. 12) for "three dirhams" (al-Qifti, p. 416, line 1),"of a generous format" (p. 22) for "Fircawni quarto" (al-Qifti, p.4-24"line 12), and various misspellings of proper names, such as "'al-Barqi"(p. 13) for "al-Baraqi", "'Anaz" (p. 16) for aCAnnaz", and "al-1<.arkh"(p. 22) for aal-Karaj."25

But the most important reason to undertake another translation ofIbn Sina's autobiography/biography is that Arbcrry, by accident ordesign, left several lacunae in his translation. Minor omissions occuron pages 14- and 18, where Arberry leaves out verses of poetry, and onpage 21, where he omits two anecdotes about Ibn Sina's experiencesin medical treatment which are included in all of the textsY Oneother omission is more serious: Arberry does not mention the biblio­graphy which al-Juzjani included in the body of his biography of IbnSina and which both al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybiCa repeat. In addi­tion, the extended bibliography added by a later copyist and inc1udodin Ibn Abi U~aybiCa is not referred to by Arberry in his translation.Neither of these lists, then, has been translated or compared with themodern bibliographies of Ibn Sina's works.

Other than Arberry's translation, which has appeared in a numberof other places since its original publication,28 there has been no trans··lation of the autobiography/biography per se. There have beenparaphrases, with some direct quotations interspersed, of al..Qift1,Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, or Arberry by several authors. Soheil M. Afnan,in his Avicenna: His Life and Works, essentially paraphrases al..Qiftiand Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, adding material from Ibn Funduq and Ni?-amicAriic;li's Chahiir maqiila. 29 Hossein Nasr, in his Three Muslim Sa,ges,has a brief biography of Ibn Sina which includes several doubtful

11

12 INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATION

conjectures about his life and times. 30 The latest biographical sketchof Ibn Sina's life appears in Philip K. Ritti's Makers of Arab History,where al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~ayb{a are given as the sources of hisaccount. 31

This new translation, then, incorporates those changes in the textnecessitated by the discovery of the prcviously unknown or neglectedmanuscripts. It also attempts to correct the errors and fill the lacunaefound in the Arberry translation, especially by adding the two biblio­graphies which exist in the medieval sources. The footnotes found inthe body of the translation contain material which was found in oneor more of the manuscripts, but which did not have enough authorityto be included in the text itself.

The "Notes to the Translation" have two major functions: (I) toidentify more fully the people and places mentioned only in passingby Ibn Sina or al-]u7jani. This has been done by using the principalbiographical and geographical dictionaries of the medieval Islamicworld (as well as modern reference works), and the two most importantand complete Muslim historians who dealt with'Ibn Sina's period, Ibnal-Athir and Gardizi; and (2) to amplify what is-very likely delibe­rately-a skeletal autobiography/biography, onc which only hints ator alludes to a great many important events in the life of Ibn Sini.This process of amplification was done primarily by quoting or para­phrasing other accounts of Ibn Sina's life, or events within that life,using especially the accounts of Ibn Funduq and Ni?ami cAriic;li. Thefirst of these two men was quite hostile to Ibn Sina and the second wastoo fond of a good didactic anecdote to worry a great deal about itsaccuracy, but both of their accounts, if used carefully, can shed somelight on the obscure parts of Ibn Sina's autobiography and biography.

INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLIOGRAPI-IIES

ALTHOUGH the bibliographies included in the early sources of IbnSina's autobiography/biography were edited as part of the completeeditions of al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, less attention has been paidto them since that time. Arberry, as noted above, did not translatethe shorter bibliography found in al-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybra anddid not mention either the shorter or longer bibliography in this work.Father Anawati, in his long descriptive bibliography of Ibn Sina'sworks,32 does not mention either of these early bibliographies, nor doAfnan and Nasr in their studies of Ibn Sina's life and works.

Yahya Mahdavi, however, does use these bibliographies to helpdate some of the works whose dates of composition arc not mentionedin the autobiography or the biography by al-Juzjani. In fact, heincludes an appendix33 in which he notes which of Ibn Sina's workswere mentioned in the earliest bibliographies. He includes in thisappendix the titles found in al-Qifti, the longer bibliography fromIbn Abi U~aybiCa, two bibliographies from manuscripts found inIstanbul--the two called A and 13 in this edition---and bibliographiesfound in two places in Ibn Funduq, comparing all of these with thetitles in his own bibliography.

What emerges from a study of these bibliographies is the discoverythat the list of works attributed to Ibn Sina has grown from "aboutforty" in al-Juzjani's compilation:H to 276 in Father Anawati's biblio­graphy. However, Father Anawati notes that a number of these areof doubtful attribution to Ibn Sina and some of them arc clearly byother authors. 35 Mahdavi's list is cut to 132 works which are definitely,'by Ibn Sina and another 110 which are by other authors, or areextracts from or abridgements of sections of Ibn Sina's l~rger works,especially the Shifii/. This posthumous growth of Ibn Sina's biblio­graphy began quite early, though, and can be seen in our oldestsources.

The person who added the longer bibliography to the manuscriptsmust have done so prior to 588/1192, the date of the earliest manus­cript, B (although A, too, is dated by Mahdavi toward the end of the6th/12th or the beginning of the 7th/13th century.) At the time hecompiled the longer bibliography, he was able to find ninety-twoworks, which he then set down and which replaced the shorter list

13

14 INTRODUCTION TO

made by al-]uzjani in all of the manuscripts (except the one used byQ/IAU.) A parallel process occurred to the manuscripts of Ibn Fun,:"duq: a shorter bibliography was supplemented by a longer one.When Ibn Funcluq wrote the Tatimma (before 565/1169-70), heincluded in his section on Ibn Sina a bibliography containing thirty­eight works, one of which was mentioned twice. 311 HO'wever latercopies of the manuscript contain a much longer bibliography, whichhas 118 titles, and which the modern editor of the Tatimma has placed·in the supplementary notes at the end of the volume. 37

Ibn Funduq's lists arc not identical with those found in Q/IAU andin the manuscripts; his shorter bibliography omits eleven titles foundin a1-Qifti, but adds four other' titles not found in al-Qfti or Ibn AbiU~aybica.38 His longer bibliography omits twenty-eight of theninety-two found in most of the manuscripts, Dut adds fifty titles notincluded in the longer bibliographies of the manuscripts. 30 This'longer bibliography of the later manuscripts of Ibn Funduq is itselfsupplemented in the brief notice of Ibn Sina's life taken largely fromthe Tatimma. 40 This bibliography, written down in 657/1259(Anawati) or 697/1298 (1\Ilahdavi), contains all of the titles of IbnFunduq's longer bibliography and adds another thirty titles to these.

This process of adding titles continued in the manuscripts of theautobiography/biography as well; by the time Ibn Abi U~aybiCa

wrote down his list, the longer bibliography had grown to 102 items,several of which were probably duplicates under slightly differenttitles. The manuscript], which has a large number of marginal notes,contains another eighty titles on the margins of fol. 23b. Since] isdated 866/1462, and another manuscript, Nurosmaniye MS. 4894(41'),dated "possibly" in .the 10th/16th century, is derived from .J andincorporates these added titles into the body of its text, these newtitles must have been added to J sometime in the late 9th/15th centuryor sometime during the 10th/16th century.41

If one were to collate all of the bibliographies of Ibn 8ina's workswhich were compiled between the 5th/II th and the 10thl16th cen­turies, the result would be a list of titles approaching 200 in number.How did the number of Ibn Sin5.'s works grow so profusely in the firstfive centuries after his death? The process was very likely the sameone which produced a bliographyof 276 works in Father Anawati'scompilation, but which in Mahdavi's list turned out to be 132 titles.Many of the works of Ibn Sina were undoubtedly given different titlesby the early bibliographers, and many works listed by them were

THE BIBLIOGRAPHIES ]5

written by other authors. Since all we possess in many cases is just atitle, it is impossible to prove the previolls statement completely, butthe analogy with the modern case makes it seem quite probable.Another cause for the expansion of the bibliography is found in severalof the titles in the shortest bibliography, found in Q/IAU: "Conver­sations," "Letters to ... ," and "Commentaries on ... ," etc.42 So inmany cases the later bibliographers merely expanded what wasalready implicit in the earliest compilation by al-]uzjanI.

In treating the bibliographies in this work I have included theshorter bibliography of Q/IAU (noting the differences between them)in the body of the text of the biography, where it was probably placedby al-]uzjani. I have also compared the thn~e shorter bibliographies(Q, lAU, and Ibn Funduq) in Appendix I, giving in addition thenumber of the work as it appears in the longer bibliography and notingany difference in title in Ibn Funduq or the longer bibliography.

I have edited and translated the longer bibliography from thewitnesses A, B, ], N, and IAU, following the procedures given abovein the "Introduction to the Edition," except that I have consideredall five witnesses to be of equal validity. This bibliography has beenplaced at the end of the autobiography/biography, where it appearsin three of the witnesses, B, N, and IAU. I have also, in Appendix II,placed a table comparing the longer bibliographies of the five witnesseswith the longer bibliography of Ibn Funduq and the modern biblio­graphies of Mahdavi and Father Anawati. I have footnoted differencesin the titles of Ibn Funduq's bibliography from those of the manus­cripts, but have not noted the differences in the titles of the modernbibliographies, nor have I included the titles found in Ibn Funduq'slonger bibliography, the manuscript which supplements this list, oron the margins of ], if these titles are not found in the five witnessesused in this edition.

In Appendix III, I have attempted to put many of Ibn Simi's worksinto the chronological order of their composition, but, for reasonsgiven in that Appendix, I have not been able to do so for a greatnumber of his writings.

16

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17

THE LIFE OF THE SHAYKH ALaRA)IS

My father was a man of Balkh;1 he moved from there toBukhara2 in the days of Amir NuJ:1 ibn Man~iir,3 during whosereign he worked in the administration, being entrusted withthe governing of a village in one of the royal cstates4 ofBukhara. [The village,] called Kharmaythan,5 was one of

5 the most important villages I in this territory. Near it is avillage called Afshanah,6 where my father married mymother* and where he took up residence

'" whose name was Sitara

18

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19

and lived. I was born there,* as was my brother,+ and thenwe moved to Bukhara. A tcacher of the QurJan and a teacherof literature1 0 were provided for me, and when I reached theage of tcn I had finished the QurJan and many works of litera­ture, so that people were greatly amazed at me.

My father was one of those who responded to the propa­gandist of the Egyptians and was reckoned among the

5 IsmaCiliyya. ll I From them, he, as well as my brother, heardthe account of the soul and the intellect in the special mannerin which they speak about it and know it. Sometimes theyused to discuss this among themselves while I was listening tothem and understanding what they were saying, but my soulwould not accept it, and so they began appealing to me to doit [to accept the 1smacmdoctrines.] And there was

* in ~afar, 370 [August-September 980]. The ascendant was Cancer,the degree of exaltation ofJupiter; the moon was in its degree of exalta­tion; the sun was in its degree of exaltation; Vcnus was in its degree ofexaltation; the Lot of Fortune was in the twenty.ninth degree of Cancer;and the Lot of the Unseen was in the first [degree] of Cancer with Canopusand Sirius. B

+ lVlal;rnud, five years later.·

20

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21

also talk of philosophy, geometry, and Indian calculation.*Then he [my father] sent me to a vegetable seller who usedIndian calculation+ and so I studied with him.

At that time Abu cAbd Allah al-Natili,14 who claimed toknow philosophy, arrived in Bukhara; so my father had himstay in our house and he devoted himself to educating me.

S Before his arrival I had devoted myself to jurisprudence, 15 1

with frequent visits to Ismacil the Asceticl6 about it. I was askillful questioner, having become acquainted with themethods of prosecution and the procedures of rebuttal in themanner which the practitiollers of it [jurisprudence] follow.Then I began to read the Isagogel7 under al-Natili,

... My father used to study and ponder over the RasiFillkhwan al-Safa"(Tile Treatises oftlte Sincere Bretheren) and I also pondered over it from timeto time. a

+ and algebra, ~ man called al-Mal,unud [sic] al-Massal,li (the Surveyor,or the Mathematician).13

22

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and when he mentioned to me the definition of genus,18 asbeing that which is predicated19 of a number of things ofdifferent species in answer to the question "What is it?", Ievoked his admiration by verifying this definition in a mannerunlike any he had heard of. He was extremely amazed at me;whatever problem he posed I conceptualized better than he,so he advised my father against my taking up any occupationother than learning. I

5 I continued until I had read the simple parts of logic underhim; but as for its deeper intricacies, he had no knowledgeof them. So I began to read the texts and study the commen­taries by myself until I had mastered logic. As for Euclid,20I read the first five or six figures under him; then I undertookthe solution of the rest of the book iH its entirety by myself.Then I moved on

24

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25

to the Almagest,21 and when I had finished its introductorysections and got to the geometrical figures, al-Natili saidto mc, "Take over reading and solving them by yourself,then show them to me, so that I can explain to you what isright with it and what is wrong." But the man did not attemptto deal with the text, so I deciphered it myself. And manya figure he did not grasp until I put it before him and made

5 him understand it. Then al-Natili left me, I going on toGurganj.*

I devoted myself to studying the texts-the original andcommentaries--in the natural sciences and metaphysics,23and the gates of knowledge began opening for me. Next Isought to know medicine, and so I read the books written onit. Medicine is not one of the difficult sciences,

* opposite Khwarazm, seeking the court of the Khwarazm-sh5h Ma'munibn MuQammad. 22

26

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27

and therefore I excelled in it in a very short time, to the pointthat distinguished physicians began to read the science ofmedicine under me. I cared for the sick and there openedto me some of the doors of medical treatment that arc indes­cribable and can be learned only from practice. In additionI devoted myself to jurisprudence and used to engage in legaldisputations, at that time being sixteen years old. I

5 Then, for the next year and a half, I dedicated myself tolearning and reading; I returned to reading logic and allthe parts of philosophy. During this time I did not sleepcompletely through a single night nor devote myself to any­thing else by day. I compiled a set of files 24 for myself, andfor each proof

28

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29

that I examined, I entered into the files its syllogisticpremises, their classification,25 and what might follow fromthem. I pondered over the conditions of its premises, ,untilthis problem was verified jc)r me, And because of thoseproblems which used to bafTIe me, not being able to solve themiddle term of the syllogism, I used to visit the mosque fre­quently and worship, praying humbly to the All-Creating"1

5 until He opened the mystery of it to me and made the difficultseem easy. At night 1 would return horne, set out a lampbeforc mc, and devote myself to reading and writing. vVhen­ever sleep overcame me

30

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31

or I became conscious of weakening, I would turn aside todrink a cup of wine, so that my strength would return to ITle. 26

Then I would return to reading. And whenever sleep seizedme I would see those very problems in my dream; and manyquestions became clear to me in my sleep. I continued inthis until all of the sciences were deeply rooted within me

5 and I understood them as far as is I humanly possible. Every­thing which I knew at that time is just as I know it now;I have not added anything to it to this day.

Thus I mastered the logical, natural, and mathematicalsciences,27 and I had now reached the science

32

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33

of metaphysics. I read the Metaphysics [of Aristotle] ,28 butI could not comprehend its contents, and its author's objectremained obscure to me, even when I had gone back and readit forty times and had got to the point where I had memorizedit. In spite of this I could not understand it nor its object,and I despaired of myself and said, "This is a book whichthere is no way of understanding." But one day in the after-

5 noon when I was at the booksellers' quarter I a salesman20

approached with a book in his hand which he was calling outfor sale. I--:Ie offered it to me, but I refused it with disgust,believing that there was no merit in this science. But he saidto me, "Buy it, because its owner needs the money and so it ischeap. I will sell it to you for three dirhams." So I boughtit and, 10 and behold, it was

34

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35

Abii Na~r al-Fiidlbi's book on the objects of the Metaphysics. 30

I returned home and was quick to read it, and in no time theobjects of that book became clear to me because I had gotto the point of having memorized it by heart. I rej oiced atthis and the next day gave much in alms to the poor in grati­tude to God, who is exalted. I

5 It happened that the Sultan31 of that time in Bukharii,Nul.1 ibn Man~G.r, had an illness which baffled the doctors.Since my name had become well known among them as aresult of my zeal for learning and reading, they brought me tohis attention and asked him to summon me. Thus I presentedmyself and joined with them in treating him, and so becameenrolled in his service. 32 One day I asked him to permit meto go into

36

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37

their library, to get to know it and to read its books. He gaveme permission and I was admitted to a building which hadmany rooms; in each room there were chests of books piledone on top of the other. In one of the rooms were books onthe Arabic language and poetry, in another, on jurisprudence,and likewise in each room [were books onJ a single science.So I looked through the catalogue of books by the ancients33

5 and asked for whichever one I needed. I I saw books whosenames had not reached very many people and which I hadnot seen before that time, nor have I seen since. I read thesebooks and mastered what was useful in them and discoveredthe status of each man in his science. 34

So when I had reached the age of eighteen I was finishedwith all of these sciences;

38

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39

at that time I had a better memory for learning, but today myknowledge is more mature; otherwise it is the same; nothingnew has come to me since.

In my neighborhood there was a man named Abu al-I::Iasanthe Prosodist,35 who asked me to compose for him a compre­hensive work on this learning [which I had attained.] So I

5 wrote The Compilation for him, and gave Ihis name to it, inclu­ding in it all of the sciences except mathematical science. Atthat time I was twenty-one years old. Also in my neighbor­hood there was a man named Abu Bakr al-Baraqi,36a Khwarazmian by birth, and a lawyer by inclination; he wasdistinguished in jurisprudence, Qur)an commentary, andasceticism, having a liking for these sciences. He asked me tocomment on the books [in these sciences], and so I wroteThe Sum and Substance for him in about twenty volumes.37I also wrote for him a book on

40

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41

ethics which I called Good Works and Evil. 3s These two worksexist only in his possession, and he has not loaned out eitherone of them to be copied.

Then my father died 39 and I was free to govern my ownaffairs and so I took over one of the administrative posts ofthe Sultan. Necessity then led me to forsake Bukhara and

5 move to Gurganj,40 I where Abu al-I;Iusayn al-Suhayli,41 anamateur of the sciences, was a minister. I was presented to theAmir there, cAli ibn Ma)mun ;42 at that time I was in lawyer'sdress, with a fold of the mantle under my chin. They gave mea monthly salary which provided enough for someone like me.Then necessity led me43 to move to Nasa, 44 and from there toBaward,45

42

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43

and then to Tiis,16 then to Samanqan,47 then to Jajarm,48 atthe extreme limit of Khurasan, and then to Jurjan.19 Mydestination was the AmII' Qabiis, *50 but at that time thereoccurred the seizure of Qabiis,!Sl his imprisonment in one ofhis castles, and his death there.

Then I departed for Dihistan,52 where I became very ill,S and from where I returned I to J urjan. Abu CDbayd al-Juz­

janI53 joined me there and recited to me an ode on my stateof affairs which contains the poet's verse:

When I became gTcat, no country could hold me;When my price went up, I lacked a buyer.

llc ibn Wushmagir, who was the ruler of Jurjan. 40

44

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45

Shaykh Abu CUbayd said:This has been what the Master told me in his own words;

from this point on I narrate the affairs of his whichI witnessed. ,It is God who gives success. *

There was in Jurjan a man called Abu MuJ:1ammad al··Shirazi,54 who was an amateur of the sciences and who boughta house in his neighborhood for the Master to live in. I used I

5 to attend him [Ibn Sinal every day and study the Almagesta.nd ask for dictation in logic, so he dictated The MiddleSummary on Logic to me and composed for Abu Mul:IammadaI-Shirazi The Origin and the Return and Comprehensive Observa··tions. He wrote many works there, such as the first part ofThe Qjinfin (Canon) [of medicine] and Summary of the «Almagest»and many treatises. The remaining works of his were writtenin the mountain country. 55

* At this point H adds: It is said that when he was a young man hewas one of the handsomest people of his time and that on Friday when heleft his house to go to the mosque, the people used to crowd together inthe streets and roads in order to catch a glimpse of his perfection andbeaUly.

46

:~ C:.~ ~~ \.1A J A~;;)' J4:J JfZs- J.,,~~\J J...,t:L\ I...;"'~ (Y) OJ.:l~ t.,,~\ ~l'5' (')

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47

And herc is a catalogue ofall his books :&6

[1] The Compilation, one volume; [2] The Sum and Substance,twenty volumes; [3] Good Works and Evil, two volumes; [4]The ShifaJ(Healinl!,), eighteen volumes;[5] The Qaniln, fourteen

5 volumes; [6] Comprehensive I Observations, one volume; [7] TheJudgment, twenty volumes; [8] The NaJat (Deliverance), threevolumes; [9] Guidance, one volume; [10] Instructions, onevolume; [11] The Middle Summary, one volume; [12] ThecAlaJi, one volume; [13] The Colic, one volume; [14] TheArabic Language, ten volumes; [15] Cardiac Remedies, onc

10 volume; [16] The Epitome, one volume; [17] I a portion ofThe Eastern Philosophy, one volume; [18] Explanation ofModals,57 one volume; [19] The Return, one volume; [20] TheOrigin and the Return; [21] Conversations, one volume.

