hidden realms and pure abodes - central asian buddhism as frontier religion in the literature of...

8/3/2019 Hidden Realms and Pure Abodes - Central Asian Buddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature of India, Nepal, Tib

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Hidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central AsianHidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central AsianHidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central AsianHidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central AsianHidden Realms and Pure Abodes: Central AsianBuddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature ofBuddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature ofBuddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature ofBuddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature ofBuddhism as Frontier Religion in the Literature ofIndia, Nepal, and TibetIndia, Nepal, and TibetIndia, Nepal, and TibetIndia, Nepal, and TibetIndia, Nepal, and Tibet

Ronald M. DavidsonRonald M. DavidsonRonald M. DavidsonRonald M. DavidsonRonald M. DavidsonFairfield University

The notable romantic interest in Silk Route studies in the last hundredyears has spread far beyond the walls of academe, and is especiallyobserved in the excessive world of journalism. In Japan, NHK (JapanBroadcasting Corporation) has produced a series of films whose images areextraordinary while their content remains superficial. The American Na-tional Geographical Society has followed suit in their own way, with somecurious articles written by journalists and photographers. With the 2001conflict in Afghanistan, American undergraduates have also begun toperceive Central Asia as a place of interest and excitement, an assessment

that will not necessarily pay dividends in the support of serious scholar-ship. While Indian and Arab academic commentators on popular Westerncultural movements want to read the lurid hand of Orientalism into suchresponses, I believe something more interesting is actually happening.Over the course of the past decade, I have often been struck by statementsin medieval Buddhist literature from India, Nepal, and Tibet, statementsthat depict areas of Central Asia and the Silk Route in similarly exotic tones.Whether it is a land of secret knowledge or mystery, of danger andromance, or a land of opportunity and spirituality, the willingness ofIndians, Nepalese, and Tibetans to entertain and accept fabulous descrip-tions of the domains wherein silk commerce and Buddhism existed forapproximately a millennium is an interesting fact. More to the point, for theBuddhist traditions found in classical and medieval India and Tibet, therehas been no area comparable to Central Asia for its combination of intellec-tual, ritual, mythic, and social impact.

Perhaps most remarkably, references to many areas of Central Asiahave often been taken by scholars as signa ofIndianBuddhism, based onthe presumption that the use of Indic languages (Sanskrit, Buddhist Hy-brid Sanskrit, or Gndhr) is indicative of Indian presence, even though

we see undeniably local Sanskrit traditions that emerge.1 This Indianpresumption is done with a concomitant disregard of the clear culturaldisparity between Central Asia (including the Peshawar / Swat Valley /


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Kabul zone) and that of India proper, a difference that has only seldombeen noted. For the most part, scholars have been seduced into acceptingCentral Asias promotion of itself as an indelible part of Indian cultural life,

even though we can see that it may not be true. Partly the Indophilicacceptance is a result of the geography of Aokas India, and partly it isa consequence of colonial hegemonic maps or post-colonial nationalistsentiment. In the former case, the presence of Aokan epigraphs as farafield as Afghanistan has provided both nineteenth century imperialistsand South Asian nationalists with an artificial horizon of state identity.This was reinforced by the British rhetoric of colonialism, that somehowthe zone from Burma to Iran was but one common area for the BritishIndian Empire. However, as John Brough had already noted in 1965, we

would be remiss if we found that our nomenclature of Indias subconti-nental geography

has lead us to underestimate the distinctive nature of the North-West, and to think of it merely as an extension in space, stretchingaway to the upper Indus and beyond, but otherwise a more or lesshomogenous continuation of the country of the Gangetic plain andMadhyadea. The North-West is different, in terrain and climate,and in numerous other ways, of which two are directly relevant tothe present discussion: geographically, the trite fact of its locationand relative accessibility from both west and east; and culturally,its development of a characteristic language.2

This paper will seek to explore aspects of the mythology of Gandhra,Swat, Kashmir, Khotan, and even more ethereal lands in literature that has been accepted within South Asia and Tibet. In this, the paper will beinformed by the critical movement in anthropology and literature knownas reception theory.3 In our own pursuit, we will not be concerned with thereception of Buddhism in Central Asia, but rather the reverse influence on

the distinctive narratives and ideas that have been developed and propa-gated in these areas and reimported back into the sphere of South Asianand Tibetan societies. Because Buddhist missionaries into these regionswere the transporters both of Indic systems and of the Central Asianresponses, it is within Buddhist literature that we find the primary SouthAsian response to the Central Asian cultural horizon. In distinction, medi-eval non-Buddhist literature tends to be concerned with the ferociousHa peoples that threatened the classical and medieval cultures of theplains. Thus, throughout the history of Sanskrit literature, Central Asians

(akas, Kunas, Yavanas, Bhoas, Cas, and others) tended to be classedas Mleccha barbarians, although there are noted exceptions to this estima-tion and some Mlecchas have been influential in the minor sciences.


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Perhaps stimulated by the simultaneous specter of barbarian attacksand the wealth of the trade routes, Buddhist descriptions are noted for theiremphasis either on the fertile origin or on the immanent demise of Bud-

dhist cultural and religious systems, and the authority eventually grantedCentral Asia spilled over into the remarkable acceptance of Silk Routedoctrinal or ritual innovations in an unprecedented manner. We will findthat these Silk Route areas will be depicted quite differently from otherimportant Buddhist locales, such as r Lka, which has been so oftenrepresented as the abode of demons. The precise reasons for this disparityare as yet obscure, but it is my thesis that the acceptance of Indic languagesas the media of official discourse, combined with the cultural geography ofisolated cultureswhether through the isolation of desert travel (Khotan)

or the seclusion enforced by mountain passes (Kashmir, Swat)werestrong contributing factors in their perceptions. We may also wish to reflecton Central Asia as a frontier zone and consider if Central Asian culturesrepresented such a romantic reality to Indian Buddhists for some of thesame reasons as the American West was considered romantic by those inEurope and in the Eurocentric culture of the Atlantic seaboard. In all ofthese estimations, we may begin to take into account that no other area hashad so strong an impact on South Asian and Tibetan Buddhist perceptionsof Buddhism in the way that Silk Route sites have had. While art historiansand archaeologists have dominated Silk Route studies, the evidence fromthe literary archive is only now beginning to come into its own, and it is tothat archive that we may turn.

GREEK, AKA, AND KUNA INTRUSIONS

In the larger cultural sphere, fully engaged by the Indian Buddhistsubculture, the Indo-Greeks and their successors, especially the akas andKunas, have been influential beyond that of any other foreign cultures

until the time of the Muslim intrusion. In some ways, we can certainlyunderstand an Indian engagement with the Eastern Greeks, which isparalleled in our own use of the classical world as our primary referencepoint for art, philosophy, and politics. Yet the Indo-Greeks did not haveinfluence in the same way in India that they have had on Europe andAmerica. Indians, for example, remained virtually immune to the canonsand functions of Hellenistic artper se, and there was certainly nothing likethe Renaissance or the Neoclassical periods in the Northwest as revivalperiods for their artistic heritage. While the origin of the Buddha figure

continues to be disputed, and is likely to remain so for some time, there canbe no doubt that the simple fact of its dispute indicates the ambivalenceobservable in Indian art about the Hellenistic forms they encountered andultimately rebuffed. One could even argue that, because of the Silk Route,


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Gandhran art has had a greater influence in China than within the bordersof India proper. Indeed, outside of explicitly Buddhist ideology, we findthe primary Indo-Greek and aka influences in the areas of cultural

products and, to a lesser degree, political representations.The contributions of Northwestern cultures are most explicitly the

pervasive influence seen in the borrowing of Greek-style coinage (not thepunch-mark coins of the Mauryans) and the appropriation of astrology.Coins, though, are the subject of archaeology and other disciplines study-ing material culture, and here we will restrict our emphasis to literarytraces. In this respect, it is curious, certainly, that neither of the two writingsystems widely employed for virtually all early inscriptions in the North-westGreek and Kharohshould have found much application in

Indiaper se, even though minor inscriptions in Kharoh have been foundas far afield as West Bengal and China.4 Unlike the now ubiquitous use ofIndian numerals (incorrectly called Arabic numbers, as the Arabs obtainedthem from the Indians) in the West, neither Greek nor Kharoh scriptstook India by storm. For whatever reason, indigenous Indian develop-ments from Mauryan Brhm script entirely eclipsed the employment ofMediterranean-based scripts on the subcontinent and wherever Indianinfluence became dominant.

