HAWAIIAN HULA AS COMMERCIAL PERFORMANCE

by

KELLY DAWN SITZER, B.A.

A THESIS

IN

THEATRE ARTS

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in

Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

Chairpergbn of the Committee

Accepted

Dean of the Graduate School

May, 2004

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my committee. Dr. David Williams and Dr. Bill Gelber, for

their help and for allowing me to believe this topic was worth writing about.

I would also like to thank my father, mother, and sister for allowing me the

opportunities to experience hula firsthand.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

CHAPTER

I. HULA THROUGH HISTORY 1

The Explorers' Experience 2

The Missionaries' Experience 13

n. HULA AS A COMMERCIAL ENTERPRISE 25

The "Hula Girl" Image 30

Looking the Part 42

m. THE TOURIST AT THE LU'AU 51

HulaKahiko 55

Hula 'Uli'uli 56

HulaPahu 59

Hula 'Auana 63

"The//wMaw Song" 64

"Hawaiian Hospitality" 66

IV. CONCLUSION 69

BIBLIOGRAPHY 75

APPENDEX: GLOSSARY 79

m

CHAPTER I

HULA THROUGH HISTORY

Hawaiian hula^ has undergone gradual change since the early 1800s, and while

this change has benefited Hawaii and its inhabitants, it is important to point out that this

evolution altered the face of hula tremendously. The most significant change is that, in

an effort to preserve the hula and teach tourists about Hawaiian culture, the travel

industry has inadvertently undermined one of Hawaii's traditions by utilizing the "hula

girl" image. This is not, however, bad for the Hawaiians. The "hula girl" image, that

some may find demeaning, has brought tourists to the islands and has entertained those

tourists while at the islands. Appalling is the fact that many of the tourists believe the

"hula girl" and the commercial hulas are "authentic" Hawaiian.

It is important that tourists know many of the performances seen today are

adapted versions of what was once the original hula. They are not authentic "ancient"

hula. They are merely representations. The hula shows audiences watch now are no

different than watching a Broadway production. They are fantastic theatrical

performances.

Historical accounts of Hawaii indicate that Hawaiian hula has been part of the

Hawaiian culture since the earliest settlers immigrated from the East. Since this time,

hula has entertained Hawaiians, explorers, and tourists. The Christian missionaries that

' The word hula is used throughout the paper to signify the dance of the Hawaiians. It is not intended to signify any particular dance or style. All definitions of Hawaiian words come from Pukui, Mary Kawena, and Samuel H. Elbert (eds.), Hawaiian Dictionary Hawaiian-English English-Hawaiian (Honolulu: U of Hawaii Press, 1986), unless otherwise stated.

traveled to the Hawaiian Islands in the 1800s found the hula inappropriate and lascivious,

and they fought to change the hida. Eventually, the sensuous nature of hula the

missionaries found offensive would be exploited in the name of advertising.

The only evidence that hula existed prior to the first written documents are found

in the myths of Hawaii. The Hawaiians performed hulas as sacred rituals honoring gods.

Kings and Queens, as celebrations of births and deaths, and as performances simply for

entertainment. Unfortunately, the first recorded histories of these events do not occur

until the late 1700s, when travelers sailed to the Hawaiian Islands.

The Explorers' Experience

Hula was the "unwritten" language of the Hawaiians. The Hawaiians passed

myths and legends from generation to generation through hula. They carried out certain

religious rites through hula and celebrated daily happenings, including births and deaths,

with hula In 1836 Theodore-Adolphe Barrot documented a hula concert, wherein he

states, "Singers and dancers were the historiographers of the country. In their memory

the ancient traditions were preserved."^ In addition, Nathaniel B. Emerson asserts in his

book. Unwritten Literature of Hawaii: The Sacred Songs of the Hula, the hula contains

"the material, in fact, which in another nation and under different circumstances would

^ See Barrot, Theodore-Adolphe, Unless Haste is Made, Rev. Daniel Dole, trans. (Kailua: Press Padfica, 1978) 50-55, qtd. in Barrere, Dorothy B., et al.. Hula: Historical Perspectives (Honolulu: Bemice P. Bishop Museum, 1980) 38.

have gone to the making of its poetry, its drama, its opera, its literature."' The hula was,

in essence, the literary and artistic history of the Hawaiians.