And among his treatises are [22] Foreordination and Destiny;[23] Astronomical Instruments; [24] The O~ject of the "Categories" J'

[25] Logic, in poetic form; [26] Poems on Majesty and Philosophy J'

15 [27] On the Consonants J' [28] I Consideration of Dialectical Topics J'

[29] Summary of Euclid J' [30] Summa~y on the Pulse,

48

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19

in Persian; [31] Definitions,. [32] Celestial Bodies,. [33] Instruc­tion in the Science of Logic,. [34] The Branches ~l Philosophy,.[35] Limit and Infinity; [36] A Testament, which he made forhimself; [37] J:Iayy ibn Yaq?-iin,o [38] That the Dimensions of aBody are not Part ofits Essence,. [39] On Endive; and his discourse

5 [40] On the IImpossibility of the Same Thing Being a Substance andan Accident,. [4·1] That the Knowledge of Zayd is not the Knowledgeof CAmr)' [42] Letters to friends and officials; [43] Lettersabout questions which passed between him and other learnedm,cn; [44-] Comments on the "Qiiniln»)' [45] Essential Philosophy;[4·6] The Net and the Bird.

Then he moved to a1-Rayy,58 wh~re he joined the scrvice10 of al-Sayyida59 and her son,* Majd al-Dawla. 6 °IThey learned

of him through letters brought with him containing an apprai­sal of his worth. At that time Majd

... Sullan of al-Rayy.

50

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al-Dawla had the illness of melancholia.* He wrote TheReturn there, and he remained there until Shams al-Dawla62

attacked it, after the killing of Hilal ibn Badr ibn J:Iasanuyah63

and the rout of the troops of Baghdad. Then events occurred64

which compelled him to depart for Qazwin,65 and from thereto Hamadhan66 where he joined the service of Kadhab~i-

5 niiyah67 and managed I her business affairs.Then he made the acquaintance of Shams al-Dawla, who

summoned him to his court because of a colic which hadafflicted him. He treated him until God cured him, and heobtained numerous robes of honor from that court. Hereturned to his house after staying there for forty days andnights, having become one of the companions of the Amir.

* and so he set himself to treating it. 81

52

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53

Then the Amir went up to Q,irmisin68 to make war oncAnnaz,69 with the Master riding out in his service. He fellback in flight toward Hamadhan, and they [the court] askedhim to take over the vizierate, which he did, but the troopsmutinied against him, being apprehensive about their posi­tions on account of him. So they surrounded his house, took

.5 him off to prison, ransacked I his goods, took everything heowned, and even demanded his execution by the Amir. Herefused to execute him, but compromised by banishing himfrom the state, since he desired to satisfy them. And so theMaster concealed himself in the house of Shaykh Abu Sacdibn DakhduPo for forty days; but the colic seized Amir Shamsal-Dawla again, and he sent for the Master, who came to hiscourt. The Amir apologized to him profusely, and he devotedhimself to treating him. And so he remained with him,

10 honored and revered, I and the vizierate was given back tohim a second time.

54

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55

Then I asked him to comment on the works of Aristotle,but he said that he was not free to do so at that time. "Butif you would be satisfied with my composing a work in which 1would set forth what, to me, is sound in these sciences, with­out debating with those who disagree or devoting myself totheir refutation, I would do that." I was satisfied with it and

5 so he began with the "Physics" Iof a work which he called theShifii) (Healing). He had already written the first book of theQiinun, and every night pupils would gather at his house,while by turns I would read from the Shifii) and someone elsewould read from the Qiinfln. 71 When we were finished, differ­ent kinds of singers appeared, a drinking party was preparedwith its utensils, and we partook of it. The instruction tookplace at night, because of the lack of free time during the da)'

56

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57

on account of his service to the Amir.After we had spent some time at this, Shams al-Dawla set

out for al-Tarum 72 to make war on its Amir. 73 He was attackedagain by the colic in the vicinity of that place and hisillness became more severe, adding to which were otherailments which his not taking care of himself and seldom

5 accepting I the Master's orders caused. The troops feared hisdeath, so they returned, setting out for Hamadhan with himin a litter, but he died on the way. The son* of Shams al­Dawla74 was then acknowledged as sovereign and they [thecourt] asked that the Master be appointed vizier. But heturned them down and corresponded with CAla) al-Dawla 75

in secret, desiring to serve him, cast his lot with him, and tojoin his court.

He remained in hiding in the house of Abu Ghalib theDruggist,76 where I asked him to finish

>It CAli ibn Shams al-Dawla.

58

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59

the Shija/,. he sent for Abu Gh5.lib and asked him for paper andan inkstand, which he brought. The Master wrote down themain topics in approximately twenty quires of one-eighth[octavo?] size, continuing on it for two days, until he hadwritten down the main topics without the presence of a bookor source to consult, but entirely from his memory and by

5 heart. Then Ihe placed these quires before him, took a sheetof paper, examined each problem and wrote a commentaryon it. He would write fifty pages every day, until he hadfinished all of the "Physics" and "Metaphysics," with theexception of the book on Animals. 77 He then began on the"Logic" and wrote one section of it; at that point 'nij al­Mulk78 became suspicious of him over his corresponding withcAHiJ al-Dawla, became angry at him for doing so, andconsequently instigated a search for him. Some one of hisenemies informed on him; they seized him

60

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61

and 'took him to a castle which is called Fardajan. 79 Therehe recited an ode in which is [found the following verse]:

As you can see, my going in's a certainty,And all the doubt is on the point of getting out.

He remained there four months, until CAla) al-Dawlaattacked Hamadhan and seized it. 80 Taj al-Mulk was routed

5 and moved into this very same castle. When <Ala) I al-Dawlawithdrew from Hamadhan, Taj al-Mulk, the son of Shamsal-Dawla,81 returned to Hamadhan and took the Masteralong with him. He stayed in the house of the cAlid 82 andoccupied himself with writing the "Logic" of the Shija).In the castle he had written Guidance and /fayy ibn Yaq:r.,iin(Alive, the Son of Awake) and The Colic; Cardiac Remedies hecomposed, on the other hand,

62

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63

right after his arrival in Hamadhan.He had spent some time on this, and all this while Taj

al~Mulk was tempting him with handsome promises, whenthe Master then decided to set out for I~fahan, 83 and so heleft, I with him, along with his brother and two slaves,disguised in the dress of~iifism, travelling until we rcached I

5 Tihran,84 at the gate of I~fahan, after we had suffered hard­ships on the way. Friends of the Master and the companionsand courtiers of Amir cAHP al-Dawla met us, and clothing andspecial mounts were brought to him. He was lodged in aquarter called Kuy Kunbadh 85 in the house of cAbd Allahibn Bibi,86 which contained all the utensils and furnishingswhich

64

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65

he needed. And from his court he received the respect andesteem which someone like him deserved. Amir CAla) al-Dawladesignated Friday nights for learned discussions in hispresence, which all of the different classes of learned menattended, the Master among them, and he was not outclassedin any of the scicnces. I

5 He occupied himself in I~fahan with finishing the ShiFF,completing the "Logic" and the Almagest, since he hadalready summarized Euclid,87 the Arithmctic, and the Music.In every book of the HMathematics" he presented additionalmaterials, the need for which he thought to be compelling;as for thc Almagest, he presented tcn figures illustratingparallax. And elsewhere in the Almagest on thc science ofastronomy, he presented materials which were unprecedented.In Euclid he presented

66

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67

some geometrical figures,81l in the Arithmetic some excellentnumerical properties, and in the Music some problems whichthe ancients had neglected. Thus he finished the Shifii\ exceptfor the two books on the Plants and the Animals, which hewrote on the way in the year that cAla' al-Dawla attackedSabur Khwast. 89 He also wrote the Najiit en route. I

5 He was made a member of the court by CAla' al-Dawlaand became one of his companions, to the point that whencAla' al-Dawla decided to attack Hamadhan the Masteraccompanied him. One night in the presence of cAla' al··Dawla someone mentioned the discrepancies contained in theephemerides compiled on the basis of the ancient astronomicalobservations, and so the AmiI' ordered the Master to devotehimself to the observation of these stars, and he allocatedwhatever funds he needed. The Master set about it and

10 charged me I with obtaining the required instruments andhiring those skilled in making them, so that many of theproblems came to light.

68

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69

The discrepancies in the matter of observation had occurredbecause of the great number of journeys and the attendanterrors. 90

The Master wrote the cAlln91 in I~faha,n as well. One ofthe remarkable things about the !vlaster was that for thetwenty-five ycars 92 that I was his companion and servant, Idid not once see him, when he came across a new book,examine it from beginning to end. Rather he would go

5 directly to its difficult passages I and intricate problems andlook at what its author had to say about them. Thus wouldhe seek to ascertain the level of his knowledge and the degreeof his understanding.

One day the Master was sitting in the presence of the AmiI'while Abu Man~ur al-]abban 93 was present. A question con­cerning philology was raised, and the Master had spoken histhoughts in the matter when Abu Man~ur turned to theMaster and said, "You are a philosopher and a physician, butyou have not studied

70

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71

enough philology so that your remarks on it should be accep­ted." The Master became incensed at this remark anddevoted himself to an intensive study of books on philologyfor three years, even sending to' Khurasan for the CorrectPhilology, one of the works of Abu Man~ur al-Azh,n'i. 94 Andso in philology the Master reached a stage the like of whichseldom occurs. I

5 He wrote three odes in which he included words rare in thelanguage, and he wrote three letters, the first of which was inthe style of Ibn aVAmid,95 another in the style of al-$abi,96and the last in the style of al-$a1).ib. 97 He ordered them to bebound and their leather made to look worn. He then askedthe Amir to present this volume to Abu Man~ur al-]abbanwhile saying, "We came into possession of this book while

10 hunting in the desert; you must I examine it and tell us whatit contains." And so Abu Man~ur examined it carefully,and much of what was in it was difficult for him. So theMaster said to him, "Whatever material in this book is in··comprehensible to you

72

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is mentioned in such-and-such a place in one of the books onphilology," mentioning to him well-known books in philology,from which the Master had memorized those passages. AbuMan~i1r had been prattling in the philology he had putforward, without authority to back it up; so then he realizedthat these letters were written by the Master, and that his

5 insulting him I that day was what brought it upon him. So hecleared himself by apologizing to him. The Master then wrotea book on philology which he called The Arabic Language,which has not been equaled in philology, but he did nottranscribe it into clean copy. The writing was still in its roughstate when he died, and no one could discover how to put itin order.

He carried out many experiments in his medical practicewhich he decided

74

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to record in the Qjiniln. He had jotted them down in somequires, but they were lost before the completion of the Qaniln.For example, one day when he had a headache,he imaginedthat a substance was trying to descend to the membrane ofhis skull and he felt uneasy about a swelling which mightoccur there, so he ordered a large supply of ice to be brought;he crushed it and wrapped it in a cloth, with which he covered

5 his head. I He continued doing this until he overcame thearea [of swelling], and prevented the reception of this subs­tance, and so was cured. Another example is that of a tuber­cular woman in Khwarazm whom he ordered to take nomedicine other than rose preserve made with sugar,98 until,in the course of time, she had taken one hundred manns, 99and was cured.

The Master had written The Shorter Summary on Logic inJurjan, and it was

76

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that which he included in the first part of the NaJat afterwards.A copy of it arrived in Shidiz100 and a group of the learnedmen there examined it. They had doubts about some prob­lems in it, so they wrote them down in a quire. The QjiQ.i ofShiraz was one of this group of people, so he sent the quire to

5 Abu al-Qasim al-Kirmani,101 a friend of Ibrahim ibn I Babftal-Daylami,lo2 a devotee of the science of esoteric inter­pretation,103 and he added to it a letter to Shaykh Abu al­Qasim. He sent them both with an express courier and askedthat he present the quire to the Master and request a replyfrom him concerning it. So one warm day as the sun waspaling, Shaykh Abu al-Qasim came to the Master's house andpresented the letter and the quire to him. He read

78

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79

the letter and returned it to him, placed the quire before him,and examined it while the people alOund were chatting. Assoon as Abu al-Qasim left, the Master ordered me to bringblank paper, so I sewed five quires for him, each one of tensheets of Fircawnpo4 quarto. After we prayed the eveningprayer, he set out candles and ordered wine to be brought.

5 He asked his brother and me to sit down I and asked us tohave some wine while he began replying to these problems.He wrote and drank until the middle of the night, at whichtime sleep overcame his brother and me, and he asked us toleave. In the morning his messenger appeared, summoningme, so I presented myself while he was at prayer. Before himwere the five quires. He said, "Take these and deliver themto Abu al-Qasim al-Kirmani and tell him I was in a hurry toanswer

80

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them so that the messenger might not be delayed." WhenI delivered them, he was greatly astonished; he sent backthe messenger and informed them about this matter, andso the story became historic among the people.

In the course of his astronomical observations, he inventedinstruments which had never before existed and wrote atreatise about them. For eight years I remained occupied

5 with observation, my goal being to explain I what Ptolemyhad reported concerning his observations. The Master alsowrote The Judgment, but on the day when Sultan Mascild105

arrived at I~fahan, his troops rifled the Master's baggagewhich contained the work and it was not found afterwards. 106

The Master was vigorous in all his faculties, the sexualfaculty being the most vigorous and dominant of his

82

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83

concupiscible faculties, 107 and he exercised it often. * Itaffected his constitution, upon whose strength he depended, tothe point that in the year in which CAla) al-Dawla foughtagainst Tash Farrash108 at the gate of al-Karaj,109 the Masterwas afflicted by the colic. He desired to recover at once be­cause of his concern over a retreat to which he [CAla) al-

5 Dawla] might be driven, in which case I the match could notbe undertaken by him on account of his illness. Therefore headministered an enema to himself eight times in one day, tothe point that some of his intestines ulcerated and an abrasionbroke out on him. He was obliged to march with CAla)al-Dawla quickly toward Idhaj,110 where he was afflicted bythe seizures which sometimes follow

'" B adds:. He was asked about it and about his excesses concerningfood and staying up all night and he said, "God, Who is exalted, has beengenerous concerning my external and internal faculties, so I use everyfaculty as it should be used."

84

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the colic. And in spite of that he treated himself and adminis­tered enemas to himself for the abrasion and f()r the residue ofthe colic. Then one day, wishing to break the wind of thecolic, he ordered that two diinaqs1l1 of celery seed be includcdin the enema. But one of the doctors whom he ordercd totreat him threw in five dirhams of celcry seed---I do not know I

5 whether he did it intentionally or by mistake because I wasnot present---and the abrasion was aggravated by the sharp­ness of the seed. In addition he used to take mithridate112

on account of the seizures, but one of his slaves threw a greatquantity of opium into it; he gave it to him and he consumedit. The reason

86

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87

for this was their stealing a great deal of money from hiscoffers: they desired his death in order to be frce from theconsequences of their actions.

The Master \'\Ias carried in that state to I~fahfU1, where hewa~ occupied with taking care of himself: He was so weakthat he was unable to stand, so he continued to treat himself

5 until I he was able to walk. He attended the court of CAHi)al~Dawla, and in addition to that he did not take care andfrequently had sexual intercourse. He had not completelyrecovered from the illness, and so he had intermittent re~

lapses· and recoveries. When cAlii') al-Dawla set out forHamadhan, the Master went with him but the illness seizedhim again on the way, so that by the time he reached Hama­dhan he knew that

88

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his strength had wasted away and that it was not sufficientto repel the illness. So he ceased treating himself and wouldsay,. "The governor who used to govern my body is nowincapable of governing, and so treatment is no longer of anyusc" He remained like this for a few days; then he passedaway into the presence of his Lord and was buried in Bama-

5 dhan in the year 428,113 I The year of his birth was 370,114and so the sum of his years was 58. May God find his deedsworthy.

90

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91

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WORKS OF IBN SINA

As for the bibliography which Abu 'Dbayd al-Juzjanimentioned in his biography, it contained about forty works.However I have endeavored to collect what was written andhave set down in this bibliography what I have found, addedto what Shaykh Abu CDbayd mentioned, coming to aboutninety works. l I

5 (l) The Supplements, mentioned in his writings as a com-mentary on the Shifii). (2) The Shifii) (Healing), which sum­marizes the whole of the four sciences. He wrote the "Physics"

92

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93

and the "Metaphysics" in twenty days in Hamadhan. (3) TheSum and Substance, which he wrote in his home city for thelawyer Abu Bakr al-Baraqi in the early part of his life .inabout twenty volumes and which is only found in the originalmanuscript. (4) Good Works and Evil, on ethics, which he alsowrotc for this lawyer, in two volumcs, and which is only found I

5 in his possession. (5) The Judgment, in twenty volumes, inwhich he commented on all of the books of Aristotle and inwhich he judged between the Easterners and the Westerners.It was lost in Sultan Mascud's raid. (6) The Compilation,known as cAril¢i's Philosophy,?' which he wrote at age twenty­one for Abu al-I;Iasan aVAru<;li, leaving out the mathematics.(7) The Q./iniln (Canon) of medicine, part of which he wrote inJurjan

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and in al-Rayy, and which was finished in Hamadhan;he intended to work on a commentary and carry out experi­ments for it. (8) The Middle, or ]urjiini, [Summary] on logic,which he wrote in Jurjan for Abu Mul:mmmad aI-Shirazi.(9) The Origin and th.e Return, on the soul, which he also wlOtehim in Jurjan. 3 (10) Comprehensive Observations, which he also

5 wrote I in J mjan for Abu MuJ:1ammad aI-Shirazi. (11) TheReturn, which he wrote in al-Rayy for its ruler Majd al-Dawla.(2) The Arabic Language, on philology, which he wrote inI~fahan, but did not transpose into clean copy, so nothingresembling a copy of it has been found. (13) The cAlii'iPhilosphy, in Pel sian, which he wrote for cAlil' al-Dawla ibn

96

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97

Kakuyah in I~fahan. (14) The Najiit, which he wrote onthe road to Sabur Khwast while he was in the serviceof CAHi) al-Dawla. (15) Instructions and Remarks, which i~

the last and best work he wrote on philosophy, to which heheld steadfastly. (16) Guidance, on philosophy, which he wrote

5 while a prisoner in the castle of I Fardajan for hi,; brothercAII,4 and which contains a summary of all the branches ofphilosophy. (17) The Colic, which he wrote in that samecastle and which is entirely lost. (18) The treatise /jay) ibnYaq?:,an (Alive, the son of Awake), also written in that castle,an allegory about the active intellect. (19) Cardiac Drugs,which he wrote in Hamadhan. (20) An essay on the Pulse.