Astrology, though, is a discipline apart and Indian astrology didembrace Greek-based systems. Two seminal documents point to the im-portance that this science had for Indians over time: the Grgya-jyotiaand the Yavana-jtaka. The former is in some ways the more interesting, forit not only treats the overall topic of astrology and astrological calculationaccording to the mythic Gargaa treatment that spawned a whole host ofimitative Grgya-jyotia-sbut also incorporated into its sixty-fourchapters one that remains the only Sanskrit mythological statement de-voted to groups from the Northwest: the Yuga-pura. A mere 115 versesin the received text, the Yuga-pura discusses the religious circumstancesand social structure at the end of the cosmic cycle (yuga), thus integrating

the appearance of Indo-Greeks (Yavana) and akas into a mythology ofcosmic decline. Because of the thoroughly Indian nature of this appropria-tion of Northwest astrology, the text became very influential outside ofastrological calculations. The Yuga-pura contributed verses and otherinfluences to such standard Sanskrit works as the Bhatsamhit, theMatsya-pura, the Mahbhrata, and so forth.5 Varhamihira, the putative authorof the Bhatsamhit,knew well that the source was foreign, but it matteredlittle in the question of astrology. Yes, these Greeks are barbarians, but thiscorrect science [of astrology] has somehow been found among them.6

Just as Indianized, in its own way, was the Yavana-jtaka, a treatise onGreek horoscopy. This is not, as Buddhist readers might initially presume,some story of the Buddhas previous births among the Greeks. Rather, it isa 269/270 CE versified edition by Sphujidhvaja of Yavaneas 149/50 CE


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prose translation from the lost Greek text, which Pingree maintains wasoriginally a composition from the illustrious city of Alexandria, Egypt.That does not mean, however, that it is a simple translation in the manner

we know today, for the text discourses on topics from reincarnation toBrahmans, from Buddhists to is, and so forth. Thus the text is in reality anextremely interesting exercise in domestication of foreign materials, withsubtle shifts in reference throughout the surviving Sanskrit so that anIndian reader (for whom else would such a text be written?) would gainimmediate access to the Greek science, even while the transposition tothe Indian cultural landscape was in process. As a measure of its success,the Yavana-jtaka , like the Grgya-jyotia , became a seminal text thatengendered a whole other series of Yavana works, some of them by

actual Indo-Greeks or akas in India.7

We cannot leave the issue of the Yavana influence without mentioningthat famous literary figurethe Indo-Greek king Menander. His ethnicaffiliation is unquestionably declared; even in the Pli translation of whatmust have been originally a Gndhr text, he is addressed as a Yonakarja,that is, an Ionian king. Yet the text makes this to be an Indian curiosity, forhe is granted the pedigree that all Indian kings must enjoy: he is learned inall the Vedasand Vedgas, all the philosophical positions and secularsciences. The text even provides Menander with the most Buddhist of backgrounds, for his previous birth story wherein he acquired merit(prvayoga) is related as part of his domestication into the Buddhistliterary horizon. The redactors strategy is clearly to refurbish Menander asan exemplary minority figure within the Indian cultural zone, and this hedoes by summing up Menanders attributes that there was no other king in Jambudvpa so strong, quick, courageous, and wise.8 As Fussman hasrecently pointed out, it would be difficult for an Indian reading the currentPli text of the Milindapaha even to identify Menander as not Indian ineither name or attributes.9 Nonetheless, the Ionian kings interest in ques-tioning ascetics, coupled with the involvement of Indo-Greeks with Bud-

dhism in Gandhra and in the Western Satrapies, sets the backgroundsomewhat apart, and appears to be an Indianized version of the Greekcultural icon of the philosopher-prince. Like the appropriation of Greekastrology, though, this is an increasingly occluded part of the representa-tion, so that the Greekness of such an icon has been lost by the time thePli text was composed, even though the Northwest setting remains firmin the texts eye.

Other texts take the Kuna developments into account, and we mayobserve that the physical/cultural landscape of Gandhra played an

important part in its acceptance as authoritatively Buddhist. One of theearliest descriptions is found in the narrative of the Buddhas travels toKashmir and Gandhra, a story that survives in places in theMlasarvstivda-Vinaya,such as the Bhaiajyavastu, and in other analo-


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gous Mlasarvstivda collections.10 Just before the Tathgata is to passinto his mahparinirva, a Yaka named Kutika brings fruits, especiallygrapes, from Kashmir and Central Asia. As a result, the Buddha decides to

make a visit to Kashmir, leaving nanda behind and taking the Yakageneral Vajrapi as his attendant instead. In the course of this trip, heconverts the nga Apalla, along with other Yakas and nga-s, and bringsa master potter into the Buddhist fold. In the course of his sojourn, he makessome prophecies, including that of the arhatMadhyntikas conversion ofKashmir. The other prophecy he makes, though, is that of Kanika. Seeinga young boy playing in the dust, making stpa-like figures, he prophesizesthat, four hundred years after his parinirva , this boy will be the kingKanika, and will establish a stpa in the area that will do the duty of the

Buddha after hisparinirva.11

This is an extraordinary statement about the great Kanika stpa, onwhich was painted the double-bodied Buddha that is well recognized inCentral Asian artistic renditions, and which was in close proximity to theshrine containing the ostensible begging bowl relic of the Buddha.12 Asimilar statement about doing the duty of the Buddha is applied toUpagupta, who is said to become the arhatthat overcame Mra and did thework of the Buddha following his passing.13 We may not need to followSchopens suggestion that the relics in such stpa-s somehow have beenregarded the living presences of the Buddha to understand that the Kanikastpa was certainly qualitatively different from other stpa-s in the area,many of which were ascribed to Aoka.14 Indeed, the presumed relic placedin this stpa is not mentioned at all in the Vinaya episode, and the stpascelebrated artistic program is nowhere recognized in the surviving San-skrit text. Instead, the literary statement is an acknowledgment that theKanika stpa in Peshawar served as a focal point for Buddhists andmerchants in the Gandhra/Karakorum/Indus river corridor, and wasprobably the best known (and certainly largest) example of the type thatinforms the stpaplaques, casts, and petroglyphs from Harwan and Chilas

to Hunza, the Tarim Basin, and beyond.15In fact, the Mlasarvstivda citation comes just before one importantpronouncement of the Mahsammata story, in which the first kingship islocated in Mathur, the southern extent of the Kuna realm and one of thetwo places where images of Kanika were set up in Kuna ancestraltemples. Mathur, we are assured, is the place where the law was foundedand where katriya-s began their dominion over the Indian political world.All told, this story from such sources as the medical division of theMlasarvstivda-Vinayaconstitutes a statement by Gangetic Valley Indi-

ans that Central Asian Buddhism had come of age, that its overall impor-tance for and benefit to the dispensation of the Buddha had more thanexceeded the threshold required to overwhelm the indigenous xenophobiaof Indians and had earned it a position in the literary archive. Yet we need


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to recognize that there was exhibited a process of selectivity in this report,for not all such stories or sites were accepted to such a degree. We seem, forexample, to have no surviving South Asian text that recognizes the impor-

tance of the Cave of the Buddhas Shadow, a site that so impressed theChinese travelers like Hsan Tsang.16 Thus, the aura of Kanikas stpa ispresented in a specifically Indian manner, with a previous-births(prvayoga) narrative sanctioning its sanctity, analogous to theprvayogamaterial sacralizing Menander in the Milindapaha.

YOGCRA IDEOLOGY AND RITUAL

Actually, the Gandhran self-presentation effort was sufficiently suc-cessful that one of its more important traditions was fully accepted in theIndian intellectual agenda. I am speaking of the Yogcras, those monkishmeditators whose philosophical, meditative, and liturgical developmentsbecame part of the received canon. As the human founder of the Yogcratradition and the well known author of the voluminous Yogcrabhmi,Asaga became so influential that his origin is regarded as a quaintcuriosity today, but virtually all of our data indicate that he and his brotherVasubandhu were the only Gandhran authors to become so esteemed.Asagas residence in Gandhra (Puruapura) is attested in the earliesthagiography of him, that which is appended to Paramrthas story of hisillustrious brother, Vasubandhu.17 The placement of the brothers is inde-pendently verified by data found in Yaomitras commentary on theAbhidharmakoa in conjunction with the Abhidharma-Mahvibha-stra.In these works, an obscure point of doctrine is ascribed to both theGandhran Vaibhikas and the Yogcras, these latter described as con-sisting of Asaga, etc.18

Some of the later Chinese and Korean pilgrims tended to make allfamous authors associated with Gandhra into residents of the Kanika

Vihra, the most famous monastery in the environs of Peshawar, but wehave no confirmation of this rather late identification, and Dobbins hasculled such travelers tales from the translated literature.19 Nonetheless,Asagas residence in Gandhra seems secure, with only the single in-stance of Hsan Tsangwho also provides a Gandhran origin for theYogcra masterrelating a story about Asaga living at some pointoutside of Gandhra, in Ayodhy, where he was said to have had ateaching hall.20 We may wonder, though, if this rather late attribution of analternative residence is simply the result of an early medieval Indian

appropriation of Asagas personality, predicated on his fame.If we recall that Asagas contribution extends into the Mahynistliturgical venue, we can better estimate the importance of this area. One ofthe two standard lineages of the bodhisattva vow not only traces itself to


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Asaga, but the form employed is found in the section on conduct foundin the Bodhisattvabhmi.21 There, the aspiring bodhisattva is to find amonk or lay mentor, to set up a statue of the Buddha, and to take on the

vows of the bodhisattvas discipline while visualizing all the Buddhas and bodhisattvas of the various world systems in the ten directions. HisMahynist preceptor provides him the vows, and the Buddhas andbodhisattvas themselves perceive a simulacrum of the aspirant bodhisattvareceiving the vows and accepting the discipline from the preceptor. Theyaccordingly assist the newly minted bodhisattva by helping him increasehis roots of virtue and, we may suspect, provide him a degree of protectionin the process.

The distribution and influence of this ritual cannot be overestimated.