When Captain James Cook's ships arrived at Kaua'i and Ni'ihau in January 1778,

westerners who observed the hula wrote about it for the first time. Many of the explorers

found hula intriguing. They enjoyed the performances they thought the Hawaiians gave

in their honor. The first hula observed by Captain Cook and his men was the hula

kala'au. Emerson describes this hula as being "named from the instmments of wood

used in producing the accompaniment, a sort of xylophone, in which one piece of

resonant wood was stmck against another."' Captain Cook also described his experience

with the hula kala'au, along with the use of the papa hehi.^

... We had no opportunity to see any of their amusements and the only musical instmments that was [sic] seen among them was a hollow vessel of wood like a platter and two sticks, on these one of our gentlemen saw a man play: one of the sticks he held as we do a fiddle and stmck it with the other, which was smaller than something like a dmm stick and at the same time beat with his foot upon the hollow Vessel and produced a tune that was by no means disagreeable. This Musick was accompanied with a song, sung by some women and had a pleasing and tender effect. Another instmment was seen among them, but it can scarcely be called an instmment of music; this was a small gourd with some pebblestones in it ['uh'ulj\ which they shake in the hand like a child's rattle and are used, as they told us, at their dances.^

^ Emerson, Nathaniel B, Unwritten Literature of Hawaii: The Sacred Songs of the Hula (1909; Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle Company, Inc., 1991) 12.

" Stick dancing, Pukui 120.

* Emerson 16.

* Footboard, used for dancing; treadle. Lit., board to step on, Pukui 317.

^ A gourd rattle, containing seeds with colored feathers at the top, used for the hula 'uli 'uli (at one time there were no feathers), Pukui 368.

At the time. Cook and his men did not recognize this as a hula concert, or a ritual or

ceremony Instead, Captain Cook and his men thought it was simply a musical

performance. It is evident that Captain Cook, however, did enjoy the performance as he

states the tune was not "disagreeable" and the song was "pleasing." It is also evident that

the explorers did not understand the Hawaiians The 'uli'uli is indeed a Hawaiian musical

instmment and is played in the hula 'uU 'uH and occasionally in the hulapahu as well as

other hulas. While Captain Cook's opinion that the 'uU 'uh was not a musical instmment

did not affect his opinion of the dance, this marked the beginning of many travelers

misunderstanding the natives and thus imparting their Euro-centric views upon the

Hawaiians.

In January 1779, David Samwell, one of Captain Cook's surgeons, described a

hula performance seen at Kealakekua Bay:

... Two or three of us near the Dusk of the Evening returning from a short walk met on our Way with an Entertainment different from any we had yet seen among these people; it was a woman dancing to the Sound of a Dmm. As it was begun just as we arrived on the Spot, & the Scene of it in a place by which they knew we were to return from our Excursion, we concluded that it was prepared for our Entertainment, especially as the Indians behave to us wherever we go with the greatest kindness and good nature & strive to do every thing in their power to oblige us. Within a small Circle sat a pretty little (jirl upon a Matt by herself, she seemed of some Consequence & she invited us to sit down by her. An elderly woman advanced into the Ring dressed upon the Occasion. She had a feathered Ruff" called Herei [he lei^^} on her Head, a large Piece of Cloth

* Beaglehole, John, ed, The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery... 1776-1780. 2 vols. (Cambridge: For the Hakluyt Society, 1967) 284-85, qtd. in Barrere 15.