98

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in Persian. (21) An essay on Phonetics, which he wrote inI~fahan for al-]abban. (22) A letter to Abu Sahl al-MasiJ:1ion the Angle, which he wrote in Jurjan.:; (23) An essay onNatural Facullies6 for Abu Sacid al-Yamami. 7 (24-) The treatise,the Bird, an allcgol y in which he describes his attainment of

5 the knowledge of the truth. (25) I DefinitiorL'i. (26) An essayrefuting the treatise of Ibn al-Tayyib on Natural Faculties. 8

(27) Essential Philosophy, which contains the three sciences[logic, phyc;ics, and metaphysics]. (28) An essay on theConversions of Modals. (29) The Large Epitome on logic; as forthe Small Epitome, it is the logic of the Najat. (30) The Ode,

100

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in couplets, on logic, which he wrote for al-Suhayli in Gur-'­gfmj. (31) Discourse on Unity, in metaphysics. (32) An essayon the Attainment of Happiness, which is known as the TenArguments. (33) An essay on Foreordination and Destiny, whichhe wrote on the way to I~fahan during hi" escape and flight

5 to I~fahan.9 (34) A:n essay on Endive. I (35) An essay onInstruction in the Science of Logic. (36) An essay on the Branchesqf Philosophy and the Sciences. (37) A treatise on Oxymel. (38)An essay on Infinity. (39) Commentaries, which Ibn ZayHPOwrote at his dictation. (40) An essay on the Characteristics ~f

the Equator. (41) Discussions about questions asked by hispupil Bahmanyar

102

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103

and his answers to him. (42) Ten Questions, which he answeredfor Abu al-Rayl:tan al-Biruni,12 (43) Answers to Sixteen Q"ues­tions of Abu al-Rayl:tan. (44) An essay on the Position of theEarth in Relation to the Heavens and on its Existence in the Center.(45) The Eastern Philosophy, which is not extant in its entirety.(46) An essay on the Consideration of Dialectical Topics. (47) I

5 An essay on the Error of Anyone St£ying that Quantity Belongs toSubstance. (48) Introduction to the Art of Music, which is notthe one found in the Najat. (49) An essay on the CelestialBodies. (50) An essay Correcting the Errors in

104

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105

Medical Treatment. (51) An essay on the Nature of AstronomicalObservation and its Conformity with Physical Science. (52) An essayon Ethics. (53) An essay on Astronomical InstrumentJ, which hewrote in I~fahan during his observations for 'Ala.) al-Dawla.(54) A letter to al-Suhayli on Alchemy. (55) An essay on theObject of the "Categories" [of Aristotle]. (56) The A¢(wwiyya

5 Letter on I the Return, which he wrote for the prince Abu BaklMul:Iammad ibn 'Ubayd. 13 (57) The Defense of Poets, inpoetry, which he wrote in his home city when he was seventeenyears old. (58) An essay on the Definition of Body. (59) ThronePhilosophy, which is elevated discourse on metaphysics. (60)His Testament, in which he committed his soul to God. (61) Anessay that the Knowledge of Zayd is not the Knowledge of 'Amr.(62) The Management and Provisioning ofSoldiers,

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106

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107

Slave Troops, and Armies, and the Taxation qf Kingdoms. (63)Disputes of his which occurred with Abu CAli al-NaysaburiH

concerning the Soul. (64) Discourses, Words of Praise [toGod], and Works in rhymed prose. (65) A reply containing anapology about what was attributed to him in these discourses.(66) A Summary of Euclid, which I think was the one added to

5 the Naja!. I (67) An essay on Arithmetic. (68) A numberof odes and poems on asceticism and other topics, in whichhe describes his positions. (69) Some letters, conversations,correspondence, and light wodes, in Arabic and Persian.(70) Commentaries on the HQ,uestions of I-.lunayn"15 concerningmedicine. (71) Medical Principles and Practice. (72) TwentyQ,uestions which his contemporaries asked him. (73) A Numberof Medical Q,uestions. (74) Questions

108

,. 0 J.

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109

called Rarities. (75) Questions which he explained in Notes.(76) Answers to Simple Qyestions. (77) His letter to the culamo/of Baghdad which asked them to judge between him and aman of Hamadhan who claimed to be a philosopher. (78) Aletter to a friend which asks him to judge between him andthis Hamadhani. (79) Answers to a number of question&.. I

5 (80) His words Explaining the Essence '!! Sorrow. (81) Hiscommentary on Aristotle's De Anima, which is said to be fromthe Judgment. (82) An essay on the Soul, known as the Chapters.(83) An essay on the Refutmion of the Science of Astrology. (84)Anecdotes on Grammar. (85) Metaphysical Chapters on the Proofof the First [Principle]. (86) Chapters on

110

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the Soul and on Physics. (87) A lettcr to Abu SaCid ibn Abial-Khayr16 on Asceticism. (88) An essay on the Impossibili.tyof the Same Thing Being a Substance and an Accident. (89) Ques~

tions which passed bctween him and some learned menconcerning the branches of knowledgc. (90) Comments which

5 Abu al-Faraj, the Hamadhani doctor,!7 posed while I in hissessions, and some answers of his. (91) An essay which ismentioned in his writings as being on the Traveled and Uninha­bited Parts of the Earth. (92) A Summary [of the position] that theAngle which is formed by

112

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~",JJI J ~L,.J .6,~1 ~I ~ L$~~ 4-Di ·13.:..11 J ~\""'J .~\ ~

L$~i Jl ~\A,. ••~~',J uj:1\ t..~ J J} . \.r\5\J.)lJ ~W~\.y~ .)Al J ..~\~ ~~ ~ ~\ ~I ~

113

the Circumference and the Tangent has no Magnitude/~18

*Three of the MSS·-A,J, and N-end on this number, but Band IAUcontain other works. B adds: The Small EjJitome on logic, which is thelogic of the f-ssential Philosophy;19 and Main Questions. 2u

IAU adds: Seven Essays which he wrote for Abcl al-I;Iasan AQmad ibnMUQammad al-Sahli;21 Answers to questions asked by Abu al-J:la,<;anal_eAmiri, which are twenty-four questions ;22 the Small Epitome on logic;the Position of the Earth in the Middle of the Heavens,23 which he wrote forAbu al-I:Iusayn AQmad ibn MUQammad aI-Sahli; Keys to the Treasures,in logic; Discourse on Substance and Accident; 24 the Interpretation of Dreams;an essay refuting the essay ofShaykh Abu al-Faraj ibn al-Tayyib;2b treatiseon Love, which he wrote for Abu cAbd Alliih, the lawyer;28 a treatise onHuman Faculties and the Perceptions of them; a speech Explaining Sorrow andits Causes ;27 an essay for Abu cAbd Allah al-I:lusayn ibn Sahl ibn MuQam.mad aI-Sahli on a Matter qf Corifusion. 2ij

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION

I. Abu al_CAbbas Al)mad ibn al-Qasim ibn Abi U~aybiCa wrote this work~-·

Essential Information about the Generations of Physicians-ca. 640fl243. Muller's edition(Konigsberg and Cairo, 1882-1884), in 2 vols., will hereinafter be cited as Ibn AbiU~aybiCa, I or II. On Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, see Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabis··

chen Literatur, 2nd cd., 2 vols. and 3 supplementary vols. (Leiden, 1937--1949),I, 325, and Supplement I, 560 (hereinafter referred to as GAL, I or II, and GAL, S,I, II, or III.)

I have used t he following system of giving dates; where I have mentioned a datein the text or notes, I have giver. both the Muslim and Christian dates (e.g. 640/1243); when an author whom I quote gives only a Muslim date I have added thecorresponding Christian date in square brackets (e.g., 754-/[1353] as the date ofal-Kashi's MS.) In treating the publication data of a book I have given the date(s)as shown on the title page(s), but adding the Christian date in square brackets whenonly the Muslim date was given.

2. Abu al-l:Jasan cAli ibn Yiisuf al-Qifti, whose work--- The History of Physicians---·­was written earlier than Ibn Abi U~aybiCa's. See frequent references to Ibn al­Qifti in Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, I, 302, 308, and II, passim. Lippert's edition (Leipzig,1903) will hereinafter be referred to as al-Qifti. For further information on al-Qifti,see Lippert's introduction to the edition, pp. 5-18, and GAL, I, 325, and GAL, S,1,559.

3. Zahir ai-Din Abu al-l:Jasan CAli ibn Zayd ibn Funduq al-Bayhaqi, Supplementto the "Repository of Wisdom", cd. M. Shafic (Lahore, 1935), pp. 38-61. The authorof this work, hereinafter referred to as Ibn Funduq, wrote this work as a continu­ation of the biographical $iwiin al-~ikma of Abu Sulayman al-Sijistani (d. ca. 375/985). For further information on Ibn Funduq, see GAL, I, 324, and GAL, S, I,557-58. On Abu Sulayman, see GAL, 1,236, and GAL, S, 1,377.

4. Al)mad ibn Mul)ammadibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-ayan (The Obituaries qf '

Notables), trans. W. de Slane, 4 vols. (Paris, 1842-1871).

5. Ibid., I, 440-44.

6. cAbd al-l:Jayy ibn al-clmad, Shadharat al-dhahab fi akhbiir man dhahab (Nuggets

oj Gold in the Affairs of Those Who have Departed), 8 vols. (Beirut, 1965), 111,234-237.For Ibn al.cImad, see GAL, S, II, 403.

7. A. F. al-Ahwani, ed., Nukatfi afzwiil al-Shaykh al-Ra'is Ibn SinO. (Stories Concern­

ing the Experiences of the Shaykh al-Ra'iJ Ibn Sina), by Yal)ya ibn Al)mad al-Kashi,in Dhikrii Ibn Sina (Avicenna Memorial), No.3 (Cairo, 1952), pp. 6-7.

8. For further information on al-Kashi, sec GAL, S, II, 280, where the date of. his death is given as 707/1307-08. The colophon of the manuscript, however, statesthat it was finished in 754/[1353].

115

116 NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION

For further information on Mul).ammad ibn Mal).mud Shahraziiri (fl. 7thfl3thcentury), see GAL, I, 468, and GAL, S, I, 850.

9. AI-Ahwani, Introduction, p. 7.

10. Ibid.

II. Sar-gudhasht-i Ibn-i Sind (Biographv of Ibn Sinit) (Teheran, 1331/[1952]).

12. Ibid., Introduction (not paginated).

13. This date is agreed upon by the two major recent bibliographies: YahyaMahdavi, Fihrist-i mu;annafiit-i Ibn-i Sind (Bibliography of the Works of Ibn Simi),Publications of the University of Teheran, No. 206 (Teheran, 1333fl954), p. 335,n. 3. Also Father G. C. Anawati, Mu'allafiit Ibn Sind (The Works of Ibn Sinti) (Cairo,1950), p. 111.

14. Mahdavi, passim, pp. 331--371.

15. Mahdavi, p. 338, n. 1. Anawati, p. 13, dates it from the 9th/15th century.

16. Mahdavi, p. 330, n. 2. Anawati, p. 262, gives the IOthfl6th century.

17. Mahdavi, p. 337, n. 1, and Anawati, p. 136.

18. In this recension, as in the rest of the presentation of this critical edition, Ifollow the procedure set down in Paul Maas, Textual Criticism, trans. from the 3rdGerman edition by Barbara Flower (Oxford, 1958), pp. 2-24, See especially p. 4,which gives the reasons for discarding certain witnesses.

19. Mahdavi, p. 371, n. 2. Anawati does not describe this manuscript.

20. Mahdavi, p. 333, n. 2. Anawati, p. 264, gives the date 124·2/[1827].

21. Anawati, p. 290. Mahdavi does not describe this manuscript.

22. Mahdavi, p. 337, n. 3. This manuscript is located in Aya Sofya, MS. 4849(1),is written in large, clear naskhi script, 12x22 em., 21 lines/page, and is dated 697/[1298]. Anawati, p. 117, dates it 657/[1259].

23. In preparing this stemma, I have followed Paul Maas's discussion of "stem­matics," including his definition of separative' and conjunctive errors, etc., foundon pp. 42-49 of Textual Criticism.

24. Auicenna on Theology, in The Wisdom of the East Series (London, 1951), pp.9-24.

25. On p. 20, Arberry lists the three letter writers as Ibn al-cAmid, al-Sal).ib,and al-Sa-bi, in that order, which is the order found in al-Qifti, but not in Ibn AbiU~aybiCa, who reverses the order of al-Sa\:1ib and al-Sabi. See below, "Notes tothe Translation of the Autobiography/Biography," nn. 95, 96, 97.

26. For further information on these translations, see "Notes to the Translationof the Autobiography/Biography."

27. See al-Qifti, pp. 417, line 18, and 421, line 3, for the poetry, and p. 423,lines 17-23, for the anecdotes.

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION 117

28. See, inter alia, G. M. Wickens, ed., Avicenna;' Scientist and Philosopher (London,1952), pp. 9-28, for Arberry's translation plus his own running commentary anda translation of Ibn Sina's poem on the soul; also see Arberry, Aspects of IslamicCivilization (Ann Arbor, 1967), pp. 136-46, with no changes in the translation;and C. M. Brand, cd., Icon and Minaret (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1969), pp. 156-59,for Arbcrry's translation of the autobiography only.

29. S. M. Afnan, Avicenna: His Life and Works (London, 1958), ch. ii, "Life andworks of Avicenna," pp. 57-82. For further information on Ni?ami cAn1~i and theChahiir maqiila, sec below, "Notes to the Translation of the Autobiography/Biogra~

phy," nn. 41 and 43.

30. S. H. Nasr, Three Muslim Sages (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), pp. 20-24. Seealso Nasr's Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines (Cambridge, Mass., 1964),ch. xi, "The Life and works of Ibn Sina and his significance," pp. 177-81, forsimilar material.

31. P. K. Hitti, Makers of Arab History (New York, 196B), "Ibn Sina: prince ofphysicians and philosophers," pp. 202-18.

32. Anawati, MU'allqfiit.

33. Mahdavi, pp. 307-24.

34. For this number, see below, "Bibliography of the Works of Ibn Sina."

35. See, e.g., p. 81, where CUyun al-masii'il, No. 16 in his bibliography, is statedto be the work of al-Fariibi.

36. Ibn Funduq, pp. 46-47.

37. Ibid., pp. 187-190.

38. See Appendix I for these omissions and additions.

39. See Appendix II for these omissions.

4·0. See above, p. 4.

41. See above, pp. 3-4.

42. See above, pp. 46-19.

NOTES TO 1'1-1E TRANSLATION

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPI-IY /BIOGRAPHY

1. "Balkh": one of the four capitals of Khurasan. See Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan,cd. F. Wiistenfeld, 6 vols. (Leipzig, 1866-73), 1,713-14. Sce also the descriptionof the city in G. Le Strange, 'The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (Cambridge, 1905;rpt. New York, 1966), pp. 420-23. Also see R. N. Frye, HBalkh," EnryclojJaedia ofIslam, 2nd cd. (Leiden and London, 1960-- ), I, 1000-02. (Hereinaftcl' tobe referred to as EI 2.)

2. "Bukhara": one of the chief cities of Transoxiana and capital of the Samaniddynasty (204/819-395/1005). Sec Yiiqut, Ruldan, 1,517-22, Le Strange, pp. 4-60--63,and W. Barthold-R. N. Frye, "Bukhara," EJ2, I, 1293--96.

3. (eNul} ibn Man~ur": ai-AmiI' a1-RiQii Abu al-Qasim Nii1:l II (1'. 365/976-­387/997). See Ibn al-Athir. al-Kamil fi al-tiirikh, ed. C. ]. Tornberg (Leiden,1851--76; rpt. Beirut, 1966), IX, 129, J.a. 387, where his death is said to haveoccurred in the month of Rajab. But Gardizi, Zayn al-Akhbiir, cd. 'Abd al-I:layyI:Iabibi (Teheran, 1347 [1969J), p. 164·, says that he died in Sha'ban of that year.

4. "royal estates": estates which paid the tithe (Cushr) rather than the landtax (kharaj). During this period the largest owner of these estates was the Caliph,followed by the various princes and governors. See C. Cahen, "Dayca," E12, II,187-88.

5. "Kharmaythan": one of the villages in the territory of Bukhara. Yaqiit,Buldiin, II, 426, gives the voweling as above. But al-Samcani, Kitiib al-ansab, cd. D. S.Margoliouth in facsimile, Gibb Memorial Series, XX (London, 1912), fo1. 195b,gives the vowcling as Khurmithan.

6. "Afshana": one of the villages in the territory of Bukhanl. See Yaqut, Buldan,I, 330.

7. "my mother": her name is given as Sitarah by Ibn Funduq, p. 39, as wellas by .J.

8. "in ~afar, 370 ... Sirius": Ibn Funduq, p. 39, gives the same date of birthand includes the same astrological information as the margin of]. For furtherinformation on this horoscope, see al-Biruni, Kitilb al-tafhim li-awii"il ~iniiCat ai-tanjim(The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology), cd. and trans. R. RamsayWright (London, 1934), p. 258, where the degree of exaltation is explained: "Therearc certain signs which are described as places of exaltation (shamf) of the planets,like the thrones of kings and other high positions." He then gives the degrees ofexaltation of the planets: Jupiter, 15 degrees of Cancer; the Moon, 3 degrees ofTaurus; the Sun, 19 degrees of Aries; Venus, 27 degrees of Pisces. Later, on p.279, he defines the Lot of Fortune: "The Lot of Fortune is a point of the Zodiac,

119

120 NOT EST 0 T l-LE T RAN S L A T ION

the distance of which from the degree of the ascendant in the direction of the suc­cession of signs is equal to the distance of the moon from the sun in the oppositedirection." On p. 283, al-Biruni defines the Lot of the Unseen: "The reciprocalof the Lot of Fortune is the Lot of the Sun, which is the Lot of the Unseen andReligion (sahm al-ghayb wa'I-din) ."

9. "my brother": His brother is called Mal:t-mud by Ibn Funduq, p. 39, aswell, and he adds that Mal:t-mud was born five years after Ibn Sina. However, inthe bibliographies found in the manuscripts, a treatise is described as being writtenfor his brother CAli. See above, pp. 96-97.

10. "literature": adab. The meaning of this term changed several times from thepre-Islamic period to the time of Ibn Sina. It could mean either the quality ofurbanity, courtesy, and elegance of a Jal:t-i?- (d. 255/868) or Ibn Sina's older contem­porary Abu I:Iayyan al-Tawl)idi (d. ca. 414/1023), or it could mean the humanisticliterature which encompassed elements ofArab, Iranian, Indian, and Greek cultures.But during the lifetime of Ibn Sina, the concept of adab was becoming narrowed tomean the knowledge necessary for a particular position or function. Ibn Sina hereseems to mean the broader definition of the term. See F. Gabrieli, "Adab," EJ2, I,175-76.

11. "the IsmaCiliyya": In Khurasiin and Transoxiana at this time the propagandafor the Fatimid cause was called daCwat-i Mi~riyyiin. See M. Canard, "Dacwa,"EI2, II, 169; see also S. M. Stern, "The Early Ismacili Missionaries in North-WestPersia and in Khurasan and Transoxania," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and AfricanStudies, XXIII (1960), pp. 56-90.

Ismacili propaganda won a large number of adherents earlier in the reign of theSamanids, but the heresy was suppressed ca. 330/942 by the Amir al-Sacid Na~r

II (r. 301/914--331/943) and his son, the Amir al-I:Iamid Nul) I (r. 331/943-343/954). See Ni~am al-Mulk, Siyar al-muliik (or Siyiisat ntimah), cd. H. Darke (Teheran,134011962), pp. 267-75; also trans. H. Darke, The Book of Government or Rules forKings (London, 1960), pp. 218-24. Also see W. Barthold, Turkestan Down to theMongol Invasion, 3rd ed., Gibb Memorial Series, V (London, 1968), pp. 242-44.Ni~am al-Mulk also states that the Batinis or Qarmatis, as he calls them, emergedin the fifteenth year of the reign of the AmiI' al-Sadid Man~ur I (r. 350/961-365/976)and were decisively put down, so that "this sect completely collapsed, to the pointthat none of them were even remembered." Ni~am al-Mulk, pp. 278-84, trans.,pp. 227-33. However, Barthold, reflecting the views of the historians of that time,states, "The remainder of Man~ur's reign [i.e., after the struggle for the Amiratefollowing his brother's death in 350/961, which lasted for about a year], so far asis known, passed off peacefully." Turkestan, p. 251.

12. "philosophy": falsafa. Greek philosophy, with gnostic and Neoplatonicovertones. See R. Arnaldez, "Falsafa," E12, II, 769-75.

" geometry": al-handasa. "An Arabized Persian term, this craft was called geo­metry in Greek ... " al-Khwarazmi, Kittib mojtiti~ al-culUm, ed. G. van V10ten(Leiden, 1895; rpt. Leiden, 1968), p. 202.

"Indian calculation": !listib ai-hind. This form of calculation, using the "Indian"numerals, was being superseded by ~istib al-Caqd, or dactylonomy, during the 4th/

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 121

10th-5th/lIth centuries. In fact, I-:lamd Allah Mustawfisays that Ibn Sinii inventeda method of calculation by dactylonomy in 420/1029, thus freeing accountantsfrom the bother of using counters. C. Pellat, "Bisiib al-cA~d, " E/2, III, 466.

"Raschl /khwo'n al-~afiP": Both J and Ibn Funduq, p. 40, add that he and hisfather studied the Treatises (Treatise, in Ibn }·'unduq) of the Sincere Bretheren.

13. "Indian calculation ... (the Mathematician)": Ibn Funduq, p. 40, alsoadds that Ibn Sina studied geometry and algebra with this man, whom he also callsMa~miid al-Massai)i.

14. "al-Natili": He is called al-Bakim Abii cAbd Allah Busayn ibn Ibrahimal-Tabari al-Niitili by Ibn Funduq, p. 22. His nisba, al.Niitili, is taken from thevillIage of Natil (or Natila) in Tabaristiin. See Yaqiit, Buldiin, IV, 726, where helists two other scholars from that: place, but neither he nor al-Samciini lists AbiicAbdAllah. Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, I, 240, lists him as a physician.

IS. "jurisprudence": jiqh. The branch of study dealing with the religious law(shariCa) ofIslam. See I. Goldzihcr-J. Schacht, "Fil~h," E/2, II, 886--91.

16. "Ismacil the Ascetic": al-zo'hid. He is not listed in the standard biographicaldictionaries.