We find that the Bodhisattvabhmiitself enjoyed a distinctive circulation,being translated three times into Chinese, twice as an independent workaside from the Yogcrabhmi, by Dharmakema in 414421 CE andGuavarman in 431 CE. We may presume, therefore, that the text wascomposed in the final quarter of the fourth centuryprobably not muchbefore and doubtfully any later. The chapter containing the ritual becameseparately influential as well, with two Indic commentaries dedicated to itsexegesis, those by Guaprabha and Jinaputra, surviving in Tibetan trans-lation (To. 4045, 4046). The material included in the liturgical sectionquoted earlier was ritually so important that the virtue chapter of theBodhisattvabhmishares textual material with theBodhisattvaprtimoka,also translated by Dharmakema in 414421 CE.22 In both Central Asia andChina, this liturgical text and its ritual format were emulated, spawningsuch apocryphal scriptures as the Fan-wang Ching, widely used in Chinesemonasteries and employed in Japan.23 The ritual was popular in South Asiaas well, for a text calling itself the Bodhisattvaprtimok-astra, appar-ently a later Indian work, appropriates the above ritual almost exactlyverbatim.24 We may suspect that, because of the way this latter work isorganized, the Bodhisattvabhmicirculated in conjunction with another

Mahynist ritual work, the Upliparipcch.25 Sections from both of themwere further included in the Bodhisattvaprtimoka-stra.

THE ESOTERIC CONNECTION

The other discussion widely recognized in India and elsewhere featur-ing a Silk Route site as the source of the Dharma concerns the identity ofOiyna as the progenitor for much of the esoteric canon. Kuwayamas

1991 rereading of previously incorrectly deciphered epigraphs has finallysecured the place of the Swat Valley as Oiyna, after many claims byIndian nationalists that it was to be located in Orissa, Bengal, or SouthIndia.26 The aura Oiyna obtained, as the esoteric canon itself, really


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passed through three stages: the early collection of spells evident from thesixth century forward, the development of the Indrabhti myth in theeighth century, and the extensive mythologization of Oiyna in theyogin

tantras beginning in the ninth century.The first esoteric canons were apparently little more than collections of

spells (mantra-or dhra-piaka), and both the Mahsghikas and theDharmaguptakas among the early schools have had such collections attrib-uted to them.27 It is further clear that an early canon of spells was stronglyassociated with the areas between Kashmir and the land of Uiyna orOiyna. Already in the early sixth century, Sung Yn heard a story inTashkurghan that the kings ancestor had studied spells in Oiyna, usingthe knowledge to save his kingdom from a dragon who was drowning

merchants and interrupting trade.28

Hsan Tsang also, in his 646 CE re-counting of his travels, dismissed the ignorant users of spells that heencountered in Oiyna.29 Even the language of the surviving early litera-ture, such as the early seventh century manuscript of the Kraavyha,affirms its association with places employing birch bark for manuscripts,notably employed from Kashmir to Bamiyan.30 TheAbhidharmakoabhyafurthercontributes to this sense of localization in the environs, mentioningtwo kinds of spells, one from the area of Gandhra (gndhr vidy) andone bringing visions of the future (kaik vidy).31 We have no indicationthat any other place in the subcontinent managed to represent their ritualphrases so effectively at such an early period.

Similarly, the Indrabhti myth of preaching the tantras is found in anextensive form, as early as Jnamitras late eighth or early ninth centurycommentary on the 700-Verse Perfection of Insightscripture. There, we areassured, eighteen classes of esoteric tantras of the eighth centurytheSarvabuddhasamyoga , the Guhyasamja , etc.have miraculously ap-peared in Zahor, to its king, Indrabhti. The good king, though, is be-fuddled: he could not penetrate the understanding of the new scriptures.However, because of his supernormal insight obtained through countless

lives of virtuous activity, he understood that an outcaste personality heldthe key. This individual was Kukurja, who lived with a thousand dogs inMlava, probably to be located in one of its great cities, such as Ujjain orMahimati. Indrabhti sent a representative to invite this dog-guru toZahor, but Kukurja had not seen the texts, which were then dispatched to him to peruse in advance. Kukurja, though, was equally clueless andeventually obtained the inspiration of Vajrasattva to secure their compre-hension. While we may not know the precise location of Zahor, Indrabhtisassociation with Oiyna is affirmed in virtually all other forms of the

myth.32

We even see a variant in the narrative that Indrabhti asked theBuddha to preach to him a doctrine that would allow those addicted tothe senses a vehicle for liberation, and in response the Buddha preachedthe tantras.


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Moreover, Oiyna is twice mentioned in the late eighth or early ninthcentury autobiographical narratives on seeking the esoteric scriptureswhether the Sarvatathgatatattvasamgraha or the Guhyasamjaby

kyamitra and Buddhajnapda. The retelling of the latters trip toOiyna actually indicates that the land is called guodaya, the rising ofgood qualities. Vitapda indicates that Oiyna is granted this designa-tion because it is the source of so many benefits. Buddhajnapda reportsthat his early studies were with Haribhadra in Magadha and with Vilsavajrain Oiyna.

Indeed, the importance of Vilsavajra for the hermeneutics of the earlyesoteric system cannot be doubted. It is probably Vilsavajra, residing inhis Swat Valley monastery of Ratnadvpa-vihra, who provided the funda-

mental interpretation to the forty opening syllables of the Guhyasamja-tantra, an interpretation that became embedded in virtually all commen-taries following him. Thus, according to the surviving archive, each of thesyllables of the opening of the texte-va-ma-y-ru-ta, etc.is givena specific hermeneutic and represents an experience in the esoteric system.This interpretation has been widely accepted in Indian esoteric hermeneu-tics and is represented in such definitive texts as the Pradpoddyotana ofthe Tantric Candrakrti.33 Vilsavajras surviving works also include theearliest citations of such seminal texts as the Laghusavara-tantra, provid-ing an effective chronology to the earlyyogin-tantra-s.

Finally, a later Indrabhti reports in the opening section of his Sahaja-siddhi that this yogin-tantra inspired system derived from the area ofOiyna. According to the short lineage list and the lengthy commentarialhagiography, this Indrabhti was the receptor of a teaching on sahaja, ornatural reality, that began in Oiyna with a princess r-Mah-Lldev,who based the system on her experience precipitated by an encounter withan unnamed black-headed i at the forest monastery of Ratnlakra.34

Upon being blessed by him, she realized that she was an emanation of thebodhisattva Vajrapiwho is identified here as the patron divinity of

Oiynaand she and her five hundred ladies in waiting all receivedawakening into the nature of sahaja. The teaching on sahaja was thenpassed down in a lineage until the time of Indrabhti, who wrote it down.

Indeed, Oiynas gravity precipitated its almost universal inclusionin lists of the four great sites (caturmahpha) found in such diversetantras as the Hevajraand the Abhidhnottara . One of the lists of these foursites eventually served to associate the great sites with the internalmaala, and Oiyna-pha was given the preeminent position of becom-ing the seat or cakra found in the head of the esoteric yogin. Pilgrimage to

the physical sites, in this reading, was replaced by pilgrimage to theinternal maala, and we find it being identified as the wheel of great blissand an internal site by Guipda in his verses in the Carygtikoa.35 Theimportance of Oiyna is certainly not lost on the only Indian master to


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write a comprehensive treatment of the various pilgrimage sites.kyarakita, in his Phdiniraya, divides them up into nine grades fromlesser-lesser to greater-greater, and takes as a given the importance of

Oiyna.36 While he also lists Suvaradvpa and Singhaladvpa, andthough he acknowledges that there are important sites in Tibet and Chinaas well, pride of place is provided the Swat Valley, the only site outside thenormal boundaries of Indian culture to be so recognized.

We need only glance at Tibet to see the great importance that Oiynais accorded, primarily through its mythic association with Padmasambhavaand his putative father, Indrabhti, especially among the rNying-ma sectof Tibetan Buddhism. As a focus of Tibetan interest, Oiyna spawnedamong the rNying-ma an entire mythic literature around Padmasambhava,

his relationship with Indian kings and ministers, and Padmasambhavasvarious wives. Certainly this material is well known and its content isincreasingly emphasized, but it might be just as important to note that thebKa-brgyud-pa were sufficiently stimulated that two of their more illus-trious members felt themselves motivated to make pilgrimages to Swat,and their thirteenth and early seventeenth century itineraries were trans-lated by Tucci some time ago.37 Both Grub-thob O-rgyan-pa (12301293)and sTag-tsang ras-pa (15741651) visited the Swat Valley at quite differentstages in the history of the area, yet their respective observations continueto emphasize the miraculous and the importance of its spirituality to theirrespective communities.