' Dance to drumbeat, pahu-dmm, Pukui 300. See also Kaeppler, Adrienne L., Hula Pahu: Hawaiian Drum Dances. Vol. 1 Ha 'a and Hula Pahu: Sacred Movements (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1993)21.

was rolled round her waist with part of it hanging below her knees, round the small of her Legs were tyed [sic] some Matting with Dogs Teeth stuck in it in rows which they call Coobe [kupe 'e"], from the lowest Roll the Teeth increased in bigness to the upper, and being loose on shaking her leg they made a rattling Noise. On one side of the Ring sat the Dmmmer, his Dmm [ipu^^] was made of three Gourd Shells inserted into each other, he beat the bottom of it against the Gourd & sung a Song in slow time. The Dancer threw her arms about & put her body into various Postures, sometime looking steadfastly toward the sky. Her Step was slow & not unlike a Country man's Hornpipe Step, in this manner she moved about sometimes making a Circle round the ring & every now & then repeating a song in concert with the Dmmmer. She continued dancing about a quarter of an hour & we thought much superior to any dances we had seen among Indians before. '

It is obvious Samwell enjoyed this performance by the care he took in recording the

details of the clothing worn and his claim that this hula was superior to any of the others

he had seen thus far. Barrere indicates Captain Cook's men saw many more hulas than

they recorded and that most of those were probably performed simply for their

enjoyment. She also says that most of the hulas the explorers saw were probably sexual

in nature. This is instantly recognizable in Samwell's description of another dance.

This hula took place aboard the ship Discovery as it arrived at Waimea Bay:

Saturday Febmary 27th.... The Girls we have brought with us buy Cloth here for the iron & other things they have got from their Husbands; soon after coming to an anchor they performed a dance on the (Quarter deck which we had not seen before, it might be perhaps to express their Joy on their safe arrival at this place, it was performed by two at a time—they did

'** Garland wreath, Pukui 200.

" Bracelet or anklet (in this case, an anklet), Pukui 185.

'^1 . The bottle gourd, a wide-spreading vine, with large-angled or lobed leaves, white, night-blooming flowers, and smooth green and mottled or white fruits varying widely in shape and size. 4. Drum consisting of a single gourd or made of two large gourds of imequal size joined together, Pukui 103.

' Beaglehole 1167-68, qtd. in Barrere 17.

''' Barrere 17.

not jump up as in the common dance but used a kind of regular Step & moved their Legs something like our sailors dancing a Hornpipe, they moved their Arms up and down, repeated a Song together, changed their places often, wriggled their backsides and used many lascivious Gestures. Upon the whole we thought it much more agreeable than their common Dance.'^

This "lascivious" nature that Samwell speaks of is what the Christian missionaries would

oppose upon their arrival at the islands. It is also this "lascivious" nature that in later

years the tourist industry would exploit in the image of the "hula giri," which will be

discussed at length later.

Due to the fact that there is no written history of the hula prior to 1778, the events

occurring before then can only be speculated upon utilizing what was written after 1778.

Since the dancers of the hula often danced in unison, many believe that schools existed to

train individuals in the art. It is also believed that in pre-1778 Hawaii there were dance

troops. Some of these dancers were "permanently attached to the households of

Hawaiian chiefs, receiving their entire sustenance from their patrons."^^ Some

researchers imply that there were professional dancers who eamed their living by

receiving gifts from their audience.'^ Readers can see this in the description of a

professional performance seen in Kona in 1794 by Archibald Menzies, a botanist aboard

Captain George Vancouver's expedition:

' Beaglehole 1221-22, qtd. in Barrere 17.

'* Barrere 13.

"' See Malo, David, Hawaiian Antiquities. N. B. Emerson, trans., (B.P. Bishop Mus. Spec. Publ. 2 (2"'' edition) (Reprinted 1971) 1951) 231, see also Menzies, Archibald Hawaii Nei 128 Years Ago. W.F. Wilson, ed, (Honolulu 1920), qtd. in Barrere 19.

After breakfast we were entertained with the performance of a young girl, who danced in a small area before our door. She was ably assisted by her father, who beat on a small dmm and joined her in the singing and reciting and sometimes in a brisk dialogue, while she, encumbered as she was with a grotesque dress, traversed the area with such measured paces and fascinating movements, with such graceful attitudes and such agility and animation of acting, so punctually timed and so varied by easy transitions as would have done credit to the most expert attitudinarian in any part of the world, and far exceeded anything of the kind we had before seen at these islands. Every joint of her limbs, every finger of her hand, every muscle of her body, partook unitedly of the very sympathetic impulses, while the motion of her eyes transferring their transient glances and harmony of her features were beyond the power of description.