17. "/sagoge": iso'ghilji. Porphyry's introduction to the Organon of Aristotle, it"was used for many centuries in the cast and west as the clearest and most practicalmanual of Aristotelian logic .... " De Lacy O'Leary, How Greek Science Passed to tlteArabs (London, 1949), pp. 26-27. Both al-Khwiirazmi and Ibn al-Nadim use thisterm as transliterated from the Greek and translate it as the introduction (madkhal)to other works on logic. al-Khwarazmi, Mafo'ti~, p. 141; Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist,cd. G. Flugel, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1871-72; rpt. Beirut, 1964), 1,253.

18. "genus": jins. The first of the five predicables, used by the Muslim logiciansmore precisely than by the original Greek users of the word. See A. M. Goichon,Lexique de la langue Philosophique d'lbn Sino' (Paris, 1938), pp. 48-49; also see S. vanden Bergh, "Djins," Ef2, II, 550.

19. "that which is predicated": maqill. See Goichon, Lexique, p. 320.

20. "Euclid": the Elements, called the Elements of Geometr.y (u~ill al-handasa) byIbn al-Nadim, Fihrist, I, 265. He also transliterates the Greek a~ al-astrilshiya. al­Qifti, p. 62, gives the same two titles. Ibn Khaldiin, al-Muqaddima (Cairo, n.d.),p. 4-86, says that it is called the Elements (u~iil) or First Principles (arkan). This passageis translated by F. Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, Bollingen Series XlIII, 3 vols.(New York, 1958), III, 130.

21. "the Almagest": al-majisti. Claudius Ptolemy's Syntaxis Mathematica. Seeal-Qifti, pp. 95-98, and Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, pp. 267-68.

22. "Gurganj": the capital of the province of Khwarazm. See Yaqiit, Ruldan,IV, 260--61. Ibn Funduq, p. 40, also says that al-Natili went to the court of AbucAli M'amun ibn Muhammad, the Khwarazm-shiih. Since he did not becomeKhwarazm-shah until 385/995, Ibn Sina, according to this account, must have been

122 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

at least 15 years old when al-Natili left. See C.E. Bosw~rth, The Islamic Dynasties,Islamic Surveys, No.5 (Edinburgh, 1967), p. 107.

23. "'metaphysics": al-ilah~yyat, divinc matters. <llm iliihi is one of the terms formetaphysics, also called ma bacda al-tabi<a (that which is after physics). Goichon,Lexique, p. 241.

24. "set of files": tuMr. Ibn Funduq, p. 40, says ;;;uhur min al-qaratis (a file ofscrolls).

25. "classification": Scc Goichon, Lexique, p. 340, where she attempts to classifythe types of syllogism, noting that Ibn Sina did not specifically do so.

26. "drink a cup of wine ... ": This statement, as well as other references to hismore hedonistic pursuits, gave ammunition to many later critics. In fact, IbnFunduq adds at this point, p. 4·1, Hthe principal philosophers like Plato and otherswere ascetics, but Abu cAli differed from their path and habit and loved to drinkwine and exhaust his sexual strength; then everyone who followed him imitatedhim in immorality and abandonment."

27. "logical, natural, and mathematical sciences": But Ibn Funduq, p. 42,states that he was poor in mathematics, because "a person who has tasted thesweetness of metaphysics is niggardly in spending his thoughts in mathematics, sohe fancies it from time to time and then abandons it."

28. "Metaphysics": kitiib ma ba'da al-tabi<a. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, I, 251, calls itkitab al-buruf (The Letters), also known as al-ilahiyytit, with sections arranged on thebasis of the Greek alphabet. It was translated, wholly or in part, by IsJ:1aq ibnI:Iunayn (d. 298/910), Abu Zakariyya YaJ:1ya ibn cAdi (d. 364/975), and Astath,whose translation for al-Kindi (d. after 257/870) was used by Ibn Rushd (Averroes,d. 595/1198). See R. Walzer, Greek into Arabic, Oriental Studies, No. I (Oxford,1962), p. 90.

29. "salesman": He is called MuJ:1ammad aI-Dallal (the Salesman) by IbnFunduq, p. 42.

30. "Abu Na~r al·Fiirabi": MuJ:1ammad ibn MuJ:1ammad ibn Tarkhfm (d. 339/950). He was known as the "second teacher," the first being Aristotle. See R.Walzer, "al-Farabi," E12, II, 778-81.

"on ... Metaphysics": There are two extant works by al-Fiirabi which could bethe book Ibn Sinii bought. The first of these, "On the Objects of the Philosopher(al-bakim) in Each Section of the Book Marked by Letters, Being a Determinationof the Object of Aristotle in the Metaphysics," was edited by Friedrich Dieterici,Aljariibi's Philosophische Abhandlungen (Leiden, 1890), pp. 34-38. However, thiswork is little more than a table of contents of the Metaphysics and would hardly bethe book which so profoundly impressed Ibn Sina. There is more likelihood ofits being the recently discovered Kitab al-burii/, ed. by Muhsin Mahdi as Aljarabi'sBook of Letters (Beyrouth, 1969). This is a much longer work-over 160 pages inthe edition-in which al-Farabi analyzes the Metaphysics in some detail.

31. "Sultan": Perhaps Ibn Sinii is using the term in its abstract sense, with the

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 123

meaning of sovereign power, rather than the meaning which it later came to have :governor or ruler. I know of no other instance of the Samanids' being referred toas "Sultan." See E. W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon (London, 1863--93; rpt. NewYork, 1956), Bk. I, pt. 4, pp. 1405-06.

32. "in his service": Ibn Funduq, p. 43, adds, "physicians [or philosophers:(wkamii'] before that time used to be proud and did not approach the doors of rulers."

In the margin of J the statement is found that Nul,} ibn Man~[lr was cured byIbn Sina. However, the Samanid ruler cannot have lived very long after his meetingIbn Sina, since the date of his death is given as Rajab or Sha'ban, 387/997 (secabove, n. 3.) If Ibn Sina was about seventeen and one-half years old when he wascalled to the court, as his account would seem to indicate, the date must have beenvery near Rajab, 387.

33. "the ancients": al-awiPil, probably meaning the Greeks.

34·. "I read these books, .. science": Ibn Funduq, p. 1-3, adds, "a fire broke outin this library and the books were totally destroyed. Some of the opponents of Abu'Ali said that he set fire to those books in order to appropriate these sciences andprecious [knowledge] for himself and cut off the sources of these useful [sciences]from their adherents; but God knows best."

35. "Abu al-Ijasan, the Prosodist": al_e Ariit;li. He is called Abu al-Ijasan Al;1madibn "Abd Allah in the text of the surviving work which purports to be the one IbnSina wrote for him. See Kitiib al-majmiiC

, cd. Dr. S. Salim (Cairo, 1969), p. 33. Thiskunya (Abu al-I:Iasan) is not mentioned by al-Samcani, Ansiib, fo!. 389a.

36. "Abu Bakr al-Baraqi": al-Sam'ani, fa!. 75a, says that Baraqi is the correctvoweling, since the name comes from the Persian barah, which means crown prince.It was a great family in Khwarazrn, descended from the Khwarazm-shahs, whichhad moved to Bukhiirii. al-Sameani's information about Abu Bakr came from AbuBakr's son Abu cAbd Allah through Abu al-I:Iasan (or Abu Na~r, see below) ibnMakula (d. 485/1092), who stated, "Abu Bakr Al;1mad ibn Mul;1ammad was one ofthe foremost exponents of literature, Sufism, theology [kaliim] , ... and poetry... ,.I have seen a diwiin of his poetry, most of which was in the handwriting of his pupil,Ibn Sina, the philosopher." However, Ibn Makula adds that Abu Bakr died inMul).arram, 376, when Ibn Sina was only six years old and hadjust moved to Bukha­ra. One of Abu Bakr's sons, Abu "Abd Alliih MUQammad, studied with his fatherand may have dictated the poetry to Ibn Sina. According to Ibn Makula, Abu <AbdAllah was famous for his ability in jurisprudence, poetry, and philology. He workedin the administration of Bukhara, first under the Siimanids, then under "Tamghaj­khiin," who overthrew the Samanids in 389/999. Perhaps Ibn Sina means AbuCAbd Alliih ibn Abu Bakr in this passage. See al-Samcani, Amab, fal. 75a. For IbnMakula, see GAL, I, 354·, and GAL, S, I, 602; see also Yaqut, Irshiid al-arib, cd. D. S.Margoliouth, Gibb Memorial Series, VI (Leiden and London, 1907--27), V, 435­where he is called Abo. Na~r CAli ibn Hibat Allah ibn Makula.

37. "The Sum and Substance . .. volumes": Ibn Funduq, p. 44, adds, "and a copyof it in the library of Buzajan was lost."

124 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

38. "Good Works and Evil": Ibn Funduq, p. 44, adds, "I saw a copy of it in thepossession of the Imam Mu!:lammad al-~Iiirithan al-Sarakhsi (may God have mercyon him), in a crabbed hand, in the year 5441[1149]."

39 "my father died": According to Ibn Funduq, p.44, Ibn Sina's father diedwhen he was 22 years old; i.e., in 392/1002.

40. "Necessity led me to ... Gurganj": As Ibn Funduq, pp. 44-45, puts it:"When the affairs of the Siimanids became disordered, necessity led him to leaveBukhiira and move to Gurganj."

A problem of dating this move to Gurganj arises when one considers that the lastSiimanid to rule in Bukhara, Abu al-Fawaris cAbd aI-Malik ibn Nu!:l was deposedand imprisoned by the Qariikhanid Ilig Na~r ibn CAli in 389/999 (Gardizi, Zayn, p.173; Barthold, Turkestan, p. 268). However, another of Nu!:l's sons, Abu IbrahimIsmacil, escaped and made numerous attempts to return to power in llukhara; hewas finally defeated and killed in 395/1005 ( Gardizi, pp. 175-76; Barthold, pp.269-70). Ibn Sina must have moved from Bukhara to Gurganj between 392/1002and 395/1005, and the "administrative post of the Sultan" most probably was inthe regime of the Ilig Na~r.

41. "Abu al-I;Iusayn al-Suhayli": In all of the sources of this edition, as wellas in Ibn Funduq, p. 45, he is called ai-Sahli. However, Abu Man~ur cAbd al­Malik ... al-Thacalibi, Yatimat al-dahr, ed. Mu!:lammad Mu!:lyi ai-Din cAbd al­I:Iamid, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1375/1956), IV, 254, gives his name as Abu al-I:IusaynA!:lmad ibn Mu!:lammad al-Suhayli, as does Yaqut, Irshiid, II, 202, who says hewent to Baghdad in 404/[1013-14] and died there in 418/[1027]. This nisba (al­Suhayli) is also given by Mu!:lammadQazwini in his notes to the Chahiir maqiila ofNi~ami cAruc.li, although the text of the work reads "ai-Sahli". See Ni?ami cAruc.li,Chahiir maqala, ed. Muhammad Qazwini, Gibb Memorial Series, XI, No. I (Leidenand London, 1910), p. 76 (text), and p. 244 (notes).

42. <<cAli ibn Ma'mun": Abu al-I;Iasan cAli ibn Ma'mun ibn Mu!:lammad,Khwarazm-shah (r. 387/997-399/1009), a patron of scholars.

43. "necessity led me": According to the story told by Ni?ami cAruc.li, Ibn Sinawas forced to leave Gurganj when Ma!:lmud of Ghazna (r. 388/998-421/1030)demanded that the Khwarazm-shah Abu aJ-<Abbas Ma'mun ibn Ma'mun (r.399/1009-407/1017) send a number of learned men, including Ibn Sina, fromGurganj to Ghazna. The Khwarazm-shah informed these men of Ma!:lml1d'sdemand, and some of them went willingly, or resignedly, to Ma~lmud's court, butIbn Sina and another scholar, Abu Sahl al-Masi!:li, chose to flee to the court ofQabus (see below, n. 50). After a harrowing journey across the desert south ofGurganj, during which time Abu Sahl died, Ibn Sina finally reached Jurjan andthe safety of Qabus's patronage. See E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia(Cambridge, 1902-24'; rpt. Cambridge, 1956), II, 95-97.

This account, however, cannot be accurate as it stands for several reasons. Thescholars were taken to Ghazna by Ma!:lmud at the time of his conquest of Khwarazmin 407/1017, as we know from the case ofal-Biruni (d. after 442/1050), one of thosewho chose to go to Ghazna in Ni~ami cAruc.li's story. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 264-65,s.a. 407; and D. G. Boilot, "al-Biriini," EI2, I, 1236. Since Qabus was deposed in

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 125

402/1012 and killed in 403/1013 (see below, n. 50), Ibn Sina must have left Gurganjbefore 402/1012. Boilot suggests the date 398/1008, but since Ibn Sina's companion,Abu Sahl al-Masil:ti, wrote at least one work dedicated to the Khwarazm-shiihAbu aI-cAbbas Ma'mun ibn Ma'mun, the date of departure must have been sometime after 399/1009, the date of his accession. See Ibn Abi U!?aybiCa, I, 328, forAbu SahI's life and works. In addition, Ibn Sina was in Hamadhan , at the courtof Shams al-Dawla, by 405/l015 (sec below, nn. 63, 66).

44. "Nasa": A city in Khurasan south of Gurganj, part of the domains of theKhwarazm-shah. See Yaqut, Ruldan, IV, 776; Le Strange, p. 394. It is also vowcledNisa.

45. "Baward": A city one day's journey from Nasa, also·under the suzeraintyof the Khwarazm-shahs. It is also spelled Abiward. See Yaqut, Ruldan, I, Ill; r,eStrange, p. 394.

46. "Tus": The second city of the Naysabur (Nishapur) quarter of Khurasan.After 389/999 it was under the control of Mal:tmfld of Ghazna. See Yaqut,Ruldan, III, 560-62; Le Strange, p. 388; Barthold, Turkestan, p. 266.

47. "Samanqan": A territory near ]ajarm (see next note), one of the districtsofNaysablir. It is also spelled Samalqan. See Yaqlit, Ruldan, III, 145; Le Strange,p.392.

aI-Qifti and Ibn Abi U~aybi(a add Shaqqan to this itinerary, but he probablydid not enter this village, called "one of the villages of Naysabur" by Yaqut, Ruldan,III, 306. Ibn Funduq, p. 46, in giving the same itinerary as the other sources ofthis edition, mentions parenthetically, "but he did not enter Naysabur."

48. "]ajarm": A town which is the main center of a large district situated betweenNaysabur and ]urjan. See Yaqut, Ruldan, II, 4; Le Strange, pp. 392, 430.

49. ".Jurjan lt: The name of both a province on the southeast shore of the Caspian

Sea and its capital city. At this time the province was ruled by the Ziyarids asclients of the Ghaznavids. See Yaqut, Ruldan, II, 48-54; Le Strange, pp. 376-78;Bosworth, Dynasties, pp. 92--93.

50. "AmiI' Qabus": Shams al-Macali Qabus ibn Wushmagir (I'. 367/978-402/1012), a poet and patron of poets and scholars, he took part in the dynastic strugglesbetween the Buyids and the Sarnanids for control of Khurasan and ]urjan, usuallyon the side of the Samanids, where he spent a great deal of time in exile. After thefall of the Samanids he was forced to accept the suzerainty of the Ghaznavids. Seca1-Thacalibi, Yatima, IV, 59-61; Yaqut, lrshiid, VI, 143-52; Bo&worth, Dynasties,

p.92.

51. "the seizure of Qabus ... his death there": His deposition and imprisonmenttook place in 402/1012 and his death came in 4.03/1013. Ibn al-Athir, IX, 238-4.0,s.a. 403.

52. "Dihistan": The name of a district, and its capital city, north of ]urjan,toward Khwarazm. See Yaqut, Ruldan, II, 633; Le Strange, p. 379.

53. "Abu CUbayd al-]uzjani": His full narne was Abu CUbayd cAbd a1-Wal,1id

126 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

ibn Mu/:1ammad al-Juzjani. The pupil and biographer of Ibn Sina, he added thesections on mathematics to the Najat and the cAla'i, and wrote commentaries onthe Qanun and Hayy ibn Yaq;;iin. Ibn Funduq quotes one of his teachers as saying,"In the coterie of Abu cAli, Abu 'Ubayd seemed like a novice (murid) rather thana learned pupil (mustafid)." Ibn Funduq, pp, 93--94. He is notmcntioned in al­Samcanior Yaqut, jrJ}uid.

Juzjan, the place from which Abu CUbayd received his niJba, is written also al­Juzjanan or JCtzajan, and is a district to thc west of Balkh in Khu1'asan. See Yaqut,Buldcin , II, 149-50; Le Strange, p. 423.

54-. "Abo. Mu/:1ammad ai-Shirazi: He is not mentioned in the standard biogra­phical dictionaries. For further information on this person, see below, "Notes tothe Translation of the Bibliography," n. 3.

55. "mountain country": ar¢. aljabal. Usually this arca is called the provinceof .Jib~tl, or al-'iraq al-'ajami (Persian 'Iraq), but it is called hilrid aljabal by Abual-Fi<;la (cited by Le Strangc, p. 185) and !Jalad al-jabal by Ibn al.Athir, IX, passim.

56. "a catalogue of all of his books": This list is found only in al-Qifti and IbnAbi U~aybiCa, although a similar list is found in Ibn Funduq, pp. 46--47. See the"Introduction to the Bibliographies" and Appendix I of this work.

57. "Modals": dltaw{U al-jiha. Scc Goichon, Lexique, p. 427.

58. "al-Rayy": Largest of the four capital cities of the Jibal in the 4-th/l Othcentury, according to Yaqut, Buldiin, II, 890-921, following IHakhri (first half ofthe 4-th/lOth century) and Ibn I:Iawqal (who travellcd betwecn 331/943 and 357/968). The other three capitals were Qirmisin, Hamadhan, and I~fahan. See LeStrange, pp. 186, 214-; Ibn I:-Iawqal, Sural al-ard, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bi!JliothecaGeographorum Arabicorum, II (Leiden, 1873), p. 363; S. Maqbul A/:1mad, "Djugh­rafiya," £12, II, 582.

59. "al-Sayyida": The widow of Fakh1' al-Dawla CAli (d. 387/997), the previousBuyid ruler of al-Rayy. Her name is given as Shirin by Yaqut, Buldan, III, 211,and by Paul Casanova, "Les Ispehbeds de Firim," in A Volume of Oriental StudiesPresented to Professor Edward G. Browne (Cambridge, 1922), p. 122, who says that herfather was the Ispahbad, or governor, of Firim.

She assumed the regency for her young son, Majd al-Dawla (see next note),upon the death of his father, but refused to relinquish it when he attained his majo­rity. She instead kept him distracted by encouraging his pursuit of the pleasuresof drinking and the harem. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 131~32, 369, s.a. 387 and 419.

60. "Majd al-Dawla": Abu Talib Rustam ibn Fakhr al-Dawla CAli, he was fouryears old when his father died and his mother assumed control of the state. Hereigned until the death of his mother in 119/1028, at which point the troops rebelledand he called in Mal)mud of Ghazna to help put down the revolts. This Ma/:1muddid, incidentally deposing Majd al-Dawla and taking him back to Ghazna as aprisoner. Sec Ibn al-Athir, IX, 371~72, s.a. 420.

61. "melancholia": al-sawdii'. A state of sadness or depression brought on byan excess of black bile in the body. It is called miilikhiiliya by Ibn Funduq, p. 47.

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 127

See also M. Levey and N. al-Khalcdy, The Medical Formulary oj al-Samarqandi(Philadelphia, 1967), p. 201.

62. "Shams al-Dawla": Abu Tahir ibn Fakhr al-Dawla cAli, who became thethe ruler of Hamadhan and Qirmisin upon the death of his father in 387/997. SeeIbn al-Athir, IX, 132, s.a. 387. According to Ibn al-Athir, IX, 250-51, s.a. 405,Shams al-Dawla's attack on al-Rayy took place in 405/1015.

63. "Hilal ibn Badr ibn !:Iasanuyah": HiHil, Badr, and ~Iasanf1yah (J:Iasana­wayh) were Kurdish rulers of the area around Qirmisin, sometimes allied with oneor another of the Buyids against other members of the family or outside rulers. SeeIbn al-Athir, IX, 5-8, s.a. 370, for an account of the struggles between Badr andcA<;lud al-Dawla in 370/980. Badr seems to have taken control of Qirmisin afterthe death of Fakhr al-Dawla in 387/997. HiHil had been the prisoner of Sultfmal-Dawla (d. 412{l021) in Baghdad, but he was released and given troops by Sultanal-Dawla after the latter found out about the death of Badr and the subsequentgains in territory by Shams al-Dawla. In a battle which took place in Dhll al-qaCda,40S/May, 1015, Hilal was killed and the troops of Sultan al-Dawla were forced toreturn to Baghdad. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 248-49, s.a. 405; Miskawayh, Tajeiribal-umam, cd. and trans. H. F. Amedroz and D.S. Margoliouth, with the continua­tions of Abu ShujaC al-Rudhrawari and Hilal ibn al-MuJ:1assin, as The EClipse of theAbbasid CalijJhate (London, 1920--21), VI, 319 and 332, where the Caliph, aI-Qadir(d. 422/1031) confirmed Badr in his territories in the Jibal.