In fact, the legend of Padmasambhava continues to motivate Tibetansin their search for sacred places, and we see the development of a previ-ously obscure lake in Himachal Pradesh as a current focus of interest.Rewalsar, as it is known in Hindi, is about twenty-four kilometers south-west of the regional center of Mai, and has been esteemed by Tibetans asmTsho Pad-ma, the lake of the lotus-born teacher Padmasambhava. Thelakes history as a Tibetan pilgrimage site is obscure to me, but until thenineteenth century it was primarily known as a lake dedicated to the Sikh

guru, Gorbind Singh, and is well over five hundred kilometers by air fromSaidu Sharif in the Swat Valley. Emersons 1920 description of Mandi Stateindicates that the sole Tibetan monastery that had been built to that timewas recent and that no ancient Buddhist remains could be found.38 None-theless, the Tibetan hermits of the rNying-ma order I interviewed in thehills around Rewalsar in 1996one of whom had been there for twenty-four yearsall attested that it was the real Oiyna. This is yet anotherexample of the appropriation of sacred site designations by local groupswhen the original site is either lost to memory or dangerous to secure. We

frequently see this movement of site names out of India to Nepal, Tibet,China, and Southeast Asia, but the reversea non-Indian site becominglocated within Indiais seldom encountered, and this is the only one tomy knowledge.


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END OF THE DHARMA

At the other end of the theoretical spectrum, it is interesting to observe

that sites essential to Silk Route merchants should play such centralpositions in the elaboration of the mythology of the Buddhist Dharmasextinction in Jambudvpa. Given the importance of the doctrine on theDharmas degradation and demise, we might expect that the scenario of itsdestruction would occur in the geographical areas of India, and in fact themajority of Buddhist narratives include exactly this proposition. However,important variants emphasize the position of Silk Route areas, especiallyKashmir and Khotan.

The Kashmir connection is found in the Mahynist Mahparinirva-

stra, a text that was to receive currency throughout East Asia and Tibet forits support of the doctrines of essential Buddha nature, the tathgatagarbha.Less well understood is its position in specifying the development anddemise of the Saddharma. According to the received text in Chinese andTibetan, verified by its surviving Sanskrit fragments, there will be sevensigns of the final end of the Tathgatas truth. At the conclusion of thesesigns, the Saddharma will disappear into Kashmir, like mosquito urinedisappears into the earth, so that Kashmir will be the final resting place ofall the Mahyna scriptures.39 There are formal similarities with thisnarrative and the story related by Hsan Tsang that the life of the Saddharmais tied to the great stpa of Kanika. This stpa , we are told, will bedestroyed by fire and rebuilt seven times after the final conflagration, andthe true Dharma will end on earth.40

Beyond the mention in the Mahyna Mahparinirvastra , a siteother than Kashmir was to provide an overwhelming level of importanceto Buddhists in general and Tibetans in particular. This is the state ofKhotan, well known for its archaeological remains but significant also forits literature, especially evident in the construction of an alternative narra-tive. Among the several important scriptures composed there, the

Saghavardhana-vykaraa narrative is a variant on the normativeKaumb prophecy, a prophetic story that forms the core of so many of theend of the true Dharma scenarios. Nattier, who has studied thesecollectively in extenso, has pointed out that the normative story proposesthat the demise of the true Dharma occurs when a Buddhist king becomesvictorious over two royal enemies of the Dharma. He holds a convocation,and the two foremost monksiyaka and Sratadispute the nature ofthe Prtimoka, so that eventually each is killed in the melee that follows.The gods declare the end of the true Dharma and the earth quakes, similar

to the announcements and quaking of earth just before the moment ofkyamunis awakening. Even the most important iteration of this corestory, the Candragarbha-stra , shows signs of Central Asian influence,


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and Nattier has proposed that it received its final editing in Gandhra or aproximate area.41

In the strongly Khotanese Saghavardhana-vykaraa version, those

without faith (in the doctrine) will be born in every country. Kings, as well,will compete in stealing each others territory.42Bhiku-s and bhiku-swill accumulate karma of the ten unvirtuous paths. They will habituallytell false stories to each other, and accumulate riches by engaging incommerce. They will raise cattle and keep male and female servants.Because of these behaviors, people will lose their faith. Consequently, theywill steal the wealth donated to the Buddha and the Sagha. Then the fewupright bhiku-s will become depressed. The monks of Khotan (who areamong those few) will speak among themselves and eventually decide to

leave Khotan, traveling to Bru-sha, that is, to the Burushaski speakingareas (Hunza, Yasin valley) in what is now north-eastern Pakistan. Therethe monks will elect to move on to Tibet, which will initially welcome them,but also eventually cast them out. The dispossessed clerics will then go tothe lake of the nga king Elpatra, who served as the guardian of Gandhra,and he will usher the monks into the court of the Gandhran king.Unfortunately, the Buddhist king will pass away in two years, after whichan unbelieving king will arise, and the monks will go to Kaumb, wherethey will pick up the normative narrative of the conflict, as related above.

Nattier has observed that the parent narrative in the Candragarbha-stra had some influence in Tibet, and about eighty per cent of the text iscited in the History of Buddhism by Bu-ston.43 However, theCandragarbha-stra is probably Indian in origin, even if it was edited in Gandhra and wasreceived by Tibetans from the Tarim Basin. More interesting, for ourpurposes, is that the Khotanese Saghavardhana-vykaraa was clearlythe basis for an end of the Dharma scenario in the thirteenth century bythe rNying-ma author, mKhas-pa lDeu, in his recently published religioushistory.44 While his text shows some similarity with the other two Khotaneseworks on religious history first examined by Thomas and reread by

Emmerick, there can be little doubt that the Saghavardhana-vykaraaprovided the basis for his summary. Yet the scenario articulated by mKhas-pa lDeu is not a simple reiteration of the Khotanese work, for much of thespecifically Khotanese material has simply been left out of the text, so thatwe are left with a bowdlerized version that elides many Khotanese placeand personal names in favor of a more generalized account of the process.It is unclear whether mKhas-pa lDeu himself, or some other editor before him, contracted the material. It is obvious, though, that the Khotanesenarrative was received in Tibet with sufficient authority that an important

thirteenth century author blithely included this version as the normativeone in his work.Lest we conceive of this estimation as an aberration, we might further

reflect on another thirteenth century chronology of the demise of the


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Dharma, that proposed sometime after 1216 CE by Sa-skya Paita, whowas surely no champion of Tibetan innovations or of non-Indic materials.Yet Sa-skya Paita, who is consistently critical of others about their lack

of Indic sources, neglects to mention that there was at least one time whenhe argued against Indic doctrine. In his chronological appendix to hishagiography of his uncle, Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, Sa-skya Paita arguesthat the Vinaya record as calculated by kyar in 1210 CE represented afaulty chronology, since it placed the Buddhasparinirva in 543 BCE.45 ForSa-Pa, the Khotanese chronology accepted by his uncle was correct, eventhough this calculation placed the Buddhasparinirva in 2133 BCE.46 Theirony is that, while discounting the Indian oral tradition on this matter infavor of received scriptures, the Sa-skya sources for their chronology

privileged pieces of Central Asian apocryphal literature.47

From these, and other examples, we can see that Tarim literature hadclearly become influential in twelfth to thirteenth century Tibet. This is truewhether we are speaking of the rNying-ma, the least orthodox group andthe one most given to revealed literature, or the most orthodox group, theSa-skya, the most avid defenders of Indian precedents and Indian models.Perhaps this privileging of Tarim Basin lineages is a reflection of theauthority they enjoyed during the Royal Dynastic period, where medita-tive traditions either from or passing through Central Asia were accordedauthenticity and patronage by the Tibetan emperors.48 Perhaps it was aresult of the heightened influence of the Tangut monks studying in CentralTibet, at a time when the Tangut Empire was at its height and prestige. InCentral Tibet, both Tangut monks and Tibetan teachers were encounteringIndian monks fleeing from the ravages of Islamic incursions, and thegrowing warfare between Hindu kings and their Turkic antagonists. Fromthis vantage point, Tangut emperors like Jen-tsung (r. 11391199), whosestrong Buddhist support is well authenticated, appeared the only Buddhistpolitical hope in the twelfth century.49 Between Tibetans becoming Na-tional Preceptors of Tangut princes and the imperial largess towards

Buddhist teachers, Jen-tsungs charisma may have blended in Tibetansminds into a general esteem of Central Asia.50 For whatever reasons, though,the situation is clear: while orthodox exegetes like Sa-Pa are systematicallycensorious of Chinese influence in Tibetan meditative systems, Tarim my-thologies and chronologies informed some of their own efforts.

THE CULMINATION: AMBHALA

Curiously, almost all of these trends come together in the story ofambhala, a mythic land that was to seize the imagination of virtually allwho considered this sacred realm, whether we are speaking of its composerin the late tenth or early eleventh century, when the myth was formulated,


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or the consumers of the Shangri-la of American fiction. The texts represent-ing ambhala synthesize astrology, geography, esoteric meditation, gnos-ticism, righteous kingship, and a host of other ideas that we have already

seen became important to Indian consumers of Central Asian lore. Yet theparadox of the ambhala myth is that the fictive geography of this hiddenrealm and pure abode occurs exactly when the real Central Asia becomeslost to Islam. This dynamic is somewhat similar to the phenomenonobservable with Oiyna: just when the great pilgrimage site receives itsmost visible affirmation in the ninth to eleventh centuries in India, it wasbeing submerged in Islamic aggression. Consequently, we might wonderif the aura of such sites is to a degree dependent on their being actuallyunavailable, and thus all the more desirable and mystical.