We were given to understand that this actress, who might be termed an opera giri, and her father, belonged to a party who strolled about the country from village to village and gained their livelihood by entertaining the inhabitants with their performances. If we might judge of her merits from the specimen we had just seen of her acting, we think she was possessed of natural powers to entertain even in a more refined country.

After presenting this young actress with suitable presents of beads, looking glasses, scissors, tape and other articles... '^

It is also evident from this passage that trained individuals traveled throughout the islands

performing to make "money." There are also indications that, in addition to a few

individuals performing, entire groups were hired for hula concerts performed specifically

for Vancouver and his men ' While Vancouver indicates these hula concerts were not

the norm of the land and instead the dance was "intended as a compliment to us,"^°

evidence still exists that groups performed together.

18 Menzies 168-69, qtd. in Barrere 19.

' Barrere 19.

° Vancouver, George, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean..., 6 vols. (London: Stockdale, 1801) 5, 70, qtd. in Barrere 20.

James King, a member of Captain Cook's expedition, witnessed a hula concert

performed by a group of people that took place at the death of a high chief ^' There is

also another record of a performance similar to that which was recorded by James King.

This hula takes place at the birth of Ka-lua-I-Konahale Kuakini, in 1791: "At the birth of

the child [Kuakini] there was a great hula at Kahalu'u, and the name hula (hula inocP^^)

was being danced for the birth of the new son to Na-mahana and Ke'e-au-moku."^'

Captain Vancouver also observed a hula performance by a group in honor of another high

chief about to be bom.

On our arrival at the place of exhibition, we found the performers assembled, consisting of a numerous throng, chiefly of women, who were dressed in their various coloured clothes, disposed with good effect. The entertainment consisted of three parts, and was performed by three different parties consisting of about 200 women in each, who ranged themselves in five or sbc rows, not standing up, not kneeling, but rather sitting upon their haunches. One man only advanced a few feet before the centre of the front row of the ladies, who seemed to be the hero of the piece, and, like a flugal man, gave tone and action to the entertainment. In this situation and posture they exhibited a variety of gestures, almost incredible for the human body so circumstanced to perform. The whole of this numerous group was in perfect unison of voice and action, that it were impossible, even to the bend of a finger, to have discerned the least variation. Their voices were melodious, and their actions were as innumerable as, by me, they are undescribable; they exhibited a great ease and much elegance, and the whole was executed with a degree of correctness not easily to be imagined. This was particularly striking in one part, where the performance instantly changed from a loud fiill choms, and vast agitation in the countenances and gestures of the actors, to the most profound silence and composure; and instead of continuing in their previous erect attitude, all fell down as it were lifeless, and in their fall buried themselves under their garments; conveying, in some measure, the

' Malo 231, qtd in Barrere 18.

^ Name, term, title, Pukui 101.

^ See Kamakau, Samuel M., Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii (Honolulu: Kamehameha Schools Press, 1961) 388, qtd in Barrere 18-19.

idea of a boisterous ocean becoming suddenly tranquilized by an instant calm. The great diversity of their figured dresses on this occasion had a particularly good effect; the several other parts were conducted with the same correctness and uniformity, but were less easy to describe. There appeared to be much variety and little repetition, not only in the acting of the respective sets, but in the whole of the three parts, the performers in which, could not amount to less than 600 persons. This hoorah [hula] was completely free from the disgusting obscenity exhibited in the former entertainments, which I have before had occasion to notice. It was conducted through every part with great life and vivacity; and was, without exception, the most pleasing amusement of the kind we have seen performed in the course of the voyage. '*

Again, it is evident from the passage that the individuals performing were highly

trained, not just street performers, and they performed in groups. The fact that 200

women would perform at one time, "in perfect unison of voice and action, that it were

impossible, even to the bend of a finger, to have discerned the least variation,"^^ proves

they were trained and rehearsed together.

In 1816, Adelbert de Chamisso, a naturalist aboard the Russian ship Rurick,

attended two hula concerts. Readers can observe some of the changes begun by the early

Christian missionaries in his recollections. Once again, the reader is able to discern that

the dancers are well trained, and Chamisso's respect for the dancers is apparent in his

writing.