64. "events occurred": According to one later historian, Ibn Sina was forced toleave both Jurjan and al-Rayy by pressures placed on their rulers by Mal,lmud,who wanted them to send Ibn Sina to his court. See Ghiyath aI-Din MuJ:1ammad,Khwandamir, Tiirikh al-wuzarii", MS. john G. White Collection, Cleveland PublicLibrary, fols. 63a and 63b. Usually this title is cited as Dastiir al-wuzariF: see j.Rypka, History of Iranian Literature (Dordrecht, Holland, 1968), p. 454. The workwas written ca. 915/1509-10.

65. "Qazwin": A large city to the west of al-Rayy. See Yaqut, Buldan, IV, 88-91 ;I.e Strange, pp. 218-20.

66. "Hamadhan": written Hamadan by the Iranians. It was one of the fourcapitals of the jibal, and at this time it was, in theory at least, part of the domainsof Majd al-Dawla, inherited from Fakhr al-Dawla, but Shams al-Dawla had beenassigned the governorship of Hamadhan and Qirmisin (see above, n. 62). By thetime of Ibn Sina's move to Hamadhan, Shams al-Dawla was obviously actingindependently of orders from Majd al-Dawla or, more correctly, his mother, al­Sayyida. See Yaqut, Bule/an, IV, 981--92; Le Strange, pp. 194-95.

67. "Kadhabanilyah": Ibn Funduq, p. 47, gives the Persian form of this name:Kadbiiniiyah. None of the sources gives any further information about this person,nor is she mentioned in the standard biographical dictionaries. However, Kadbiiniimeans a lady or matron in Persian, according to Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary

. (London, 1892), p. 1018. Since the Arabic equivalent of kiidbanii is al-say'yida, .andwe know from other sources that Majd al~Dawla (and therefore his mother) had~dministrative and financial interests in Harnadhan-·-in Miskawayh, &lipse, VI,

128 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

491, a certain Abu Sacd Mul).ammad ibn Ismiicil ibn al-Fa<;ll is said to be Majdal-Dawla's deputy in Hamadhan in 393/1003-is it possible that the affairs ofKadhabanuyah means the affairs of al-Sayyida?

68. "Qirmisin": also Qirmasin, the Arabic appellation of the city----one of thefour capitals ofthe]ibal-known to the Persians as Kirmfmshah or Kirmanshahan.It lies to the west of Hamadhan, and at this time was being disputed by the Buyidsand various Kurdish dynasties (see above, n. 63; also see below, n. 69). See alsoVaqut, Buldan, IV, 69-70; Le Strange, p. 187.

69. '''Annaz'': I:Iusam ai-Din Abu Shawk Faris ibn Mul).ammad ibn cAnnaz,who ruled over parts ofthe]ibal from 401/1010 to 437/104-6. Abu Shawk probablytook Qirmisin when Shams al-Dawla was attacking al-Rayy and fighting againstBadr ibn I:Iasanuyah and Hilal ibn Badr. The probable datc for this attack on AbuShawk was 406/1015. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 246, 248, and 531, s.a. 404, 405, and437 (for the death of Abu Shawk); see also V. Minorsky, '''Annazids,'' EI2, I, 512.

70. "Shaykh Abu Sacd ibn Dakhdul": Ibn Funduq, p. 48, and B give his kunyaas Abu Sacid, and Nand Q / lAD give his patronymic as ibn Dakhduk. His namedoes not appear in any of the standard biographical dictionaries, nor is either versionof his name mentioned by F.]usti, Iranisches Namenbuch (Marburg, 1895).

71. "I would read ... the Qaniin": Ibn Funduq, p. 49, gives a more completeaccount: "Abu CDbayd read from the Shifa" al-Macl?umi from the Qaniin, [IbnZayla from the Instructions, and Bahmanyar from The Sum and Substance]." But thebibliography states that thc Instructions was the last work written by Ibn Sina (seeabove, pp. 96-97, so the latter, two examples, not found in the earlier manuscriptsof Ibn Funduq, seem to be false interpolations.

72. "al-Tarum": A large district in the mountains between Qazwin and ]iliinwith no well-known city in it. Vaqut, Buldan, I, 811. Vaqut spells the word Tiiram,or Tarm, but the Arab geographers usually refer to it as al-Tarumayn, distinguishingbetween Upper Tarum, entirely in the Daylam territory, and Lower Tarum, furthersouth and east, closer to Qazwin and Hamadhan. Le Strange, pp. 225-26.

73. "its Amir": In the year of Shams al-Dawla'sdeath, 412/1021, the ruler ofal-Tarum was probably a member of the family of Wahsudan, the name of whosedynasty is variously known as the Musafirids, Salliirids, or Kangarids (see Bosworth,D.ynasties, p. 86). The strongest fortress in the Tiirum district, Samiran (or Shami­ran-see Le Strange, p. 226), had been taken from the young son of "Nul). ibnWahsudiin" in 379/989 by Fakhr al-Dawla, who also married Nul).'s widow. SeeVaqut, Ruldan, III, 149.

After the death of Fakhr al-Dawla in 387/997, "Ibrahim ibn al-Marzubiin ibnIsmacil ibn Wahsl1dan ... " seized a number of towns in the district of al-Tiirumand was still in control of them when Mal).mud of Ghazna invaded the ]ibal in420/1029. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 373, s.a. 420.

Ibn Funduq, p. 49, Khwandamir, Wuzara" fol. 64a, and a later addition to],read al-amir baM' aI-dawIa, instead of al-amir biha, but the Buyid Amir Baha' al­Dawla Firuz had died in 403/1012, and he had never ruled in the ]ibal.See Bosworth, Dynasties, pp. 94-95; Ibn al-Athic, IX, 241, s.a. 403.

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 129

74. "the son of Shams al-Dawla": Sama' al-Dawla Abu al-I:lasan (CAli, accordingto an addition toJ) ibn Shams al-Dawla (I'. 412/1028-beforc 421/1030). He ruledindependently for two years, then he fell under the suzerainty of cAHP al-Dawla in414/1023 (see next note and n. 80). By the year 421/1030 cAla' al-Dawla hadappointed a deputy to govern Hamadhan and nothing is said of Sama' al-Dawla.See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 395, s.a. 421.

75. <"Ala' al-Dawla": 'Alii' al-Dawla Abu Jacfar Mul~ammad ibn Dushmanziyar(Dushmanzar). He was called Ibn Kakiiyah (or Ibn Kakawayh) because "he wasthe son of the maternal uncle of Majd al-Dawla and maternal uncle (al-khal) intheir language is kakiiyah." Ibn al-Athir, IX, 495, s.a. 433. But earlier Ibn al-Athir,IX, 207, s.a. 398, had stated that "he was the son of the maternal uncle of Majd al­Dawla's mother." Bosworth, Dynasties, p. 97, says that "Mul)ammad was the BuyidAmir Majd al-Dawla's maternal uncle, " but since he is usually referred to as IbnKakuyah or pisar-i kakii (Persian for the son of the ltiiku), Bosworth's statementrhust be an error, which should correctly read, "Mul)ammad was the son of the BuyidAmiI' Majd al-Dawla's maternal uncle." See Abu al-Fal;11 Mul)ammad ibn I;IusaynBayhaqi, Tiirikh-i Masciidi, ed. Q. Ghani and 'A.A. Fayyad (Teheran, 132411945),pp. 15--17, for references to pisar-i kakii.

But the question remains: who was the maternal uncle of whom? Two otherfigures appear on the scene to complicate the issue, a certain al-Marzubiin and hisson Rustam. Ibn al-Athir, IX, 141, s.a. 388, states that al-Marzuhiin was thematernal uncle of Majd al-Dawla, but earlier he had referred to "Rustam ibn al­Marzuban, the maternal uncle of Majd al-Dawla," p. 140, where either of the twomen could be his maternal uncle.

This appellation-Rustam ibn al-Marzuban, the maternal uncle of Majd al­Dawla-appears also in Zahir ai-Din Marcashi, Tariklt-i Tabaristan wa Riiyan waMaz:andaran, ed. M. H. Tasbi~li (Teheran, 1345/1966), pp. 82, 95. Rustam-i Marzu­ban, the maternal uncle of Majd al-Dawla, is mentioned by Mirkhwand : seeMirkhond, Histoire des Samanides, ed. and trans. Charles Defremery (Paris, 1845),pp. 101 (text), and 212 (trans.). But on page 85 of Mar'ashi's work, Rustam isspecifically called the maternal uncle of Majd al-Dawla. So it would seem that theevidence points to Rustam, rather than his father, al-Marzuban, who was the brotherof al-Sayyida and the uncle of Majd al-Dawla.

Another problem arises when one tries to separate proper names from titles; bothmarz:uban and dushmanz:iyar (or dushmanz:ar) may be descriptive or honorific titles,the first meaning a margrave or lord-marcher and the second meaning one whobrings grief (z:ar) to his enemy (dushman). Was Dushmanziyar the same person asRustam, or did al-Sayyida have two brothers, Dushmanziyar and Rustam? Eduardvon Zambaur, Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour l'histoire de l'Islam (Hanovl'e,1927), pp. 216-17, says that Rustam and Dushmanzar (not Dushmanziyar, as inIbn al-Athil') were one and the same person and that he was al-Sayyida's brother.However, it would seem that al-Sayyida had two brothers, based on two pieces ofevidence found in Miskawayh and Ibn al-Athir.

In 392 [1002], according to Miskawayh, Eclipse, VI, 477, or in 393 [1003], accord­ing to Ibn al-Athir, IX, 178, Abu al-cAbbas al-J;)abbi, the wazir of Majd al-Dawla,fled to Badr ibn l:lasanuyah for protection. al-Sayyida suspected him of poisoningthe Helder I~pahbud," whom Miskawayh calls al-Sayyida's nephew. Ibn al-Athir,

130 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

however, says that he was her brother (though for some reason he uses the masculinepossessive pronoun: akhiihu, rather than akhiihii). Although the "elder I~pahbud"

could have been the father of an implied "younger I~pahbud," the possibility ofthe two men being brothers of al-Sayyida is increased by a further piece of evidenceprovided by Ibn al-Athir.

He reports (IX, 351-52) that in 417 [1026] cAlil' al-Dawla appointed two of hiscousins to administrative or military posts. Their names were Abu jaCfar, the elderof the two, and Abu Man~ur, who are called "the two sons of his paternal uncle(abnii cammihi)." See also Zambaur, Manuel, p. 217.

Zambaur, pp. 187, 216, also states that al-Marzubiin al-Daylami was related tothe Biiwandid family, which had ruled in the Caspian coastlands of Tabaristiinsince before the arrival of Islam, but Bosworth, The Ghaznavids (Edinburgh, 1963),p. 74-, says that this claim, made by the Kiikuyids, is a false one, and it is certainlynot put forward in Ibn al-Athir or Marcashi.

For a different set of conclusions drawn from the same evidence, see Bosworth,"Dailamis in Central Iran: the Kakuyids of Jibal and Yazd," Iran, VII (1970),73-95, especially pp. 73--74- and the genealogical table on p. 95. Bosworth, e.g.,says that Rustam and Dushmanziyar were the same person (p. 73); he calls Rustamthe maternal uncle of al-Sayyida (p. 71); and says, therefore, that al-Sayyida wasCAla' al-Dawla's first cousin, not nephew [sic, but presumably meaning aunt]. Fora genealogical table which exhibits the conclusions I have drawn from the abovedata, see below.

'Ala' al-Daw1a was appointed governor of I~fahan by al-Sayyida in 398/1008,and remained in power there and in other parts of the Jibal, except when drivenout temporarily by Sultan Mascud ibn Mal.1mud or his lieutenants, until his deathin 4-33/1041. He was a patron of scholars, and Ibn Funduq, p. 50, says that it washe who initiated the correspondence and asked Ibn Sina to come to his court afterthe death of Shams al-Dawla.

Genealogical Table of the Kakuyids(Bawandids?)

Ru~tam (?)

AbuMan~(ir

Shams al-Daw1a Abu(d. 412/1021) Ja'far

I(d. 417/

1026)Sarna' a1-Dawla

a1-Marzuban a1-Day1ami(+ proper name?)

r----------L-DushrAanziyar al-Sayyida-m-Abu aI-Hasan CAli(+- proper name?) (Shirin) Fakhr al-Dawla

I (d. 419jl~28) (d. 387/997)

Abu Ta1ib RustamMajd a1-Dawla

IAbu Kiilijar Fana-Khusraw

Garshiisp

Abu Jacfar Mu}:1ammad'Ala' al-Dawla(d. 433/1041)

IAbu Man~ur

Fariimurz

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 13\

76. "Abu Ghalib the Druggist": al-Cattar. None of the standard biographicaldictionaries mention his name.

77. "he had finished all ... Animals": The Shifa', written over a period of years,beginning ca. 406/1015 and finished probably ca. 423jI032, contains the followingparts: Part I, "Logic," divided into nine sections (Isagoge, Categories, Hermeneutics,Analytics, Apodictics, Topics, Sophistics, Rhetoric, and Poetics); Part II, "Physics,"divided into eight sections (Scope of Physics, the Heavens and the Earth, Generationand Corruption, the Active and Passive, Inanimate Beings, Psychology or the Soul,Plants, and Animals); Part III, "Mathematics," divided into four sections (Euclidor Geometry, Arithmetic, Music, and Astronomy or the Almagest); and Part IV,"Metaphysics."

78. "Taj al-Mulk": AbO Na~r ibn Bahram. Ibn al-Athir, IX, 320, s.a. 411, saysthat he was the wazir of Shams al-Dawla, presumably having replaced Ibn Sinain that position. In a battle which took place in Hamadhiin in 4·11/1020, betwecnthe Kurdish and Turkish troops of Shams al-Dawla, Taj al-Mulk was the leader ofthe Kurdish forces. Although he callcd in cAlii' a1-Dawla for aid in defeating theTJ.lrkish troops, three years later he led the forces opposing cAlii' al-Daw1a (seebelow, n. 80). There, in Ibn a1-Athir, IX, 330, s.a. 414, he is called al-Quhi, theMountaineer, or the Kurd. The Durrat al-akhbiir, a Persian translation of IbnFunduq made in the 8th/14th century, calls Taj al-Mulk the brother of Sarna' al­Dawla and thcrefore the son of Shams a1-Daw1a. See Durrat al-akhbiir, ed. M.Shanc as Vol. II of the Tatimmat $iwan al-bikma (Lahore, 1935), p. 42.

79. "Fardajan": According to YaqOt, Buldan, III, 870, Fardajan is a well-knowncastlc of Hamadhan in the district ofjarra. It is also known as Barahan or Bardahan.Ibn a1-Athir, IX, 403, s.a. 4·21, says that it is fifteenfarsakhs (about fifty-five miles)from Hamadhan. Ibn Funduq, p. 50, gives the name of this castle as Nardawan.

80. "cAla' a1-Dawla ... seized it": cAUi' al-Dawla attacked Hamadhan anddefeated the forces of Sarna' a1-Daw1a and Taj a1-Mulk in the year 414/1023. SecIbn al-Athir, IX, 330-31, s.a. 414.

81. "the son of Shams al-Dawla": All of the manuscripts give this reading: Tiijal-Mulk ibn Shams al-Dawla, rather than Taj al-Mulk wa Ibn Shams al-Dawla.Ibn al-Athir, IX, 331, s.a. 414, states that only Taj al-Mulk was in the castle, Sarna"al-Dawla having already submitted to CAlii' al-Dawla. The reading in the manu­scripts, then, would agree with the statement in the Durrat al-akhbiir (see above, n. 78)that Taj al-Mulk and Sama' al-Dawla were brothers.

82. "the cAlid": al-cAlawi. This term is used as a nisba by ShiCites of both theIsmaCili and TwelveI' branches. See, e.g., Ibn al-Athir, IX, 329, 364,411,460, s.a.413,418,421,429, for obituary notices ofa number of people with this nisba. Noinformation on this person is found in the standard biographical dictionaries.However, one of the works which Ibn Sina wrote in Hamadhan, Cardiac Remedies,is dedicated to Hal-Sharifal-Sacid Abu al-I:Iusayn cAli ibn al-IJusayn ibn al-I:Iasani"(Mahdavi, p. 24), whose name would imply strongly that he was a ShiCite.

83. HI~fahan": One of the four capitals of the jibal, lying to the southeast of

132 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

Hamadhan, it is also spelled I~bahan or I~pahan. See Yiiqut, Buldan, I, 292-·98;Le Strange, pp. 202-7.

84. "Tihran"; All the sources but] read Tabadin, which is incorrect, since theonly Tabaran given by the geographers is one of the twin towns which made upthe city of Tus, in Khurasan. See Yaqut, Ruldan, III, 4·86, for Tabaran, and I, 293,where he lists the rustaqs of I~fahan, with Tabaran not occurring there. Two otherspellings are possible;

(I) Tabarak, combining a word for mountain with the diminutive suffix, -·ak,with the meaning, therefore, ofhillocl<. There was a fortress by this name at al-Rayy,and according to Le Strange, p. 205, there was a citadel by this name in I~fahan atthe time of Timur's conquest, at the end of the 8th/14·th century. See Ibn al-Athir,IX, 131, s.a. 387, for the fortress of "Tabaraq," where Fakhr al-Dawla died. Seealso Yaqut, Buldan, III, 507-08.

(2) Tihran, which Yaqut, fluldan, III, 565, and I:Iamd Allah Mustawfi al-Qazwinilist as one of the districts of I~fahan. "See Nuzhat al-quliib, Geographical Section, ed.and trans. G. Le Strange, Gibb Memorial Series, XXIII (London and Leiden,1913-15), Vol. I (edition), 50, and Vol. II (translation), 57. Although only onemanuscript gives this reading, it must be the correct one. The other copyists misreadthe word as Tabaran because that city was well known, whereas Tihran, as a districtof I~fahan, would have been known to very few people.

85. "Kuy Kunbadh"; the quarter, or district, of the dome. See Steingass,Persian-English Dictionary, p. 1065, for the meaning of kiiy as quarter or district.This quarter of I~fahan is not mentioned by Yaqut or Mustawfi, but it occurs asKiiy Gunbad in the Chahar maqala, p. 64, and it is translated by Browne as "Gate ofthe Dome." It also appears as Kuy Kunbadh (Gunbad) in the Durrat al-akhbiir,p. 43, and in]. All of the other manuscripts read KCm Kunbadh. See E. G. Browne,trans., Chahiir maqiila, by Ni7,:ami cAru<;li Samarqandi (London, 1900), p. 103.

B6, cccAbd Allah ibn Bibi": There is no mention of this person in any of thestandard biographical dictionaries.

87. "Almagest ... Euclid": See above, nn. 20, 21. Ibn Khaldun, lvluqaddima,p. 488, trans., III, 135, says of the Almagest, "the leading Islamic philosophers[(lukamii'] have abridged it; thus Ibn Sina did it and inserted it in the teachings of theShijii'."

In the same fashion, he says of the Euclid, p. 486, trans., III, 130, "people havemade many abridgements of it; e.g., Ibn Sina did it in the teachings of the Shifao,where he inserted a part of it which he had selected for it."

88. "geometrical figures": shubahii'. For this usage, see R. Dozy, Supplement auxdictionnaires arabes (Leiden, 1881; rpt. Beirut, 1968), I, 726. Also see al-Khwarazmi,Majiiti(l, p. 206.

89. "in the year .. , attacked Sabur Khwast": 'Ala' al-Dawla attacked SaburKhwast a number of times, according to Ibn al-Athir. After his attack on Bama­dhan in 41411023, he went on to conquer Siibur Khwast. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 331,s.a.414. But Ibn Sinawas not yet in I~fahiin, so this could not have been the date of

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 133

the completion of the Shifa'. cAb'p al-Dawla made other attacks on Sabur Khwastin 417/1026 and 421/1030, based on inferences from Ibn al-Athir, IX, 351-52, s.a.417, and 402, s.a. 421.

Since al~juz:iani states in his introduction to the Shifa' (Mahdavi, p. 129) thatIbn Sina was forty years old when he finished the work, the lattcr campaign men­tioned above (in 421/1O~10) is probably the one referred to by al-juzjani in thebiography. The Najat may have been written during this campaign, or perhapsa later one; Ibn al-Athir, IX, 424, s.a. 423, specifically places cAla' al-Dawla inS5-bur Khwast in 423/1032.