Another curiosity that has not received much attention about ambhalais that its earliest textual sources do not display unanimity on its location.In the form initially encountered, that found in the first chapter of theLaghu Klacakra-tantra, ambhala is placed to the south of Mt. Kailsa,perhaps in the upper Brahmaputra reaches or in the Purhang Valley, whereone of the two centers of the Western Tibetan Empire were developed in thetenth century.51 If this latter is the case, the author of the Klacakra-tantrawould have had the new principalities founded by the scions of the Tibetanroyal clan in mind when he wrote of the city Kalpa, the capital of a hiddenkingdom where the Kalki kings kept the Klacakra until the time for itsrelease was correct.52 Be that as it may, by the time Puarka wrote hisVimalaprabhcommentary on the Klacakra, proposing that he himselfwas the second of the Kalki kings of ambhala, he placed it to the north ofthe t River, which is one of the mythic rivers reported in both Buddhistcosmologies andpuricliterature.53 Authors like Sylvain Lvi have main-tained that the t is to be identified with the Tarim River, but I believe wehave lost the point here.

The point is that our earliest Klacakra authorities are unable to placeits location accurately. Yet it appears to me probable that Puarka was

himself from the northwest, perhaps from Kashmir, which maintained itstraditional culture until the Muslim domination following the suicide of itsqueen, Dev Koa, in 1339 CE. Puarka reports languages of the far northin the text of the Vimalaprabhand was certainly in a position to under-stand that ambhala could not have been located to the south of Kailsa,which was accessible from Himalayan kingdoms like Kashmir.54 Theproblem is made more complex by disagreements on the location of thefirst preaching of the received Klacakra. Ravirjna, the author of theKlacakra-based Amtakaikcommentary to the Majurnmasagti,

maintained that the great Dhyakaaka stpa was the site of the originalpreaching of the tantras.55 Yet Puarka maintained that the tantra waspreached by Majur in Kalpa, the capital city at the center of ambhala.56


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Curiously, Tibetans like Bu-ston or Gos-lo gZhon-nu-dpal have largelyrejected Puarkas position in favor of that stated by Ravirjna.57

Be that as it may, there can be little question that the ambhala myth is

closely tied to an ideology of a Buddhist kingdom surviving the onslaughtsof the Muslim armies, depicted both in the text of the received tantra andin the commentarial literature. Thus, the interest in the mythic kingdom ofambhala combines themes already seen about the origin of the Dharma,its demise, and (in this instance) its resurrection at the hands of thevictorious armies of the final future king of ambhala, Raudrakalkin.58

Orfino has pointed out that, whoever the author of the Klacakra may havebeen, he must have had a thorough exposure to both the ideology of Islamand the violence of the Muslim armies of the day. We might observe that

resurgent Islamic threats by agressive Nakbandi Sufis in the Tarim Basinprobably precipitated the resurgence of the ambhala myth for the Mongols,resulting in the 1775 CE guidebook to the imaginary land by bLo-bzangdPla-ldan ye-shes, the Third Pa-chen Rin-po-che.59

Even with the ambhala myth, the eclipse of Central Asia as a Buddhistdomain was ultimately to cause its sites to become reidentified and relo-cated into South Asia, specifically Nepal. John Brough has already calledattention to the identification of Swayambh with specific Khotaneselegends, and we certainly can see that the Bodhantha stpa has appropri-ated Tibetan legends in its search for authenticity.60 The importance ofCentral Asia in all of this is, well, central, since Bodhanth itself was olderthan Buddhism in Tibet, as our medieval Nepalese inscriptions affirm. Themovement of pilgrimage sites, involving the identification of one pilgrim-age site with another by changing the names or equating their designa-tions, is a common phenomenon in South Asia. It certainly occurred beforePuarkas time and occupied much attention in kyarakitas review ofsuch sites, where many of the pilgrimage centers are equated to each other.The same phenomenon is visible in Southeast Asia and Tibet, which haveidentified areas with the names of important places in Buddhist India. Yet

the aura of a sanctified zone which pervades the South Asian image ofCentral Asia became important in the establishment of Nepalese authentic-ity, even with Nepals greater antiquity.

THE WILD NORTH ON THE FRONTIERS OF REALITY

The idea that a frontier area became influential on the parent civiliza-tion has certainly been part of the American persona since the time of

Frederick Jackson Turners frontier hypothesis. In what must be thesingle most influential conference paper in the history of Americanacademia, Turners 1893 paper, The Significance of the Frontier in Ameri-can History, proposed that American valuesthe speedy integration of


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various nationalities into a national identity, the emergence of the demo-cratic ideal, and so forthwere not the result of European civilization butthe consequence of our encounter with an uncivilized open land. Turners

thesis has fallen out of fashion, for many good reasons, but the idea ofCentral Asia as Chinas frontier has been employed by Owen Lattimore, aswell as by others.61 More recently Todd Lewis has seen the Himalayanborderlands as a frontier between Tibet and India, with Nepalese Buddhistcommunities effecting a network of relationships between the two cul-tures.62 In many of these discussions, though, frontier has been taken asif a line in the sand, a specific margin of demarcation between the civilizedworld and the uncivilized. This is certainly the case with His MajestysGovernment in Indias designation of Peshawar, Swat, Citral, and Swat

Kohistan as the Northwest Frontier Agency, for over the border were thedreaded Afghan tribes.However, it may be more fruitful for our purposes if we understand the

frontier as a zone rather than a line. Even the American frontier, in thewords of an anonymous 1825 reporter, was literally alive with a floatingpopulation.63 Faragher, building on such observations, would like tounderstand the frontier as a zone of cultural confluence. He writes that,The frontier was the region of encounter in between, an area of contest butalso of consort between cultures.64 From the view of East Asia, Lattimoreemphasized that models of lineal demarcation are poorly formulated.While those in political power tend to draw such lines in the sand,sociologically the frontier can never be the same as a border. Instead heproposed a nomenclature of a trans-Frontier analogous to the model ofa frontier zone.

The linear Frontier never existed except as a concept. The depth ofthe trans-Frontier, beyond the recognized linear Frontier, madepossible a historical structure of zones, which varied from time totime. These were occupied by a graduated series of social groups,

from partly sinicized nomads and semibarbarized Chinese, in thezone adjacent to China, to steppe peoples in Mongolia, forestpeoples in North Manchuria and Urianghai, and the peoples of theplateau in Tibet, of whom the more distant were virtually unmodi-fied by such attenuated contacts as they had with China. The oasispeoples of Chinese Turkistan formed another group, with specialhistorical functions. Within this graduated series those groups thatadjoined the Great Wall held the (inner) reservoir of politicalcontrol over the Frontier.65

In many respects, this analysis of the constituents of a frontier developscross-cultural themes observable elsewhere, including the comparisonbetween the U.S. and Southern Africa.66 However, for our purposes, if we


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were to replace China in Lattimores statement with India, and spokeof the Kunas, the Sogdians, and others in the Western Tarim and WesternTurkestan as he did for Mongols, Manchus, and others, much the same

analysis would hold true.Lattimores observation that the oases played a unique part may also

be read into Indian literary and political history. While Puruapura cannotbe considered an oasis on the same scale as Kucha or Turfan (for these latterare separated from other oasis cultures by weeks of travel), in the Gandhrancapitals proximity to Jalalabad, Kapa, Begram, Oiyna, and Bamiyan,it does share characteristics with the upper Oxus cities of Bactra, SurkhKotal, Termez, Konduz, and Ay Khanum. The difference between theverdant landscape stretching from Lahore south is clearly evident to

anyone venturing in the Northwest. These Northwest areas were the firstlocales to receive foreign incursions of akas, Kunas, Turks, or Mongolsfrom the north; these were the cities and subcultures that most materiallyprofited from the silk trade, and the ones that experienced the economicconsequences of its demise.

To some degree this exercise demonstrates that the issue of CentralAsia and the cities of the silk bazaars is exactly their respective positionsbetween Persia, India, and China. The ethnic groups and migrant nationsoperating in these areas were not simply barbaric nomads or corpulentoasis burghers, but highly insightful actors and self-consciously opportu-nistic in their appropriation of selected aspects of the civilizations thatbrought them all kinds of cultural products and opportunities. Conversely,I would like to suggest that this specifically frontier character of CentralAsiathe in-betweenness and fluidity of populations that have been sosignificant to its history, its position as the meeting ground of languagesand culturesis not simply exciting to us, but has been to Buddhist SouthAsians and Tibetans as well. As missionary monks encountered thesezones of multicultural influences, either in situ or in the diasporas of thegreat cities of North India or China, many of them became enamored of the

paradoxical presence of metropolitan sophistication and rural isolationthat Central Asia afforded. Whether by chance or by design, the literarypersonae of such frontier zones have a decided resemblance, and they havebeen cast in the romantic mode by authors from Mathur to Chang-an.Inhabitants of such frontiers also found they could capitalize on theircharismatic aura, representing themselves as a breed apart and the carriersof a secret knowledge developed in a distant land.