On the 4*'' of December, Kareimoku arranged a hurra-hurra [hula-hulc^% or dance performance for us, and another on the 6* Tmly, since I have often seen the ungracefiil contortions that we admire in our dances under

88,

'' See Vancouver 5, 128-30, qtd. in Barrere 21.

' See Vancouver 5, 128-30, qtd. in Barrere 21,

'^ Ballroom dancing with partners, TWerican dancing, ball; massed hula dancing; to dance, Pukui

the name of ballet, it seems to me after observing and viewing the magnificence of the local performances that the former pale in comparison. We barbarians, we call the native who have a love of the beautiful "savages," and we have allowed the ballet of the confounded poets and of the moumfiil mimics to drive them out of the halls we boast are devoted to art, I have always regretted, and must here repeat my regret, that some good genius should not have brought to these islands a painter, who was inspired by the art, and not merely a professional draughts-man. Now it is too late. In Tahiti and in Hawaii missionary clothing out covers the splendid bodies, all of the artistic performances have been silenced, and the tabu^^ Sunday weighs sadly and drearily upon these pleasure loving children

I must give you an indication that I am not exaggerating. On the 4* of December three men danced, and on the 6" , a large group of young girls, amongst whom were many of exceeding beauty. But it was not the latter who made a lasting impression upon me, no, it was the men who excelled in their art and whom one could not say that one was better than the other. One may glance at the two horrible drawings which spoil Choris' atlas. The dance does not lend itself to being painted, and for what he has here done, may the Genius of Art forgive him, ^

Such enthusiasm and joyful intoxication as the Hawaiians showed at this performance, I have never seen in any audience, or any other performance. They threw presents to the dancers, such as clothing and jewelry,^^

Another example of a public hula performance of a celebratory nature by trained

groups was for Crown Prince Liholiho, who was to become Kamehameha n in 1819 after

the death of his father King Kamehameha.'" The performance of this dance occurred in

^ Kapu in Hawaiian, taboo, prohibition; sacredness; prohibited forbidden; sacred holy, consecrated Pukui 132, 541,

^ Chamisso is referring to two paintings by Louis Choris in 1822 (plates Xn and XVI from Choris' Voyage Pittoresque Autour du Monde,,.Paris 1822),

^ See Chamisso, Adelbert von, "Remarks and Opinions Respecting the Sandwich Islands," (The Friend 2(3), Honolulu, 1862, 15). See also Houston, Victor S.K., trans., "Chamisso in Hawaii," (Forty-Eighth Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for the Year 1939. Honolulu, 1940) 55-82, qtd, in Barrere 23,

° Withington, Antoinette, The (jolden Cloak: The Romantic Story of Hawaii's Monarchs (Honolulu: Mutual Publishing of Honolulu, 1986) 54.

10

1815 and it was the hula pa ipu^^

In the hulapaipu [pa ipu], gourd hula dmms were moved here and there by the dancers. Their hands gestured forward and back, up and down, in unison with the movement of the dmms and to the rhythm of the dmm-slapping. The left-hand of each performer was beautifiilly tattooed [kakau parti 'a '/a'^] because that was the hand that held the cord attached to the dmm through a hole. The right hand did the gesturing. As this kind of hula was greatly enjoyed, there was much swaying and much chanting of the praises of favorites among the chiefs, favorite children, and native sons. This was kept up from dawn until the sun grew warm. There were but two good times for dancing, morning and evening.