Siibur Khwast, written by the Persians Shapur Khwast, was a city in a provinceof the same name, lying to the south of Hamadhan and to the west of I~fahiin. Atdiffcrent timcs during this period it was under the control of Shams al-Dawla, AbuShawk Faris, the cAnnazid, and cAla' al-Dawla. See Yaqut, Buldan, III, 4-5; LeStrange, pp. 200-2.

90. "great number of journeys ... errors": It is diffJcult to say whether al­juzjani means the great number of journeys taken by the observers who compiledthcse tables, or of the travels through many hands which the tables themselvesmade. Ibn Khaldun, in discussing the fate of astronomical observations in Islam,says, Muqaddima, p. 488, trans., III, 134, "in Islam, only a little concern has beenpaid to it, much of which was in the days of al-Ma'mun [I'. 198/813-218/833],who made a well-known instrument for observation called an armillary sphere~-he

started it but he did not finish it--·and when he died traces of it [his observations]disappeared and were forgotten. Those who followed depended upon the ancientobservations, but these were useless because of the change of the movements (!i'kh­tila! al-baraktit) in the course of time."

Ibn Funduq, p. 52, says the cause was the great number of journeys and theaccumulation (tarakum) of errors.

Another possibility is that suggcsted by Aydin Sayili, 77Le Observatory in Islam,Publications of the Turkish Historical Society, Series VIII, No. 38 (Ankara, 1960),p. 156, where he translates this passage as "bccause of many journeys undertakenand due to certain other obstacles the activity of observation was interrupted."This however, seems to be too loose a translation; al-khalal can hardly mean inter­ruptions, and they had already been referred to as being present in the ephemer­ides of the ancients.

91. "the cAlaY": A work in Persian similar to the Najat, called today the Danish­no.mah-yi 'Alti'i, or Book of Knowledge of cAla' [al-Dawla].

92. "twenty-five years": Ibn Funduq, p. 52, says that Abu CDbayd was the friendand pupil of Ibn Sina for thirty years, but this must be inaccurate, since in hisintroduction to the Shifo." al-juzjani states, HI met him when he was in jurjan,when he was about thirty-two years old." See Mahdavi, p. 128. Since the twomen met shortly after the death of Qabus, which occurred in 403/1013, and IbnSina died in 428/1037, at age fifty~eight, twenty-five years would be the correctfigure.

93. HAbii Man~ur al-Jabban": Mul;iammad ibn cAli ibn cDmar Abu Man~ur

al-jabban was his full name, according to Yaqiit, Irshiid, VII, 45-46. al-Samcani,

134 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

Ansiib, fols. 120b--121a, explains that the nisba, al-Jabban, is given to one who learnscorrect Arabic usage from the Bedouin in the dcsert-al~jabbana, according to al­Samoani, is a word which means desert.

Abu Man~ur, according to Yaqut, was a member of the entourage of al-~a\:lib

ibn cAbbad (see below, n. 97), but he became estranged from him before the $ii\:lib'sdeath in 385/995. He remained in al-Rayy, however, until 416/1025, when hewent to I~fahan and the court of cAla' al-Dawla.

94. "Abu Man~ur al.Azhari": Mu\:lammad ibn A\:lmad ibn al-Azhar ibn Tal\:laAbu Man~ur al·Azhari al-Harawi was born in Hariit in 282/895 and died, appar­ently in the same city, in 370/980, the year of Ibn Sina's birth. He studied philologyin Harat and Baghdad and spent two years a5 a prisoner of a Bedouin tribe inBa\:lrayn, where he studied their very pure Arabic. He wrote a number of workson lexicography. See Yaqut, [rshad, VI, 197-99; see also GAL, I, 129, and GAL,S, I, 197; and R. Blachcre, "al-Azhari," E12, I, 822. al-Sam"iini, Ansiib, fols. 28b-­29a, does not list Abu Man~ur.

The Correct Philology (recently edited and published in Cairo) is arranged in themanner of aI-Khalil's Kitiib al-Cayn, with the roots classified phonetically, not alpha­betically. Much of this work by Abu Man~ur was used by Ibn Manzur in his Lisiinat-carab. See]. A. Haywood, Arabic Lexicography, 2nd cd. (Leiden, 1965), pp. 20--40(on aI-Khalil), 77-82 (on Ibn Manzur).

95. "Ibn al-cAmid": Abu al-Fa<;l.I Mu\:lammad ibn al-cAmid Abi cAbd AlIiihibn al-l:Iusayn, al.Kiitib, was appointed wazir in 328/940 by Rulm al-Dawla (1'.335/947-366/977) and was called the second ]a\:li~, because of his epistolary style.He died in 359-60/969-70. See GAL, S, I, 153; see also C. Cahen, "Ibn al-'Amid,"E/2, III, 703--04; al-Thac~ilibi, ratima, III, 158-85.

96. "al-~abi": Abu IS\:laq Ibrahim ibn l-lilal ibn Ibrahim al-I:Iarriini, al-~abi

(313/925-384/994) was in the chancery of Mucizz al-Dawla (1'. 334/945--356/967)and was known as a great prose stylist. See GAL, I, 96, and GAL, S, I, 153-54; F.Krenkow, "al-$abi," Encyclopaedia f!/ islam (Leiden, 1913-42), IV, 19-20; Ibn al­Athir, IX, 106, s.a. 384·, for the notice of his death; al-Thacalibi, Yatima, 11,24-2--312,for examples of his style.

97. "al-$al)ib": Abft al-Qasim Ismacil ibn cAbbiid ibn al-'Abbas, al-$a\:lib,al-Talqiini (324-26/936-38-385/995) was the wazir of MU'ayyid al-Dawla (1'.366/977-373/983) and his son, Fakhr al-Dawla, in al-Rayy. A brilliant writerand administrator, he was a patron of both Arabic and Persian writers. See GAL,I, 130-31, and GAL, S, 1,198-99; al-Samcani, Ansiib, fol. 363a; al-Tha'alibi, ratima,111,192-290; C. Cahen and C. Pellat, "Ibn cAbba-d," E/2, 111,671-73; Mu1)ammadCAufi, Lubiib al-alb{lb, cd. E.G. Browne and M. Qazwini, 2 vols. (London andLeiden, 1903-06), Vol, II, 16-·19.

98. "rose preserve ... sugar": Some of the manuscripts (A and B) have Jakanjubillal-sukkar, sugar oxymel-i.e., oxymel made with sugar rather than honey, whichthe Greeks necessarily used. See Levey and al-Khaledy, Medical Formular.y, p. 62,for a definition of oxymel, and p. 172, n. 2S: " ... Ibn Sina found it [oxymel] usefulfor the stomach .... " See also al-Khwarazmi, Mdjdtib, pp. 175-76: ''jalanjabin iscomposed of rose and honey, sakanjubin is made of vinegar and honey and given this

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 135

name, but if sugar is used in place of honey and syrup of quince or something elsein place of vinegar the confections are .called preserves (ai-anbijat)."

99 "manns;': One mann (or mana) is said by al-Khwarazmi, Mafati(r, p. 14, tohave the weight of two ratis, or 257 dirhams. The weight of one dirham is variouslygiven by modern scholars. See G. C. Miles, "Dirham," E[2, II, 319.

100 "Shiraz": The capital of the province of Fiirs, south of I$fahan. Sec Yaqut,Buldan, III, 348-50; Le Strange, pp. 249--52.

101. "Abu al-Qasim al-Kirmfmi": Ibn Funduq, pp. 32-33, says that Ibn Sinaand Abu al-Qasim quarreled bitterly, exchanging a number of insults. Abu al­Qasim is not listed in al-Samcani, Ansab, fol. 480a, or Yaqut, Irshad.

102. "Ibrahim ibn Biibii al-Daylami": He is not listcd in the standard biogra­phical dictionarics.

103. "esoteric interpretation": <iim ai-balin. Meaning that he was a Shi<ite, orperhaps a ~ufi, since these two groups argued for an esoteric as well as an exoteric(ai-;:.ahir) interpretation of the Qurjiin. The name, or rather title, Biiba wouldimply a ~ufi background, since this term, like Shaykh or Pir, meant the leader of agroup of ~ufis. See M. G. S. Hodgson, "Biitiniyya," E/2, I, 1098-1100.

104. c<Fircawni": This is a designation of one of the early types of paper used inthe Muslim world; it is listed by Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, I, 21. Sec also C. Huart,"Kaghad," E[l, II, 624; also see Huart, Les calligraphes et miniaturistes de i'Orientmusuiman (Paris, 1908), p. 9.

lOS. "Sultan Mascud": Shibha al-Dawla Abu Sa<id Mascud ibn Mal~mud

(r. 42111031-432{1041), Ghaznavid Sultan who replaced his father after a briefattempt by his brother MU~lammad to take control. He ruled over the GhaznavidEmpire at its greatest extent, but he was also the Sultan who saw the beginningsof its dissolution--the Saljuq conquest of Khwarazm and Khudisiin. See Bosworth,Ghaz;navids, ch. VIII, pp. 227--40.

106. "on the day when ... not found afterwards": l'vlas'ud had been appointedgovernor of the Jibal by Mal:J.mud soon after the latter's conquest of al-Rayy andhis return to Khurasan. Mascud then attacked I$fahan and took the city from'Alii' al-Dawla; upon his return to al-Rayy, the people of I$fahan rebelled againsthis deputies there and he had to return to put down the rebeilion, killing about fivethousand people, according to Ibn al-Athir, IX, 372, J.a. 420.

Yet (Alii' al-Dawla was in I$fahan the following year, according to Ibn al-Athir,IX, 395, J.a. 421, but was driven out by a deputy of Mas<ud, sent from al-Rayy.I t was while (Ala' al-Dawla was in exile at Tustar, in Khuzistan, southwest of I~fahanasking aid from its ruler, the Buyid Abu Kalijar (d. 440{1048), that the news ofMal:J.mud's death came to him, and he realized that Mas'ud must return to Ghazna.And so <Alii' al-Dawla returned to I~fahan and took that city, Hamadhan, andal-Rayy from the troops of Mascud. See Ibn al-Athir, IX, 395, 402, S.G. 412; secalso Gardizi, Zayn, p. 194.

However, the sack of I:?fahan referred to here by al-Juzjiini was probably not anyof those which took place in 420 and 421, bUl rather an attack which took

136 NOTES TO TI-IE TRANSLATION

place in 425/1034. The forces of Mas<ud were led by Abu Sahl al-I;Iamduni, oral-l;Iamdawi, in al-Tha<alibi, Tatimmat al-Yatima, ed. <A. Iqbal (Teheran, 1353/1934), II, 60. According to Ibn al-Athir, IX, 436, s.a. 425, after Abu Sahl haddefeated <Ala' al-Dawla, "he pillaged the treasuries and goods of <Ala' al-Dawla;and the books of Abu cAli Ibn Sina, who was in the service of <Ala' al-Dawla, wereseized and carried to Ghazna and put in the libraries there, until the troops of al­I~Iusayn ibn al-l;Iusayn al-Ghuri burned it. ... " The destruction of Ghazna wascarried out by the troops of <Ala' ai-Din al-I~usayn,Jahan-suz (World-Incendiary)in 545/1150-51. See Bosworth, "The Political and Dynastic History of the IranianWorld (A.D. 1000-1217)," The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. V, The Saljuq andMongol Periods, ed. J.A. Boyle (Cambridge, 1968), p. 160.

Ibn Funduq, p. 56, reporting on the loss of the Judgment, says that a certain'Aziz aI-Din al-FaqiiCi al-Ri1)ani claimed, "in 545 I bought a copy of it in I~fahan

and took it to Marw." Ibn Funduq also adds at this poit that Eastern Philosophyand Throne Philosophy (see above, pp. 102---03 and 104--05) were also in the Ghaznavidlibraries which were destroyed by the Ghurid ruler.

107. "concupisciblc faculties": al-quwa al-shahwaniyya. One of the two branchesof the appetitive faculty (al-quwwat al-shawqiyya) , it is that faculty "which inducesLa person] to move, by which [movement] he approaches the things which seemnecessary or useful, in pursuit of sensual pleasure." Najat, p. 259, quoted by Goi­chon, Lexique, p. 334. This faculty is the Latin vis concupiscibilis.

108. "Tash Farrash": One of the army commanders and governors of bothMal,lmud and Mascud, he is called ai-AmiI' l;Iusam al-Dawla Abu al-'Abbas TashFarrash by Ibn Funduq, p. 5'1. But Ibn Funduq has confused him with an earlierfigure, the l;Iajib Tash, who was given the command of the army of Kh~rasan bythe Samanid, Nul). ibn Man~ur (see above, n. 3), who also gave him the laqab (hono­rific title) of l;Iusam al-Dawla. See Gardizi, Zayn, p. 166. They could not be thesame person, because Gardizi, p. 167, says that the l;Iajib Dish died in 378/988(Ibn al-Athir, IX, 29, s.a. 377, says the previous year.)

Tash Farrash was named governor of al-Rayy, Hamadhan, and the Jibal byMas<ud in 422/1031, but he was replaced by Abu Sahl al-l;Iamduni (al-l;Iamdawi)in 424/1033, because of his oppression of the people of al-Rayy and the JiMI. SeeIbn al-Athir, IX, 421, 428--29, s.a. 421, 424. Tash Farrash, however, remained inthe Jibal and was commanding troops under Abu Sahl as late as 427/1036. SeeIbn al-Athir, IX, 380, s.a. 420.

The year in which Tash Farrash fought against <Ala' al··Dawla at Karaj, followedby (Ala' al-Dawla's retreat to Idhaj, etc., as described by al-Juzjani, was probably425/1034, since Ibn al-Athir, IX, 435-36, s.a. 425, mentions essentially the sameevents as does al-Juzjani. This was the r;ame attack in which Ibn Sina's books weretaken (see above, n. 106).

It is possible, too, that this battle took place in 427/1036, although Ibn al-Athir,IX, 446-47, s.a. 427, reports that Abu Sahl himself was leading the troops and thatthe battle with <Ala' al-Dawla took place near I~fahan. The outcome was the same­cAla' al~Dawla's forces were routed-but this time they moved north looking forasylum. They asked the son of the Salar (ibn al-Saldr = Justan II ibn Ibrahim?)

OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY/BIOGRAPHY 137

but were turned down and had to leave. See Bosworth, Dynasties, p. 86, for theSalHirid dynasty.

109. "al-Karaj": Most of the sources read al-Karkh, but this is certainly an errordue to the very close resemblance of the name of this city in the area of Hamadhimto the name of the famous quarter of Baghdad, al-Karkh. Yagut, Bulddn, IV, 988,says, "the district of Hamadan comprises 660 villages ... from the gate of al-Karajto Sisal' in length ... " For al-Karkh, sec Le Strange, pp. 31, 67; for al-Karaj, seeLe Strange, p. 197. See also V. Minorsky, tr., !:Iudild al-alam, 2nd cd., cd. Bosworth,Gibb Memorial Series, New Series, XI (London, 1970), p. 132, where a copyist hasmade a similar mistake, calling Abu Dulaf of Karaj, Karkhi.

110. "Idhaj": The name of a district and a town south of I~fahan, between thatcity and Khuzistan. At this time it was under the control of the nuyid ruler, AbuKalijar (see above, n. 106). See Yaqut, Buldan, I, 416-17; Le Strange, p. 245.

Ill. "two diinaqs": One danaq theoreticLllly equals one-sixth of a dirham. SeeMiles, "Dirham," E/2, 319. But al-Khwarazmi, Mafatib, pp. 62-63, states that onedllllaq equals one-sixth of a dinar, and since the dirham was seven-tenths of the dinarin weight, one danaq in this system would equal ten·.forty-seconds of a dirham, slightlyless than one-quartcr. In eithcr case, the doctor treating Ibn Sina put in tcn tofifteen times thc amount of celery seed prescribed.

112. "mithridate": mithriidhi!ils. An electuary namcd after Mithridates of Pontus(d. 63 B.C.), taken as a paste or sweet, usually containing opium. See al-Qif~i, p.324; see also Lane, Lexicon, I, pt. V, p. 1968, under majun, electuary.

113. "he passed away .. , in the year 428": All of thc sources, including IbnFunduq, p. 513, exccpt Ibn al-Athir give the place of Ibn Sina's death and burial asHamadhan; Ibn al-Athir IX, 456, s.a. 428, says it was in I~fahan. al-Juzjani doesnot mention the exact day of Ibn Sina's death, but Ibn Funduq, p. 58, gives it asthe first Friday of Ramadan, 428 / 18 June 1037. Ibn al-Athir, IX, 456, s.a. 428,says that he died in Shacban, 428 I May-june 1037.

Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, II, 9, says that some say he was taken to I~fahan and buriedthere in the quarter where he had lived, Kuy Kunbadh (but spelled Kim Kunbad,as before.)

114. "the year of his birth was 370": Most of the sources give the year 370/ [980J,with Ibn Funduq, p. 39, specifying the month of Safar / August-September (seeabove, n. 8). However, Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, II, 9, says 375 /[985], but since no othersource has this date, and since al-Juzjani's introduction to thc ShijeP gives quitedifferent information, supporting the datc 370 / 980 (see above, n. 92), Ibn AbiU~aybiCa is clcarly incorrect in this date. Khwandamir, Wuzara', fol. 66a, says thatthe year of his birth was 373/[983] and that his age at his death in 428/[1037J wassixty-three solar years and seven months. This is obviously an error, but if youassume that he meant fifty-three solar years and some months, it would be correct,but it would still place Ibn Sina's birth later than do all but one of the other sources.

Ibn Sina's age at his dcath, then, was 58 lunar years and some months, althoughIbn Funduq, p. 59, says that his age was "nb" (58) solar years. His age in solaryears, howcver, must have been 56 and 10 months.

N01'ES TO THE TRANSLATION

OF THE BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. "1 have endeavored ... ninety works": The person who compiled this longerbibliography is unknown.

2. "Philosophy": llikma. This term is found instead of falsafa, which includedonly those subjects dealt with by the Greeks. The word ''falsafa'' docs not occur inthe bibliography, so I have translatcd I,zikma as "philosophy" throughout, although"wisdom" would be its more usual translation.

3. "for him in Jurjan": Ibn Abi Ul1aybi'a's text adds, "I found in the front ofthe work that he wrote it for the Shaykh Abu Al:tmad Mul:tammad ibn Ibrahimal-Farisi." No notice of this person is given in the standard biographical dictionaries.Could this be the same person who is callcd Abu MU~lammadai-Shirazi in the textof the autobiography, or could this dedication possibly be to a son (or other relative)of Abu Mul:tammad aI-Shirazi?

4. "his brother 'Ali": His brothcr is called Mal:tmud by Ibn Funduq, but hisname is given as cAli also in one of the verses of his Ode on logic, written when IbnSina was in Gurganj. See Ibn Funduq p. 39 j Mahdavi, p. 28.

5. "Abu Sahl al-Masil).i ... in.Jurjan": This statement placing the compositionof this work in J urjan contradicts the story told in the Chahar maqiila, which saysthat Abu Sahl died while accompanying Ibn Sina on his flight from Gurganj toJurjan. See above, Notes to the Translation of the Autobiography, n. 43.

6. "Natural Faculties": This is the title of an essay written by Abu al-J;'araj'Abd Allah ibn al-Tayyib al-Jathliq (d. 435/104·3), a Christian physician of Baghdadwho practiced in the hospital established by cAQ.ud al-Dawla (1'. 367/978--372/983)in 372/982. See D. M. Dunlop, "Bimaristan," EI2, I, 1223. This work by Ibn Sinamay be a commentary on Abu al-Faraj's wor!e, which is listed by Ibn Abi U~aybiCa,

1,241, and GAL, S, 1,884.

7. "Abu Sacid al-Yamami": He was a physician and author of works onmedicine, whose full name is given by Ibn Abi U~aybiCa, 1,240, as Abu Sacid al-FaQ.1ibn clsa al-Yamami. He is mentioned as one of the teachers of Ibn Sinii by IbnAbi U~aybiCa, ibid. Samcani, fo!. 602a, does not list Abu Sacid, but does tell of themigration of the family from Yamama in the Arabian Peninsula, first-to Ba~ra, andthen to Baghdad, and notes that one of the members of the family studied in I~fa­

han. See also al-Qifti, p. 407.

8. "refuting ... Faculties": Is this work the same as No. 23 in this bibliography?Mahdavi, p. 116, believes that the two works are identical.

9. "flight to I~fahan": Although Ibn Sina's escape from Hamadhan and flightto I~fahan, which took place ca. 414fl023, would seem to be the one referred to

139

140 NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

here, one of the MSS in Istanbul gives the date as the end of Mu\:Jarram, 424/January,1033. This would place its composition during cAlii> al-Dawla's flight from TashFarrish, Sultan Mascud's army commander, which is described in the biographyof Ibn Sina and reported by Ibn al-Athir, IX, 425, s.a. 423. See Mahdavi, p. 197,for a description of the MS.