CONCLUSION

The acceptance of Central Asian narratives in this manner was cer-tainly assisted by the use of Indic languages as carriers of Buddhist,astrological, economic, legal, and political information. The employment


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of Gndhr in Chorasmia, the use of Indic writing systems throughout theTarim Basin, the development of regional varieties of Sanskrit in Kucha,Khotan, and Gandhra, all certainly contributed to the perception of these

areas as somehow Indic. Yet, much the same could be said for r Lka,Burma, Cambodia, or Thailand. In the former case, not only was Singhaleseto become the official language, but Pli was and is the authoritativereligious language, even though both are Indo-European and doubtlessfrom North India originally. r Lka, though, never enjoyed the sameaura in South Asian or Tibetan literature, and the cultural memory of rLka continues to be of an island of demonesses, even if it was sometimesproposed as the eventual residence of Padmasambhava, where he was tolive with his consorts in his palace on Copper-colored Mountain

(Tmraparvata) surrounded by tribes of demons. Other locales, such asPagan in Burma, certainly demonstrated the energy and wealth to beconsidered at least on par with even the greatest artistic and cultural areasof Bamiyan or the Kuna kingdoms. The Cambodian employment ofSanskrit as an inscriptional language has rightly been considered one of themore interesting linguistic developments in Southeast Asian history. Evenmore, though, for five centuries (8th12th) Khmr monarchs worked inconcert with both Brahmans and ascetics of the aiva Pupata tradition,formulating the Angkor kingdom, with its magnificent artistic and literaryheritage. However, back in India, none of these areas were to receive thecredit that was their due. Only the areas of Gandhra, Oiyna, Kashmir,Khotan, and the mythic region of ambhala have captured the ancient andmedieval Indian imagination and developed a following among the geo-graphically challenged Indian intellectuals of the Gangetic Valley or theirlater followers in the Kathmandu Valley or on the Tibetan Plateau.

Each instance of Central Asian authorityof secret knowledge, hid-den realms, quasi-pure lands, or as the source and conclusion of theDharmais not in and of itself so very important. In aggregate, though,there is no other area of the world that has maintained a visibility so great

in the literature and landscape of South Asia. It may be because of thewealth established in these domains while silk was the central currency inthe trade between China and Western Asia. It may be because Buddhismcaught on in these zones in a way that was exceptional, but then we shouldsee a similar phenomenon in r Lka, Burma, or in other Southeast Asiancountries.

Instead, I believe that the romantic aura of the desert oasis or isolatedculture, encountered after a period of hard travel by merchants (who weresecured by their own wealth and influence in India), has been an important

factor. All the influential areas are difficult to visit, easily the objects ofromantic fantasies, and exceptional primarily in the disparities betweentheir verdant cities and the surrounding desert. The lack of understandingof these areas contributed to their legends, and, even now, some Theoso-


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phists and a few Indian Brahmans continue to maintain that Tibet is theresidence of a superior class of religious personages,avatarsof the new age,as I have occasionally been told. Those of us who know Tibet have few such

illusions, but to those who have never been to the roof of the world, theesoteric sanctity of the hidden masters in the secret abode survives.


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NOTES

1. For the Northwest contribution, see Richard Salomon, Gndhr Hy-brid Sanskrit: New Sources for the Study of the Sanskritization of BuddhistLiterature, Indo-Iranian Journal44 (2001): pp. 241252; for examples ofKuchean Sanskrit, see articles by Heinrich Lders, Zur Geschichte undGeographie Ostturestans, Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademieder Wissenschaften (1922): pp. 243261; and Weitere Beitrge zurGeschichte und Geographie von Ostturkestan, Sitzungsberichte derPreussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften(1930): pp. 764. On the larger

problem of the use of languages in Central Asia, see Jan Nattier, ChurchLanguage and Vernacular Language in Central Asian Buddhism, Numen37 (1990): pp. 195219, and Richard N. Frye, The Heritage of Central Asia:From Antiquity to the Turkish Expansion (Princeton: Markus WienerPublishers, 1996), pp. 248250. I find it likely that the Yogalehrbuchexamined by Dieter Schlingloff (Ein Buddhistisches Yogalehrbuch:Sanskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden , 2 vols. [Berlin: Akademie Verlag,1964]) was a Tarim production, possibly in Kucha.

2. John Brough, Comments on Third-Century Shan-Shan and the History

of Buddhism, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies28(1965): p. 584.

3. On this movement, see Robert C. Holub, Reception Theory: A CriticalIntroduction. (London & New York: Methuen, 1984).

4. Good bibliographies on Kharoh and Gndhr are found in GrardFussman, Gndhr crite, Gndhr parle, in Colette Caillat, ed.,Dialectes dans les Littratures Indo-Aryennes, Publications de lInstitut deCivilixation Indienne, Fascicule 55 (Paris:ditions e. de Boccard, 1989), pp.433501; and Meicun Lin, Kharoh Bibliography: The Collections from

China (18971993), Central Asiatic Journal40 (1996): pp. 188220; for theWest Bengal finds, see B. N. Mukherjee, Kharoh and Kharoh-BrhmInscriptions in West Bengal (India), Indian Museum Bulletin25 (1990).

5. References in John E. Mitchiners Introduction to the Yuga-pura,critically edited, with an English translation and a detailed introduction by John E. Mitchiner, Bibliotheca Indica Series 312 (Calcutta: The AsiaticSociety, 1986), pp. 3745.

6. Translation mine; quoted in in Mitchiners Introduction to the Yuga-pura, p. 11: mlecch hi yavans teu samyakstram ida sthitam |.

7. Introduction, in The Yavanajtaka of Sphujidhvaja, David Pingree, ed.and trans., Harvard Oriental Series vol. 48 (Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1978), pp. 2341.


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8. Milindapaha Pli, Swami Dwarikadas Shastri, ed., Bauddha BharatiGrantamala 13 (Varanasi: Bauddha Bharati, 1979), pp. 23.

9. Grard Fussman, LIndo-Grec Mnandre ou Paul Demiville revisit,Journal Asiatique281 (1993): p. 68.10. M. J. Przyluski, Le Vinaya des Mula-Sarvastivadin et les TextesApparents.Journal Asiatique, series 11, volume 4 (1914): pp. 493568;tienne Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism: From the Origins to theaka Era, Sara Webb-Boin trans. (Louvain-La-Neuve: Institut Orientaliste,1988), pp. 208210; and John S. Strong, The Legend and Cult of Upagupta(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 2643, surveys most ofthe surviving sources.

11. Bhaiajyavastu, Nalinaksha Dutt, ed., Gilgit Manuscripts, vol. 3, 1, TheKashmir Series of Texts & Studies, no. 71 (E) (Srinagar: Jammu & KashmirResearch Department and Calcutta Oriental Press, 1947), p. 2: eacaturvaraataparinirvtasya mama vajrape [kuanavaya] kanikonma rj bhaviyati | so asmin pradee stpa pratihpayati | tasyakanikastpa iti saj bhaviyati | mayi ca parinirvte buddhakryakariyati |

12. See Kuwayama Shoshin, The Buddhas Bowl in Gandhara and theRelevant Problems, In South Asian Archaeology 1987 , vol. 2, Maurizio

Taddei, ed. (Rome: Istituto Italiano per Il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1990),pp. 945978. The double-bodied Buddha is describedTa tang hsi y chi, inTaish , vol. 51, no. 2087, pp. 880a15b3; Samuel Beal, trans., Si-yu-ki:Buddhist Records of the Western World , vol. 1 (London: Kegan Paul,Trench, Trbner & Co., 1869), pp. 1023; K. Walton Dobbins, The Stupa andVihara of Kanishka I , The Asiatic Society Monograph Series, vol. 18(Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1971), p. 13. An eighth century painting fromKhocho is represented in Herbert Hrtel and Marianne Yaldiz, Along theAncient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West Berlin State Muse-ums (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1982), pp. 1834.

Perhaps the most interesting example is the thirteenth century statue fromKhara Khoto; see Mikhail Piotrovsky, ed., Lost Empire of the Silk road:Buddhist Art from Khara Khoto (X-XIIIth Century)(Milan: Electapp, 1993),pp. 1045.

13. In the Pupradnvadna of the Divyvadna, P. L. Vaidya, ed.,Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, no. 20 (Darbhanga: The Mithila Institute, 1959), p.216; for Upaguptas position, see Strong, The Legend and Cult of Upagupta,pp. 389.

14. Ta tang hsi y chi, in Taish, vol. 51, pp. 879c15880b15; Beal Si-yu-ki:Buddhist Records of the Western World , vol. 1, pp. 99103. GregorySchopen has forwarded this position in his articles, Burial Ad Sanctosand the Physical Presence of the Buddha in Early Indian Buddhism: A


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Study in the Archaeology of Religions, Religion17 (1987): pp. 193225;On the Buddha and His Bones: The Concept of Relic in the Inscriptions ofNgrjunikoa, Journal of the American Oriental Society108 (1988): pp.

527537; and The Buddha as an Owner of Property and PermanentResident in Medieval Indian Monasteries,Journal of Indian Philosophy18 (1990): pp. 181217. One could certainly argue that, because the state-ment is used to refer to both the stpa and to an arhat, this indicates theliving quality of the stpa. Be that as it may, its similarity to Upagupta ispredicated on, first, its real difference from the Buddha (as Upagupta was),and on the ideology of the survival of the Buddhas message conveyedthrough different personalities, as Upaguptas position in the lineage ofKashmiri-Gandhran patriarchs clearly represented.