10. "Ibn Zayla": Abu Man~iir al-I;Iusayn ibn Tahir ibn Zayla (or Ibn Zila,according to Ibn Funduq) was one of Ibn Sina's favorite pupils. He was a nativeof I~fahan and may have been a Zoroastrian (Majusi); his fields of specialcompetance were mathematics and music. He wrote several commentaries,including one on !jayy ibn raq::;an, and a book on the Soul (al-nafs). He died in440jl048·-49 at an early age. See Ibn Func;luq, pp. 92-93.

II. "Bahmanyar": Heis called Abu al-J:Iasan Bahmanyar ibn (al-) Marzubanby both Ibn Abi U$aybiCa, II, 19, and Ibn Funduq, p. 91. The latter adds that hewas a Zoroastrian born in Adharbayjan, who wrote several works on logic and music,but that he was not skilled in Arabic theology (al-kalam al-'arabi.) He died in 458/1066, "thirty years after the death of Abu cAli." Ibn Funduq, ibid.

12. "Abu al-Ray\:1an al-Biruni": Ibn Sina's contemporary and chief rival as thegreatest philosopher-scientist of that time. Born in Khwarazm in 362/973, he wasa client at many of the same courts as Ibn Sina: the Samanids, the Khwarazm-shahs,the Ziyarids inJurjan, and the Buyids in al-Rayy. They may have come into person­al contact in one or more of these courts, although neither man mentions it. Theircorrespondence is mentioned by al-Biruni in al-Athar al-baqiya Can al-quriln al-khaliyacd. C. Eduard Sachau (Leipzig, 1923; rpt. Baghdad, n.d.), p. 257; tr. Sachau,The Chronolog_v of Ancient Nations (London, 1879), p. 247. According to Ibn Funduq,p. 95, the correspondence became bitter, especially when al-Biruni questionedsome of Ibn Sina's replies. Ibn Sina allowed his best pupil, al-Mac$umi, to readal-Biruni's objections in a mocking manner and write an in~ulting answer to al­Biruni. See Ibn Funduq, pp. 29 and 62, for ,further information on these disputes.Also see D.]. Boilot, "al-Biruni," E12, I, 1236-38.

13. "the prince Abu Bakr Mu\:Jammad ibn CUbayd": Although all of the MSSof the autobiography / biography read "the prince" (al-amir) , MSS of the workitself read "to the faithful shaykh" (li'l-Jhaykh al-amin). He is called either Abu BakrMu\:1ammad or Abu Bakr ibn Mu\:Jammad. See Mahdavi, p. 39. However, IbnFunduq, p. 33, says that Ibn Sina dedicated this work to "the faithful wazir (al­Jhaykh al-wazir al-amin) Abu Sa'd al-Hamadhani."

14. "Abu cAli al-Naysaburi": The biographical dictionaries do not list this name.

IS. "Questions of !j1.l.nayn": I-:Junayn ibn Is\:1aq (d. 260 / [873], according toal-Qifti, p. 173, and Fihrist, p. 294; or 264 J [877], according to Ibn U$aybi'a, I,190), the Nestorian translator of Greek scientific and philosophical works. He alsowrote a number of treatises on medicine, of which his Questions is called anintroduction (madkhal) to medicine by Ibn Abi U$aybiCa, I, 197.

16. "Abu Sacid ibn Abi al~Khayr": One of the most famous ~iifis of Ibn Sina'stime (he was born in 357/967 and died in 440/1049), he and Ibn Sina probablynever met, despite the many accounts to the contrary. See H. Ritter, rrAbu Sacid

OF THE BIBLIOGRAPHY 141

Fa<;ll Allah ibn Abi'l-Khayr," E/2, I, 147; but cf. R.A. Nicholson, Studies in l\lamicMysticism (Cambridge, 1921; rpt. 1967), p. 42. They were also reported to havecarried on a correspondence, and Mahdavi, pp. 3-11, lists ten works by Ibn Sinawritten in response to questions by Abu Sacid ibn Abi al-Khayr.

1'1. "Abu al-Faraj, the Hamadhani doctor": This person may be Abu ai-Farajibn Abi Sacid al-Yamami, who met Ibn Sina and corresponded with him. See IbnAbi U!;jaybiCa, I, 239. According to Ibn Abi U!;jaybiCa, Abu al-Faraj would havestudied with both his father, Abu Sacid, and Ibn Sina.

18. "the Angle ... has no Magnitude": Mahdavi, p. 122 states that this work isidentical with item No. 22 in this bibliography.

19. "the logic of the Essential Philosophy": Three of the other MSS--A,.I, andN-state parentheticall y that the Small Epitome on logic became the logic of theNajiit, not that of the Essential Philosophy. See above, item No. 29.

20. "Main QJlestions": This title probably refers to the work of the same namebyal-Farabi. See R. Walzer, "al-F'iirabi," E/2, II, 780, for this title.

21. "Abu al-I:Iasan ... ai-Sahli": Sec Notcs to the Translation of the Biography,n.41.

22. "Abu al-I:Iasan al_cAmiri": MUQammad ibn Yusuf (d. 382/992), a philoso­pher in the tradition of al-Kindi (d. ca. 259/873), he wrote a history of Greek philo­sophy which was mentioned as being extant in Bukhara in 375/985. See F. E.Peters, Aristotle and the Arabs, New York University Studies in Near Eastcrn Civili­zation,'No. 1 (New York, 1968), pp. 159,256.

23. "the Position ... Heavens": This work is probably the same as item No.H in this bibliography.

24,. "Substance and Accident": This work is probably the same as item No. 88 inthis bibliography.

25. "refuting ... Ibn al-Tayyib": This work is probably the samc as item No.26 in this bibliography.

26. "Abu cAbd Alliih, the lawyer": His favorite pupil, Abu cAbd Allah AQmad(or possibly MUQammad ibn AQmad) al-Mac~umi. Ibn Sina compared ai-MaC.!;jumi's relationship to himself as that of Aristotle to Plato. See Ibn Funduq, pp.95-96; GAL, I, 4·58, and GAL, S, I, 828.

27. "Sorrow and it:; Causes": This work is probably the same as item No. 80 inthis bibliography.

28. "An essay ... Confusion": This work is probably the same as item No. 54in this bibliography. Although the name of the person for whom it was written isnot identical with the name of the person for whom the work on alchemywas written: Abu cAbd AlHih al-I:Iusayn ibn Sahl ibn MUQammad aI-Sahli, ratherthan Abu al-I:Iusayn AQmad ibn MUQammad aI-Sahli, the title of the work issimilar to one of the subtitles of item No. 54 given by one the MSS (B): A HiddenMatter.

APPENDIX I

SHORTER BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE Q lAD Ibn Longer

Funduq bibliography

I. The Compilation I I 5 62. The Sum and Substance 2 2 6 3

3. Good Works and Evil 3 4 7 44. The Shifii' 4 5 3 25. The Q)inun 5 6 9 76. Comprehensive Observations 6 7 3 107. The.Judgment 7 3 10 53. The Najat 3 3 II 149. Guidance 9 9 12 16

10. Instructions l 10 13 15II. The Middle Summary II I 812. The cAHPi 12 14 1313. The Colic 13 10 1714. The Arabic Language 14 11 15 1215. Cardiac Remedies 15 12 16 1916. The Epitome9 16 13 17 2917. The Eastern Philosophy 1'7 14 4518. Explanation of Modals3 18 15 19 2819. The Return 19 16 21 II

20. The Origin and the Return 20 17 2& 920

21. Conversations 21 18 4122. Foreordination and Destiny 22 19 23 :B23. Astronomical Instruments 2:-3 20 25 5324. The Object of the "Categories". 24· 21 26 5525. Logic 25 22 27 30-------

lLonger bibliography: Instructions and Remarks.9Longerbibliography: The Large Epitome.3Longer bibliography: Conversions of Modals.

14·3

144 APPENDIX I

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE Q lAD Ibn Longer

Funduq bibliography

26. Poems on Majesty and Philosophy4 26 23 6827. The Consonants6 27 24 29 2128. Consideration of Dialectical Topics 28 25 30 4629. Summary of Euclid 29 26 31 6630. Summary on the Pulse 30 27 32 2031. Definitions 31 28 33 2532. Celestial Bodieso 32 29 24 4·933. Instruction in the Science of Logic 33 30 3534. The Branches of Philosophy? 34 31 34 3635. Limit and InfinityR 35 32 35 3836. Testament 36 33 6037. Bayy ibn Yaq?:an 37 34 36 1838. The Dimensions of a Body arc not

part of its Essence 38 35 3739. Endive 39 36 38 34

40. The Impossibility of the same thingbeing a Substance and an Accident 40 37 88

41. Knowledge of Zayd is not theKnowledge ofcAmr 41 38 61

42. Letters to Friends andOfficials 0 42 39 69,72

43. Letters about Questions which passedbetween him and otherlearned menlO 43 40 39 89

44. Comments on the Qanun 44 4145. Essential Philosophy 45 4·2 27

46. The Net and the Birdll 46 4·3 24·

47. Summary of the"Almagest" 4-(muklzta~ar al-majis/i)

4Longer bibliography: Odes and Poems.5Longer bibliography: Phonetics.°Ibn Funduq: al-culu:iyya in place of al-samawiyya.?Ibn Funduq: culiim al-~ikma in place of al-~ikma.

8Longer bibliography: Infinity.9Longer bibliography: Treatises, etc.; and Twenty Questions.l°Ibn Funduq: '" between him and learned men of the age.llLonger bibliography: The Bird.

APPENDIX I 14-5

NUMERICAL ORDER tN

TITLE

48. Sacred Philosophy(al-bikma t al-qudsiyya)

49. Necessities(al-muqta¢ay{lt )

50. The Gift(al~tubfa)

Q lAD Ibn

Funduq

18

22

28

Longer

bibliography

APPENDIX II

LONGER BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IBN SINA'S WORKS

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE A B j N IAU Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq

I. The Supplements I 2 I I I 52. The ShifiP 2 2 2 2 3 84 143. The Sum and Sub-

stance 3 3 3 3 3 44. Good Works and Evil 4 4 4 4 4 84 40 249

5. The judgmentl 5 5 5 5 5 7 35 6

6. The Compilation 6 6 6 6 6 1 62 10

7. The QanfUl 7 7 7 7 7 6 98 1408. The Middle

[Summary] 8 8 B 8 8 16 108 459. The Origin and the

Return 9 9 9 9 9 19 106 19510. Comprehensive

observations 10 10 to to 10

11. The Return 11 II 11 11 II 37 121 74, 77109, 199201

12. The Arabic Language 12 13 12 12 12 105 10413. The cAliPi PhiIo-

sophy2 13 12 13 13 13 40 72 II, 1314

14. The Najat 14 15 14 14 14 8 118 2315. The Instructions

and Remarks3 15 95 15 15 15 II 27 3,239

16. Guidance 16 16 16 16 16 50 130 24·

I 7. The Colic 17 17 17 17 17 77 101 142

----_.-

lThe judgment and Equity (al-in~tifwa'l-inti~iiJ).

2The cAla'i.3The Instructions (al-ishiirtit).

147

148 APPENDIX II

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE A B J N IAU Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq

18. I.Iayy ibn Yaq?-an 18 19 18 18 -18 53 65 21919. Cardiac Drugs 19 20 19 19 19 41 14 III

20. The Pulse 20 21 20 20 20 83 117 14921. Phonetics 21 22 21 21 21 25 4722. The Angle 22 23 22 22 22 57 80 16023. Natural Faculties 23 24- 23 23 23 76 14124. The Bird 4 24- 25 24 21· 24 32 88 22925. Definitions 25 26 25 25 25 4-3 57 926. Refuting Ibn

al-Tayyib5 26 27 26 26 26 80 76 14-198

27. Essential Philosophy 27 28 27 27 27 12 93 1528. Conversions of

Modals6 28 29 28 28 28 18 4229. The Large Epitome 29 30 29 29 30 23 114 44-

30. The Ode7 30 31 30 30 31 64 22 25, 3331. Discourse on Unity 31 33 31 31 29 70 177,19432. The Attainment of

Happiness 32 34 32 32 32 43 8433. Foreordination and

Destiny 33 35 33 33 33 114 100 193

34. Endive 34- 36 34 34- 34- 44- 131 150,27235. Instruction in the

Science of Logic 35 37 35 35 35 15 28 3736. The Branches of

Philosophy and theSciences B 36 38 36 36 36 55 32 4

56

37. Oxymel 37 39 37 37 37 112 81 13238. InfinityO 38 4-0 38 38 38 30 64 75

4The Treatise called the Bird (al-risiilat al-mawsuma bi'Hayr).sA Treatise Refuting an Essay of Abu al-Faraj {risiiiafi ai-radd calii maqiila ii-Abi

al-Fara)).°Explanation of Modals (bayiin dhawiit ai-jiha).7Poem on Logic (urjiizafi al-man!iq).BThe Branches of the Sciences (aqsiin al-Culum); and The Branches of Philosophy

(aqsiim al-/;likma).DOn Finiteness and Infinity (Ji al-taniihi wa'l-iii tanii/;li).

APPENDIX II 149

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

. Trru; A B J N lAD Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq

39. Commentarics1O 39 41 39 39 39 88 4w 260,266

268

40. Characteristics ofthe Equator 4·0 42 40 4.Q 4.()

4l. Discussions 41 4-3 41 41 41 10 105 19,257

4-2. Ten Questionsll 44 42 4-2 42 60 6, 7 2, 38

43. Sixteen Questions12 43 45 43 43 43 59 5 1, 54

44. The Position of theEarth13 44 46 44 H 44 29 91 168

94

45. The Eastern Philo-sophy 45 47 45 4·5 45 13 63 12, 41

46. Consideration ofDialecticalTopics 46 48 46 46 46 20 48 26

47. The Error in sayingthat Quantity belongsto Substance 47 49 47 47 67 68

48. Introduction to theArt of MusicH 48 50 48 48 47 70 232 165

49. The CelestialBodies15 49 51 1-9 49 4B 51 53 53

50. Correcting Errors inMedical Treatment16 50 52 50 50 49 42 75 130

51. The Nature ofObservation 51 53 51 51 51

52. Ethics 52 54 52 52 52 54 13 246

--------

10Commentaries on Logic (tacaliqfi al-mantiq).llAnswers to Ten Questions (ajwibat Cashr masti'il).12Answers to Abu al-Rayl:tiin al-Biruni which he sent to him from Khwarazm

(ajwibat Abi al-RayJ,zan al-Birilni anfadhahti ilayhi min Khwtirazm).130n the Cause of the Earth's Remaining in its Position (fi cillat qiyiim al-arrf.fi

/.layyizihi) .14Treatise on Music other than [the one in] the Shifa' (ristila fi al-milsiqiisiwii

al-shifii') .150n the Knowledge of the Celestial Bodies (fi macrijat al-ajram al-samawiyya).18Correcting some types of Error (tadiiruk anwtic al-khata').

150 APPENDIX II

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE A B .J N IAU Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq

53. AstronomicalInstruments 53 55 53 53 54 I 164

54. Alchemy!7 54 56 54 54 53 72 33 154-102

55. The Object of the"Categories" 55 57 55 55 55

56. The Ac;l\:1awiyya letter 56 58 56 56 56 73 30 200

57. The Defense of Poets 57 59 57 57 57 184 30

58. The Definition ofBody 58 60 58 58 58 56 56, 60

64, 72

59. Throne Philosophy 59 61 59 59 59 118 61 179,183

60. Testament 60 62 60 60 60 52 92 82,232

61. The Knowledge ofZayd is not theKnowledge of cAmr 61 63 61 61 61 34

62. The Management ofTroops!~ 62 64 62 62 62 103 46 252

63. Disputes with AbUcAli al-Naysaburi 63 65 63 63 63

64. Discourses, etc. 64 66 64 64 64 69, 70 220, 188

71 194, 129

65. A Reply containingan Apology1U 65 67 65 65 65 74 34 204,257

66. Summary of Euclid 66 68 66 67 66 219 169

67. Arithmetic 67 69 67 68 67 221 170

60. Odes and Poems 68 70 68 69 68 90 29 50

69. Treatises, etc. 69 71 69 66 69 86

70. Commentaries on theQuestions of J:Iunayn 70 72 70 70 70 110 110 144-

71. Medical Principlesand Practice20 71 73 71 71 '71 106 73 128

170n a Hidden Matter (fi amr mastur).18The Management of the Household (tadbfr al-manzil).lOA Letter to Abu CUbayd al-]uzjani Refuting the Charge that he Contradicted

the Qur'a.n (risiila ila Abf CUbayd al-JiizjiinfJi aI-inti/ii' Cammo. nusiba ilayhi min muCfJradatal-Q.ur'an) ,

20Medical Rules (dustilr fibhi) ,

APPENDIX I I 151

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE A B J N lAD Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq------

72. Twenty Questions21 72 74 72 72 73 6173. Medical Questions22 73 75 73 73 '12 7874. Questions called

Rarities 74- 76 74 74-75. Questions explained

in Notes 75 77 75 75 74-76. Answers to Simple

Questions 76 78 76 76 7577. Letter to the

r ulama' o(Baghdad 77 80 77 77 76 7878. Letter to a Friend 78 81 78 78 7779. Answers to a Num-

ber of Questions 79 82 79 79 7880. Explaining the Es-

sence of Sorrow23 80 83 80 80 79 108 59 217101

81. Commentary on Aris-totle's De Anima 81 84- 81 81 80 177 87

82. The Soul 24 82 85 82 82 81 97 120 1029899

83. The Refutation ofAstrology 83 86 83 83 82 2 52

84. Anecdotes onGrammar 84- 87 84 84- 83

85. Metaphysical Chap-ters2• 85 88 85 85 84- 81 195 187,206

133 175

86. Chapters on the Souland on Physics 86 89 86 86 85

87. Letter to Abu Sacidibn Abi al-Khayr 87 90 87 87 86 62 4z 225,256

--~----

21Answers to Another Twenty Questions (ajwibat cishrin masa'il ukhrii).22Medical Decisions Brought Out in his Sessions (jU~I'U #bbiyya jarat fi majlisilti).230n the Nature of Sorrow (fi miihiyyat al-~uzn).·

24Treatise on the Soul (risiila fi al-naft)--three identical titles.2·Treatise Proving the First Principle (ri.riilafi ithbat al-mabda' al..awwal).

152 APPENDIX I I

NUMERICAL ORDER IN

TITLE A B J N IAU Ibn Mahdavi Anawati

Funduq

88. The Impossibility ofthe same thing beinga Substance and anAccident 88 91 88 88 87 36 68 59

9689. Questions which

passed between himand other learnedmen 26 89 92 89 89 88 75 4-11 35, et

al.

90. Commcnts27 90 93 90 90 89 9 205 9491. The Traveled and

Uninhabited Partsof the Earth 91 94 91 91 90

92. The Angle formed bythe Circumferenceand the Tangent hasno Magnitude 92 18 92 92 91 80 160

93. The Small Epitomeon Logic 32 93 26 115 43

94. Main Questions 7995. Seven Essays for

al-Suhayli 5096. Answers to Questions

posed by al·cAmiri 9297. Keys to the Trea-

sures, in Logic 9598. The Interpretation

of Dreams 97 47 101,15699. On Love 99 45 90 230

100. On Human Faculties 100 35 206 95

28Anawati lists twenty-two works which would fit under this title.27Comments (al-taCliqtit), without any further designation.

APPENDIX III

CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF lIm SJNA'S WORKS

It is difficult to place Ibn Sina's works in chronological order for several reasons.First, there is the question of checking the authenticity of the works attributed toIbn Sina in the medieval and modern bibliographies. This would include determininghow many works have been given two or more titles, hence consolidating the numberof works and reducing the total to a corpus of genuine works by Ibn Sina (probablysomewhere between one hundred and two hundred titles.)

The next ob~tacle arises when one considers the nature of many of his works.Most of his writings are summaries, compendia, and epitomes of his larger works.According to the earliest bibliographies, he included some of these summaries assections of larger works. Until one can do a detailed study of Ibn Sina's stylisticdevelopment based on the works that can be dated exactly, it will be impossible totell if a particular treatise on the soul, for example, is an early or a later summaryof his knowledge of the subject.

Another problem is related to his intellectual development and mental growth.He himself claimed that he added nothing to his store of knowledge after his eigh­teenth year, and while this is certainly an cxaggeration--al-]ilzjani reports that helater studied philology for three years in I~fahan-he docs seem to have achievedhis mastery of most of the topics of philosophy and medicine at this early age. It istherefore diff1cult to see how a study of particular topics discussed by Ibn Sina canprovide any clues as to the relative date of the composition of a given work.