15. Martha L. Carter (Petroglyphs at Chilas II: Evidence for a Pre-IconicPhase of Buddhist Art in Gandhara, in South Asian Archaeology 1991,Adalbert J. Gail and Gerd J. R. Mevissen, eds. [Stuttgart: Franz SteinerVerlag, 1993], pp. 349366) illustrates pre-Kuna stpa-s, very differentfrom the plaques illustrated in Ram Chandra Kak (Ancient Monuments ofKashmir[London: The India Society, 1933], pl. XVIII), which show startlingsimilarities to the small stpa-s of Turfan and Gansu discussed by HubertDurt, et al. (A propos de stpa minatures votifs du Ve sicle dcouverts Tourfan et au Gansu, Arts Asiatiques40 [1985]: pp. 92106).

16. Strong, The Legend and Cult of Upagupta, pp. 2832.17. Pou sou pan tou fa shih chuan, in Taish, vol. 50, no. 2049, pp.190c1516; Takakusu Junjir, The Life of Vasu-Bandhu by Paramartha (A.D. 499569), Toung Pao, ser 2, vol. 5 (1904): p. 290.

18. This point is on the issue of the nature of the roots of goodness (threeor four), and the nature of the fourth of them. Abhidharmakoabhya-Vykhy , ascribed to Yaomitra, Swami Dwarikadas Shastri, ed., inAbhidharmakoa and Bhya of Acharya Vasubandhu with SphutrthCommentary of chrya Yaomitra, Bauddha Bharati Series, no. 5 (Varanasi:

Bauddha Bharati, 1970), pp. 429.23, and 795.25; Abhidharma-Mahvibha-stra, in Taish, vol. 27, no. 1545, pp. 795c921.

19. Dobbins, The Stupa and Vihara of Kanishka I, p. 54.

20. Ta tang hsi y chi, in Taish, .vol. 51, pp. 896b20896c19; Beal, Si-yu-ki:Buddhist Records of the Western World, vol. 1, pp. 226228.

21. For a full translation and discussion of the value of this section, seeRonald M. Davidson, Mahyna in Gandhra: The Problem of ArtisticRepresentations, Textual Sources and the Public Intellectual, in Proceed-

ing of the International Conference on Gandharan Buddhism: An Interdis-ciplinary Approach , Kurt Behrendt and Pia Brancaccio, eds. (Toronto:University of Toronto Press [forthcoming]). The section is found inBodhisattvabhmi, Woghihara Unrai, ed. (193036, Tokyo: Sankib


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Busshorin, 1971), pp. 152.18155.21; Nalinaksha Dutt, ed., Tibetan SanskritWorks Series, vol. 7, (Patna: K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute, 1966), pp.105.4107.5; Taish,.vol. 30, no. 1579, pp. 514b11515a9; Taish, vol. 30, no.

1581, pp. 911b18913a5;Ui Hakuji, et. al., eds., A Complete Catalogue ofthe Tibetan Buddhist Canons (hereafter, To.) (Sendai: Tohoku ImperialUniversity, 1934), 4037, 82b584a5. Cf. Mark Tatzs translation from theTibetan, with its interpolations, Asangas Chapter on Ethics With theCommentary of Tsong-Kha-pa: The Basic Path to Awakening, the Com-plete Bodhisattva, Studies in Asian Thought and Religion, vol. 4. (Lewiston,NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1986), pp. 6062.

22. Bodhisattvaprtimoka, inTaish, vol. 24, no. 1500, pp. 1107a1110a.The translation makes difficult to ascertain clues as to whether it was based

on the Bodhisattvabhmior vice versa.23. Paul Groner, The Fan-wang chingand Monastic Discipline in Japa-nese Tendai: A Study of Annens Futsu jubosatsukai koshaku, in ChineseBuddhist Apocrypha , Robert Buswell, ed. (Honolulu: University of Ha-waii Press, 1990), p. 254.

24. Nalinaksha Dutt, Bodhisattva Pratimoksa Sutra, Indian HistoricalQuarterly7 (1931): pp. 259286. Yamabe Nobuyoshi informs me that FujitaKkan (Bya chub bza po cho Bosatsu ritsugi gikini tsuite, MikkyBunka 141 (1983): pp. 87100) has identified this work in part with the

Bodhisavaravidhi(To. 3967) of Bodhibhadra (active ca. 1000 CE).25. I wish to thank Yamabe Nobuyoshi for attracting my attention to thissuggestion by Okimoto Katsumi, Bodhisattva Prtimoka, IndogakuBukkygaku Kenky 21 (1972): pp. 130131.

26. See Kuwayama Shshin, Linscription du Gaea de Gardez et lachronologie des Turki-hi,Journal Asiatique279 (1991): pp. 267287.

27. Ta tang hsi y chi, in Taish, vol. 51, p. 923a8; Beal, Si-yu-ki: BuddhistRecords of the Western World, vol. 2, p. 165; Paul Demiville, Lorigine

des sectes bouddhiques daprs Paramartha, Mlanges chinois etbouddhique1 (1932): pp. 6061.

28. Lo yang Chia lan chi,Taish, vol. 51, no. 2092, p. 1020b18; Yang Hsan-chih, trans., A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-Yang (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 223.

29. Ta tang hsi y chi, Taish, vol. 51, p. 882b1314; Beal ( Si-yu-ki: BuddhistRecords of the Western World, vol. 1, p. 120) does not represent this sectionentirely accurately.

30. See Kraavyha , in Adelheid Mette, ed. and trans., DieGilgitfragmente des Kraavyha, Indica et Tibetica Monographien zuend Sprachen und Literaturen des indo-tibetischen Kulturraumes, band 29(Swisttal-Odendorf: Indica et Tibetica Verlag, 1997), p. 97. We notice the


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maintenance of this language even in the Newari ms. transcribed by Mette(Die Gilgitfragmente des Kraavyha, p. 143). R. O. Meisezahl was alsoof this opinion in his work on the Amoghapahdayadhra;see R. O.

Meisezahl, The Amoghapahdayadhra: the Early Sanskrit Manu-script of the Ruiunji Critically Edited and Translated, MonumentaNipponica 17 (1962): p. 270. On the topic of birch bark as a manuscriptmaterial, see Richard Salomon, Ancient Buddhist Scrolls from Gandhra:British Library Kharroh Fragments(Seattle: University of WashingtonPress, 1999), pp. 1522, 5771, and 81109; Michael Witzel, KashmiriManuscripts and Pronunciation, in A Study of the Nlamata: Aspects ofHinduism in Ancient Kashmir , Ikari, Yasuke, ed. (Kyoto: Institute forResearch in Humanities, Kyoto University, 1994), pp. 614. The location of

Uiyna/Oiyna has been finally affirmed by inscriptions; seeKuwayama Linscription du Gaea de Gardez et la chronologie desTurki-hi, pp. 267287.

31. AbhidharmakoabhyaVII. 47, Pralhad Pradhan, ed., Abhidharmakoa-bhyam of Vasubandhu, Tibetan Sanskrit Works Series, vol. 8 (Patna: K.P.Jayaswal Research Institute; 2nd., rev. ed., 1975), pp. 4245.

32. I have discussed the Indrabhti preaching myth in my Indian EsotericBuddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement(New York: Colum-bia University Press, 2002); please see it for the myths sources.

33. Alex Wayman, Yoga of the Guhyasamajatantra: The Arcane Lore ofForty Verses(Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1977), pp. 322; unfortunately,the translation of the verses is occasionally flawed.

34. Sahajasiddhi-paddhati, fols. 6a67b2 (Asc. Lha-lcam rje-btsun-ma dpal-mo [?=Devbharikr], To. 2211, bsTan-gyur , rgyud, zhi, fols. 4a325a1; Pe. 3108, bsTan-gyur, rgyud-grel, tsi, fols. 4b829a7. ); this materialis given greater depth in Ronald M. Davidson, Reframing Sahaja: Genre,Representation, Ritual and Lineage, Journal of Indian Philosophy30(2002): pp. 4583.

35. Carygtikoa (#3, in Per Kvrne, An Anthology of Buddhist TantricSongs: A Study of the Carygti, Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi IIHist.-Filos, Klasse Skrifter Ny Serie, no. 14 [Oslo: Universitetsforlaget,1977], pp. 48, and 86).

36. E.g., Phdiniraya, attributed to kyarakita, To. 1606. bsTan-gyur,rgyud, a, fols. 131b7133b6.

37. Giuseppe Tucci, Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley, OperaMinora, Studi Orientali Pubblicati a cura della Scoula Orientale, vol. 4., part

2 (Rome: Rome University, 1971), pp. 369418.38. H. W. Emerson, ed., Punjab Gazetteers: Mandi State(Lahore: Superin-tendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1920), pp. 17 and 203.


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Pacific World178

39. A Sanskrit fragment of this section from the MahynaMahparinirvastrais found in A. F. R. Hoernle,Manuscript Remains ofBuddhist Literature Found in Eastern Turkestan(Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1916), pp. 9397.40. Ta tang hsi y chi,Taish, vol. 51, p. 880b12; Beal, Si-yu-ki: BuddhistRecords of the Western World, vol. 1, p. 103.

41. Jan Nattier, Once Upon a Future Time: Studies in a Buddhist Prophecyof Decline(Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991), pp. 178 and 226.