We are left then with three sources of information to be used in dating Ibn Sina'sworks. The first is Ibn Sina's own-or al.J ilzjani's-----not.icc of a particular workin the autobiography/biography. This allows us to date with some certainty severalof the major works, such as the Shifa", the Qaniin, and the Najat. The second sourceis the author of the longer bibliography which was appended to most of the earlymanuscripts of the autobiography/biography. This anonymous compiler includedin some of his notices the name of the recipient of the particular work, thus providingenough information to date several additional works not specifically mentionedby Ibn Sina or al-] il7Jan i.

The third source, and the one with the greatest potential for determining theexact dating, is the specific manuscript itself. A number of manuscripts containdedications as part of t.heir opening remarks. Some manuscripts contain referencesto biographical data, or refcr to previous works of Ibn Sina, so they can be datedmore or less precisely. However, this source can only be exhausted when all of themanuscripts have been authenticated and examined closely for such references.I have been able to make this kind of examination only superficially, using the de­scriptions of the manuscripts in Mahdavi's and Anawati's bibliographies. The follow­ing chronological list is based on this examination, as well as the informationprovided by Ibn Sina, al-]ilzjani, and the compiler of the long bibliography.

153

154- APPENDIX III

Works written in Bukhiidi (i.e., sometime before 392/1002) were the *Sum andSubstance (number 3 in the long bibliography), Good Works and Evil (4), the Compi­lation (6), +Ten Questions (42), +Sixteen QuestiotlJ (4-3), the +Defense of Poets (57),and the Soul, known as the Chapters (82).

Works written in Gurganj (39211002-402/1012) were the Ode on logic (30),the Position of the Earth (44), Correcting Errors in Medical Treatment (50), and Alchemy(54), all of which were dedicated to al-Suhayli (aI-Sahli in the manuscripts.)

Works written in jurjan (4-02/1012-4-05/1014) were the Middle Summary (8),the Origin and the Return (9), *Comprehensive Observations (10), the Angle (22), andBook I of the Qaniin (7).

Works written in al-Rayy (405/1014-15) were the Return (II), and a portion ofthe Qaniin.

Works written in Hamadhan (40511015--415/1024) were Cardiac Drugs (19),Guidance (16), the Colic (17), lfayy ibn Yaqzan (18), a letter to the eulamti' of Baghdad(77), * a letter to a friend (78), the final parts of the Qiiniin, and several parts of theShifa , (2): the "Physics" (except the sections on Animals and Plants), the "Meta­physics," and one section of the "Logic."

The largest number of works which can be dated were written in I~fahan (415/1024-42811037). These works include the + Sup/Jlements (I), the + Judgement(5), the +Arabic Language (12), the cAlii'i Philosophy (13), the Najiit (14), the Instruc­tions and Remarks (15), the Pulse (20), Phonetics (21), Foreordination and Destiny (33),Discussions with Bahmanyar (41), Eastern Philosophy (45), Astronomical Instruments (53),Throne Philosophy (59), commentary on Aristotle's De Anima (81), the A1bawiyyaLetter on the Return (56), and the final parts of the Shiffi'. -

The remainder of the works listed in the medieval bibliographies cannot be preci­sely dated at this time, for the reasons given above.

*This work is not known to have survived to this time.+This title is found in both the medieval and modern bibliographies, but the works

so designated may not be identical.

BIBLIOGRAPIIY

Afnan, Soheil M. Avicenna: His Life and Works. London, 1958.

A1).mad, S. Maqbul. HDjughrafiya." Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2nd cd.Vol. II.

al~Ahwani, A1).mad Fu'iid, ed. Nukat fi abwiil al-Shaykh al-Ra'is Ibn Simi.Dhikra Ibn Sina, Vol. III. Cairo, 1952.

Anawati, Georges C., a.p. Mu'allafiit Ibn Sina. Cairo, 1950.

Arbcrry, Arthur J. Aspects of Islamic Civilization. London, 1964;rpt. Ann Arbor, 1967.

-----. Avicenna on Theology. The Wisdom of the East Series.London, 1951.

Arnaldcz, Roger. "Falsafa." Encyclopaedia q/'Islam. 2nd cd. Vol. II.

cAufi, Mu1).ammad. Lubiib al-albab. Ed. E.G. Browne and M. Qazwini.2 vols. London and Leidcn, 1903-1906.

Barthold, W. Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion. 3rd cd. GibbMemorial Series, New Series, Vol. V. London, 1968.

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INDEX

'Abd Allah ibn nibi, 63, 132'Abd ai-Malik ibn Nul), Samanid rulcr,

124Abu Bakr Mul)ammad ibn CUbayd,

105, 140Abu al-Faraj, Hamadhani doctor, 111,

141Abu al-Fi<;la, 126Abu Ghalib, the Druggist, 57, 59, 131Abu al-J:Iasan, the Prosodist, 39,93, 123Abu ]aCfar, nephew of cAla' al-Dawla,

130Abu Kalijar, Buyid ruler, 135, 137Abu Man~ur, nephew ofcAliP al-Dawla,

130Abu Sacd ibn Dakhdul, 53, 12BAbu Sacd Mul~ammad ibn Ismacil ibn

al-Fa<;ll, 128Abu Sacid ibn Abi al-Khayr, III, 14-0,

141Abu Zakariyya Yal)ya ibn cAdi, 122Adharbayjan, 140'A<;lud al-Dawla, Buyid ruler, 127, 139Afnan, Soheil M., II, 13, 117Afshanah, 17, 119Al:tmad, S. Maqbul, 126al-Ahwani, A.F., 2, II, lIS, 116cAHP al-Dawla, ibn Kakuyah, 57-71

passim, 83, 87, 95, 97, 105, 129--36passim, 140

cAli ibn al-I;Iusayn ibn al-f:Iasani, 131cAli ibn Ma'mun, Khwarazm-shah, 41,

124'Alid, the, 61, 131Almagest (of Ptolemy), 25, 45, 121al-cAmiri, Abu al-I~Iasan, 113, 141Anawati, Father G.C., 13, 14, IS, 116,

117'Annaz, Abu Shawk Faris, II, 53, 128,

1'33Arberry, A.]., 11, 12, 13, 116, 117

Aristotle, 33, 55, 93, 105, 109, 121, 122,141

Arnaldez, R., 120al-cAru<;li, Abu al-J:Iasan. See Abu al-

J:Iasan, thc ProsodistAstath, 122'Aufi, Mul;tammad, 134Averroes. See Ibn Rushdal-Azhari, Abu Man~ur, 71, 134

Baghdad, 51, 109, 124, 127, 134, 137,139

Baha' al.·Dawla, Buyid ruler, 128Bahmanyar, 10 I, 128, 140Ba~lrayn, 134Balkh, 17, 119, 126al-Baraqi, Abu Bakr, 11,39,93, 123Barthold, W., 119, 120, 124, 125Ba~ra, 139Batinis, 120Bawandids, 130Biiward (Abiward), 41, 125Bayhaqi, Abu al-I<'a<;ll Mul:tammad, 129Bayhaqi, Zahir ai-Din. See Ibn Funduqal-Biruni, Abu al-Rayl)an, 103, 119,

124, 140Blachere, R., 134-Boilot, D.]., 124, 125, 140Bosworth, C.E., 122-37 passim.Boyle, ] .A., 136Brand, C.M., 117Brockclmann, C., liS, 116, 123, 134,

139,141Brownc, E.G., 124, 132Bukhara, 17, 19, 21, 35, 41, 119, 123,

124, 141Buyids, 125, 126, 127, 128, 140Buzajan, library of, 123

Cahcn, C., 119, 134Canard, M., 120

159

160

Casanova, P., 126Caspian Sea, 125celery seed, 85Chahiir maqala, II, 117, 124colic, 51, 53, 57, 83, 85Correct Philology, 71

al-J)abbi, Abu al-cAbbas, 129danaq,85, 137Darke, H., 120Daylam,128al-Daylami, Ibrahim ibn Biibii, 77, 135De Anima (of Aristotle), 109Dieterici, F., 122Dihistan, 43, 125dinar, 137dirham, 85, 135, 137Dozy, R., 132Dunlop, D.M., 139Dushmanziyar, 129, 130

Elements (of Euclid), 12 IEncyclopaedia of Islam (EI), 119-41 passimEuclid, 23, 47,121

Fakhr al-Dawla, Buyid ruler, 126, 127,128, 132, 134

al-FaqaCi al-Ril,J.iini, cAziz ai-Din, 136al-Fiirabi, Abu Na~r, 35, 117, 122, 141Fardajan, 61,97, 131al-Farisi, Abu Al,J.mad Mul,J.ammad, 139al-Farisi, Taj ai-Din, 4Fars, 135Fatimid propaganda, 19, 120Fircawni, 11, 79, 135Firim, 126Fltigel, G., 121Frye, R.N., 119

Gabrieli, F., 120Gardizi, 12, 119, 124-, 135, 136Ghazna, 124, 126, 135, ]36Ghaznavids, ]25, 135, 136al-Ghuri, 136Goichon, A.-M., 121, 122, 126, 136Goldziher, I., 12]Gurganj, 25, 4],101,121,124,125,139

INDEX

I:Iabibi, Abd al-I:Iayy, ] 19Hamadhan, 5], 53, 57, 61, 63, 67, 87,

89,93,95,97, 109, 125-39 passimal-Hamadhani, Abu Sacd, 140al-~Iamdawi (al~I:Iamduni), Abu Sahl,

]36Hal'at, 134Haywood, J.A., 134I--lilii] ibn Badr ibn I:Iasanuyah, 51, 127,

128, 129HiHiI ibn aI-Mul,J.assin, 127Hitti, P.K., 12, 117Hodgson, M.G.S., 135Huart, C., ]35~Iunayn ibn Is l,J. iiq, 140

Ibn Abi U~aybiCa (IAU), 1--8, 11-·15passim, ] 15, 116, 121, 125, 126, ]37,139, ]40, ]41

Ibn al-cAmid, 71, ] 16, 134Ibn al-Athir, 12, 119, 124-37 passim,

140Ibn Funduq, ],4,6,11, 12,14, IS, 117,

119--28 passim, 130-41 passimIbn I:Iawqal, ]26Ibn al-clmiid, I, 115Ibn Khaldun, ]21, 132, 133Ibn Khallikiin, ],2,115Ibn Makulii, 123Ibn Manzur, ]34Ibn al-Nadim, 121, 122, 135, 140Ibn Rushd, 122Ibn Sinii:--astronomical observations, 67-69, 81-at the court of: cAUl' al-Dawla, 63-73,

83,87; of the Khwiirazm-shah, 41;of Majd al-Dawla, 49-5]; of theSiimanids, 35, 37, 41, 123; of Shamsal-Dawla, 5]-53, 57

-autobiography/biography: mss. ver­sions of, 3-9; printed versions of,1-3,5,7-9; translations of, 11-12

--bibliography: 47-49, 91--113, 14-3-45,147-52, 153-54; versions of, 13-15,126

-birthdate, 19, 119--brother of, 19, 63, 79, 97, 120, 139;

(CAli), 97, 139; (Ma!).ml1d), ]9, 139

INDEX

---death of, 89, 137--education, 19-39, 69, 71, 121, 122,

123--father of, 17,21,41, 124-imprisonment, 53, 61-medical practice, 27, 35, 51, 53, 57,

73-75,83,85,87,89, 123-mother of, 17, 119-sexual activity, 81-83, 87----'travels, 41--43, 49, 51, 63, 124, 125,

127, 139-40--vizier of Shams al-Dawla, 53--writings of, 71, 79, 136: cAla'i, 47, 69,

95, 126, 133; Arabic Language, 47, 73,95; Cardiac Remedies, 47, 61, 97, 131;Colic, 47, 61, 97; Compilation (al­Majmii') , 39, 47, 93, 123; ComprehensiveObservations, 45, 47, 95; EasternPhilosophy, 47, 103, 136; ErsentialPhilosojJhy, 49, 99, 113, 141; Explainingthe Essence of Sorrow, 109, 113, 126,14-1; Good Works and Evil, 41, 4-7, 93,124; Guidance, 47, 61, 97; /fayy ibnraq~an, 49, 61, 97, 126, 140; Instruc­tions, 47, 128; Judgment, 47, 81, 93,109, 136; Main Questions, 113, 117,141; Middle Summary on Logic, 45, 47,95; Najat, 47, 67,77,97,99, 103, 107,126, 133, 136, 141; Origin and theReturn, 45, 47, 95; Qaniin, 45, 47, 49,55, 75, 93, 126, 128; Return, 47, 51,95; Shijii', 13, 47, 55, 59, 65, 67, 91,128,131,132,133,137: Almagest, 65,131, 132; Animals, 59, 67, 131;Arithmetic, 65, 67, 131; Euclid,65, 131, 132; "Logic," 59, 61, 65,131; "Mathematics," 65,131; "Meta­physics," 59, 93, 131; Music, 65, 67,131; "Physics," 55, 59, 91, 131;Plants, 67, 131; Shorter Summary onLogic, 75; Small }.pitome, 99, 113, 141;Sum and Substance, 39, 47, 93,123,128;Summary of the "Almagest," 45; ThronePhilosophy, 105, 136

Ibn al-Tayyib, Abn al.Faraj, 99, 113,139, 141

Ibn Zayla, 101, 128, 140Idhaj, 83, 136, 137

161

Indian calculation, 21, 120lsagoge (of Porphyry) 21, 121I~fahan, 63,65, Bl, 87, 95, 97, 99, 101.

105,126, 130--40 passimISQaq ibn I:Iunayn, 122Ismacil, Samanid ruler, 124Ismacil the Ascetic, 21, 121IsmaCiliyya, 19, 120, 131I~takhri, 126Istanbul, 2, 3, 4, 13, 140

al-Jabban, Abu Man~nr, 69, 71, 73,99,133,134

j aQi?, 120, 134Jajarm, 43, 125Jan'a, 131jibal, 126---36 paJJim

Jiliin, 128]Ul:jan, 43, 45, 75, 93, 95, 99, 124, 125,

127, 1:39, 140justi, F., 128juzjan, 126al-jnzjani, Abu CUbayd, 1-15 /Jassim,

43,45,91, 125-37 passim

Kadhabanuyah, 51, 127, 128Kclkuyids, genealogy of, 130al-Karaj, 11,83,136,137al-Karkh, 11, 137al-Kashi, YaQya ibn AQmad, 2, 115al-Khaledy, N., 127, 134ai-Khalil, 134Kharmaythan, 17, 119Khurasan, 43,71,119,120,125,126,

135, 136Khuzistan, 135, 137Khwandamir, 127, 128, 137Khwarazm, 25, 39, 75, 121-25 pasJi7ll_

135,14-0al-Khwarazmi, 120, 121, 132~37 /)assilllKhwarazm-shah, 25, 121, 123, 125, ]40al-Kindi, 122, 14-1al-Kirmani, Abu al-Qasim, 77, 79, 135Krenkow, F., 134Kiiy Kunbadh, 63, 132, 137

Lane, E.W., 123, 137LeStrange, G., 119, 125--37 passim

162

Levey, M., 127, 134Lippert, .1., 1, 115

Maas, P., 116Mahdavi,¥.; 3,4, 13, 14, 15, 116, 131,

133, 139, 14·0, 141Mahdi, M., 122Ma1)mud of Ghazna, 124-28 passim,

135, 136al-Ma1)mud al-Massa1)i, 21, 121Majd al-Dawla, Buyid ruler, 49, 51,

126-29 passimal-Maomun, cAbbasid caliph, 133Maomfm ibn Maomfm, Khwiirazm­

shah, 124, 125Maomun ibn Mu1)ammad, Khwarazm-

shah, 25, 121mann, 75, 135Marcashi, Zahir aI-Din, 129, 130Margoliouth, D.S., 119Marw, 136al-Marzubfm al-Daylami, 129, 130al-Masi1)i, Abu Sahl, 99, 124, 125, 139Mascud ibn Ma1)mud, Ghaznavid Sul-

tan, 81,93, 130, 135, 136, 140al-Macl?umi, Abu cAbd Allah, 113, 128,

140, 141melancholia, 51, 126Metaphysics (of Aristotle), 33, 35, 122Miles, G.C., 135, 137Minorsky, V., 128, 137Mirkhwand, 129Miskawayh, 127, 129mithridate, 85, 137Mithridates of Pontus, 137MuOayyid al-Dawla, Bl1yid ruler, 134Mu1)ammad ai-Dallal, 122Mucizz al-Dawla, Bl1yid ruler, 134Muller, A., I, 115Mustawfi, J:lamd Allah, 121, 132

Nafisi, S., 2, IINasa, 41, 125Na~r II, Samanid ruler, 120Nasr, H., II, 13, 117Nal?r ibn cAli, Qarakhanid ruler, 124al-Natili, Abu cAbd Allah, 21, 25, 121,

122

INDEX

Naysabur, 125al-Naysaburi, Abu 'Ali, 107, 140Nicholson,R.A., 141Ni~am al-Mulk, 120Ni~ami <Aru~i, II, 12, 117, 124, 132,

139Nul~ I, Samanid ruler, 120Nul~ II ibn Manl?ur, Samanid ruler,

17,35, 119, 123, 136

O'Leary, D., 121opium, 85, 137Organon (of Aristotle), 121oxymel, 134

Pellat, C., 121, 134Peters, F.E., 141Plato, 122, 141Porphyry, 121Ptolemy, BI, 121

Qabus ibn Wushmagir, 43,124, 125, 133ai-Qadir, <Abbiisid caliph, 127Qarmatis, 120Qazwin, 51, 127, 12Bal-Qifti (Q), 1-15 passim, 115, 116, 121,

125, 126, 137, 139, 140Qirmisin, 53, 126, 127, 128"Questions" oj /:lunayn, 107, 140Quroiin, 19, 135

al-Rayy, 49,95, 126-36 passim, 140Ritter, H., 14-0Rosenthal, F., 121al-Rudhrawari, Abu Shuja', 127Rukn al-Dawla, Buyid ruler, 134Rustam ibn al-Marzubiin, 129, 130Rypka, .1., 127

al-Sabi, 71, 116, 134Siibur Khwast, 67, 97, 132-33Sachau, C., 140al-Sa1)ib, 71, 116, 134aI-Sahli. See al-SuhayliSalim, S., 123Saljuqs, 135Sallarids, 136, 137

INDEX

Sama' al-Dawla ibn Shams a1-Dawla,57, 129, 130, 131

al-Sam<ani, 119, 121, 123, 126, 133, 134,135,139

Samanid dynasty, 119, 120, 123, 124,125, 140

Samanqao, 43, 125Samiran, 128al-Sarakhsi, Imam Mul;ammad, 124sar-gudhasht, 3, 4, 9, 116Sayili, A., 133al-Sayyida, 49, 126-30 jJassimSchacht, J., 121Shafr, M., 115Shahrazuri, 2, 116Shams al-Dawla, Bftyid ruler, 51, 53,

57, 125-33jJassimShaqqan, 125ShiCites, 131, 135Shi1'<lz, 77, 135Shiraz, Qa<;li of, 77aI-Shirazi, Abu Mul;ammad, 45, 95,

126, 139al-Sijistani, Abu Sulayman, 115Sisal', 137Slane, W. de, 115Soul (by Ibn ZayHi), 140Steingass, F., 127, 132Stern, S., 120$ufism, 63, 135, 140, HIal-Suhayli (Sahli), Abu <Abd Allah, 113,

141al-Suhayli (Sahli), Abu al-l;Iusayn (al­

l;Iasan), 4·1, 101, lOS, 113, 124, 141Sultan, 35, 41, 122, 123Sultan al-Dawla, Buyid ruler, 127

163

Tabarak, 132Tabaran, 132TabarisUin, 130Taj al··Mulk ibn Shams al-Dawla, 59,

61,63, 131Tamghaj-khan, 123al-Tarum, 57, 128Tash, l:!iijib, 136Tiish Farrash, 83, 136, 140al..Tawl;idi, Abu I-.Iayyiin, 120al-Thaciilibi, Abu Man~ur, 124, 125,

134, 136Tihran, 63, 132Timllr, 132Tornberg, c,]., 119Transoxiana, 119, 120Treatises of the Sincere Brethren (RasiFil

Ikhwiin ah,;afiP) , 21, 121'fiis, 43, 125Tustal', 135

van den Bergh, S., 121van Vloten, G., 120

Wahsudan, family of, 128Walzer, R., 122, 141Wickens, C.M., 117Wright, R.R., 119Wustenfelcl, F., 119

al-Yamami, Abu Sacid, 99, 139, 141Yaqut, 119--37 passim

Zambaur, E., 129, 130Ziyarids, 125, 140Zoroastrians, 140