42. Two Saghavardhana-vykaraa versions survive in Tibetan, onecanonical and one from Tun Huang, and are edited by Patrizia Cannata(La Profezia dellArhat della Terra di li Riguardante il Declino della Fede

nella Vera Legge, in Paolo Daffin, ed., Indo-Sino-Tibetica: Studi in Onoredi Luciano Petech, Universit di Roma, La Sapienza, Studi Orientali, vol. 9[(Rome: Bardi Editore, 1990], pp. 4379) who also provides references to themanuscript of a Chinese translation found in Tun Huang. F. W. Thomas(Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents Concerning Chinese Turkestan,Oriental Translation Fund, N.S. vols. XXXII, XXXVII, XL, [London: Luzac& Company, Ltd, 193555], vol. 1, pp. 4169 and 307) discusses andtranslates the canonical version, and believed that it, as well as otherscriptures describing Khotan, were not written there but in Tun Huang,Sha-chou or Tibet. Jan Nattier (Once Upon a Future Time, pp. 189 n. 98, and

194 n. 121) disputes this, maintaining their composition in Khotan, and thepresence of two Tibetan and one Chinese version of the Saghavardhana-vykaraa would seem to support her position on at least this text. Forother Khotanese scriptures in Tibetan translation, see R. E. Emmerick,Tibetan Texts Concerning Khotan, London Oriental Series, vol. 19 (Lon-don: Oxford University Press, 1967).

43. Nattier, Once Upon a Future Time, p. 228.

44. mKhas pa ldeus mdzad pai rgya bod kyi chos byung rgyas pa, Chab-spel tshe-brtan phun-tshogs and Nor-brang o-rgyan, eds. (Lhasa: Bodljongs mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1987), pp. 398407. The chronology for thistext has been proposed by Leonard van der Kuijp (On Dating the twolDeu Chronicles, Asiatische Studien46 [1992]: pp. 468491) to be in themid to late thirteenth century.

45. Dan Martin (Tibetan Histories: A Bibliography of Tibetan-LanguageHistorical Works(London: Serindia Publications, 1997), p. 39) indicatesthat kyar is credited with three chronological calculations, 1204, 1207,and 1210. The common era equivalents for these calculations have beenconsidered by Ariane MacDonald (Prambule la Lecture dun Rgya-bodYig-chan,Journal Asiatique251 [1963]: p. 97); Yamaguchi Zuih (Meth-ods of Chronological Calculation in Tibetan Historical Sources, in LouisLigeti, ed., Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Commemorating the 200th Anni-


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versary of the Birth of Alexander Csoma de Krs, Bibliotheca OrientalisHungarica, vol. 29 (Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad, vol. 2 [1984], pp. 420421)corrects this chronology and employs the 1207 dating of kyar as well.

I have (Gsar ma Apocrypha: The Creation of Orthodoxy, Gray Texts, andthe New Revelation, in Helmut Eimer and David Germano, eds., TheMany Canons of Tibetan Buddhism [Leiden: Brill. 2002], p. 209) erred ingiving this latter date as 544 CE.

46. Bla ma rje btsun chen poi rnam thar, in Sa-skya bKa-bum (Bod NamsRgya Mtsho, 1969) , V148.1.32.5.

47. His sources include (148.1.62.4) the acceptance of the Khotanesereckoning by Grags pa rgyal mtshan, the Khotanese Saghavardhana-vykaraa (see Thomas, Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents, vol. 1, pp.3969) and the Candragarbha-stra (see Nattier, Once Upon a Future Time,pp. 22877), the *Vimaladevvykaraa, which is the source normativelycited for the famous line that 2500 years after my nirvana, the Saddharmawill spread to the country of the red faces, (Thomas, Tibetan Literary Textsand Documents, vol. 1, p. 139) and references to the Majurmlakalpa.For a further consideration of this issue, see Davidson,Gsar ma Apocry-pha, pp. 203224.

48. Much has been made of the Chan lineage of Ho-shang Mo-ho-yan, butother systems came in as well; see Marcelle Lalou, Document Tibtain sur

lexpansion du Dhyna Chinois, Journal Asiatique231 (1939): pp. 505523. He (I believe incorrectly) indicates these systems as primarily orexclusively Chinese. See also Jeffrey Broughton, Early Chan Schools inTibet, in Robert M. Gimello and Peter N. Gregory, eds., Studies in Chanand Hua-yen (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983), pp. 168.Broughton sees Chan systems as an extension of Chinese and Koreandevelopments, even while acknowledging the Tun Huang connection.

49. Ruth W. Dunnell, The Great State of White and High: Buddhism andState Formation in Eleventh-Century Xia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii

Press, 1996), p. 158.50. Ruth W. Dunnell, The Hsia Origins of the Yan Institution of ImperialPreceptor, Asia Major, ser. 3, vol. 51 (1992): pp. 85111; and Elliot Sperling,Lama to the King of Hsia,Journal of the Tibet Society7 (1987): pp. 3150.

51. Klacakra-tantra , Biswanath Banerjee, ed., A Critical Edition of rKlacakratantra-Rja (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1985), I.150: bhmaukailsakhaa himigisahita tat tribhga samantt | bhyecaikaikapatra dinakaraviayair bita dvpadeai | savyrdheambhalkhya munivaranilaya grmakoydhivsa | koigrmairnibaddho bhavati hi viayo maala grmalakai ||52. Roberto Vitali, The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang(Dharamsala: Tho.linggtsug.lag.khang lo.gcig.stong khor.bai rjes.dran.mdzad sgoi go.sgrig


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tshogs.chung, 1996) pp. 153299. Giacomella Orofino (Apropos of SomeForeign Elements in the Klacakra-tantra, in Helmut Krasser, et. al., eds.,Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 7th Seminary of the International

Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995 , vol. 2 (Vienna: Verlag dersterreichischen Academie der Wissenschaften, 1997), pp. 717724) hasdiscussed foreign elements in the Klackara, and has concluded (p. 724)that this literature (or at least a nucleus of it) was formulated in the regionsof the North-West India, a part of India that, as is well known, played afundamental role in the formation of the Buddhist Tantras.

53. Vimalaprabh, Upadhyaya, Jagannatha, ed., Bibliotheca Indo-TibeticaSeries, no. 11 (1986), Vrajavallabh Dwivedi and S. S. Bahulkar, eds., RareBuddhist Texts Series 12, 13 (Sarnath: Central Institute for Higher Tibetan

Studies, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 79: tnadyuttare sucandravaineynaavatikoigrmanivsin paramdibuddhatantrarjenasamyaksambuddhamrgalbhya sucandro rj bht bodhisattvovajrapir iti | ; cf. AbhidharmakoabhyaIII.57; Pradhan, ed.,p. 162.2223: [himavata] yata catsro nadya sravanti gag sindhu t vaku ca| For puric sources, see Dinesh Chandra Sircar, Studies in the Geog-raphy of Ancient and Medieval India (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1971),pp. 678.

54. Vimalaprabha, vol. 1, pp. 312.

55. Amtakaik, p. 1, provides a quotation from the rbhaddibuddha,but this is not found in the Laghu-Klacakra: gdhraku=e yath strprajpramitnaye | tathmantranaye prokt rdhnye dharmadean|| Also suggestive is the knowledge of Pli exhibited in one place in theVimalaprabh, p. 31.2931.

56. Vimalaprabh, vol. 1, p. 3: yad vykta daabalena purlpatantraguhydhipasya gaditt paramdibuddht | tat klacakralaghutantramida kalpe majuriy nigadita sakala munnm || Analogousstatements are found Vimalaprabh, pp. 2231.

57. The reference to Bu-stons Dus skor chos byungis in George N. Roerich,trans, The Blue Annals , The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal MonographSeries, vol. 7.(Calcutta: The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1949), vol. 2, p.754, n (I do not have access to Bu-stons complete works at this time).

58. Vimalaprabh, vol. 1, p. 26.

59. For a good consideration of the later Tibetan and Western fascinationwith ambhala, see Edwin Bernbaum, The Way to Shambhala: A Search forthe Mythical Kingdom beyond the Himalayas (New York: Doubleday

Anchor, 1980).60. John Brough, Legends of Khotan and Nepal, Bulletin of the School ofOriental and African Studies12 (1948): pp. 333339; for a discussion on the


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literary history of the Bodhanth myth, see Anne-Marie Blondeau, Bya-rung Kha-shor, Lgende foundatrice du Bouddhism Tibtain, in PerKvrne, ed., Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the

International Association for Tibetan Studies , vol. 1 (Oslo: Institute forComparative Research in Human Culture, 1994), pp. 3148.

61. Owen Lattimore, Studies in Frontier History: Collected Papers 19281958(London: Oxford University Press, 1962).

62. Todd T. Lewis, Himalayan Frontier Trade: Newar Diaspora Mer-chants and Buddhism, in Charles Ramble and Martin Brauen, eds.,Proceedings of the International Seminar on the Anthropology of Tibet andthe Himalaya (Zurich: Ethnological Museum of the University of Zurich,1993), pp. 165178.

63. Quoted in John Mack Faragher, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner:The Significance of the Frontier in American History and Other Essays,with Commentary by John Mack Faragher(New York: Henry Holt and Co.,1994), p. 239.

64. Faragher, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner, p. 239.

65. Lattimore, Studies in Frontier History, p. 115.

66. See the comparative essays in Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson,eds., The Frontier In History: North America and Southern Africa Com-

pared(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981).


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