The dancers kept in unison and preserved the pleasing quality of chantmg or reciting. Sometimes one would lead and the others would join in; but while he [the ho 'opa 'a' '] was reciting, the others kept their silence and only gestured with their hands and swayed their dmms. At the proper place for the rest to join in, they did so with great vigor. Perhaps there would be two or three dances of that kind, followed by the hula aiha 'a^^ and so on. The dancers received many gifts, and finally a gift was laid at the opening of the head dmmmer's instmment,'^

In addition to ritualistic or celebratory performances, there is evidence of hula

performances for amusement and enjoyment, Peter Coraey lived in Honolulu from 1809-

1810 and witnessed such an occasion, "On moon light nights, the natives collect on the

plain to the number of many hundreds, men, women, and children; here they sit in a ring,

where they dance, sing, and play all maimer of games, and seldom break up before

' 1, Calabash, 2. To beat a gourd drum; the drum itself and accompanying chant and sitting dance by the chanter; also hula kuolo, Pukui 303,

^ To tattoo; tattooing, Pukui 119, It can be assumed that/?an/ 'o 'ia is a type or style of tattoo,

^ See;7a 'a, drummer and hula chanter (the memorizer), Pukui 82, 298,

^ Hula step danced with bended knees; the chanting for this dance is usually bombastic and emphatic, Pukui 10,

^ See I'i, John, Fragments of Hawaiian History. Mary K, Pukui, trans,; Dorothy B, Barrere, ed (Honolulu: Bishop Mus. Press, 1959, Reprinted 1963, 1973) 137, qtd in Barrere 23,

11

midnight,"'^ Not only did the natives enjoy their hida, the written accounts indicate the

explorers enjoyed the Hawaiian hula as well.

On the other hand, after the Hawaiians made changes to the hula, at the request of

the missionaries, there were some explorers who did not appreciate these changes.

Captain Beechey of the British Royal Navy arrived in Honolulu Harbor in January 1827,

His accounts of the htila were quite different from the preceding reports, Beechey

witnessed a formal hula concert performed for visiting dignitaries. This hula also took

place shortly after the missionaries had exerted some pressure on the natives to change

their heathen ways, Beechey states:

,,, The natives were delighted with this performance, especially with that part which exhibited the sea-sickness, and the efforts of the king to speak English; but our slight acquaintance with the language did not enable us flilly to appreciate the allusions. In the next performance, however, this defect was less felt,,,, they [the men] were clothed in their mde native costume, and each had the under part of his right arm tattooed in straight lines from the wrist to the armpit,.,. On the whole it was an exhibition very creditable to the talents of the performers....'^

Beechey indicates that the language barrier made it difficult to appreciate the song. This

was later remedied by the Hawaiians as more people traveled to the islands. As

Hawaiians learned more English (taught by the missionaries), they began adding English

words to their songs, Beechey continues to discuss what he observed and notes the

clothing changes the Hawaiians made in an effort to please the Christian missionaries:

^ See Comey, Peter, Early Voyages in the North Pacific. Glen Adams, ed (Fairfield Wash,: Ye GaUeon Press, 1965) 210, qtd in Barrere 23-6,

^ See Beechey, R.W., Narrative of a Vovaee,,, Performed in the Years 1825. 26. 27. 28, 2 vols, (London: Colbum & Bentley, 1831) 105-7, qtd in Barrere 35-6,

12

The dance of the females was spoiled by a mistaken refinement, which prevented their appearing, as formerly, with no other dress than a covering to the hips, and a simple gariand of flowers upon the head; instead of this they were provided with fiilled chemises, which so far from taking away the appearance of indecency, produced the opposite effect, and it once gave the performance a stamp of indelicacy,'

Beechey had seen hula performed previously and did not enjoy the changes in the

costuming of the women. He states that the new clothing, clothing that covers the body,

instead of providing a sense of propriety gives the illusion of offensiveness. He is

comparing this performance to performances he had seen previously, and apparently the

clothed figures of the women seemed distasteful to him. He felt as though the Hawaiians

performing should have kept the same costumes they wore before the influence of the

missionaries. The missionaries, however, had quite a different opinion.

The Missionaries' Experience

While some explorers found hula fascinating and enjoyed the performances the

Hawaiians "gave in their honor," the missionaries found hula extremely lascivious and

inappropriate. The missionaries perceived these dances as heathen, savage, and ungodly.

Hula did not represent appropriate behavior; to the missionaries, eliminating hula was

one of the first steps in converting the "savage natives" into "good Christians," The

missionaries were ahnost successful; alterations were made and Hawaiian hula changed

forever.

^ See Beechey, R.W,, Narrative of a Voyage,,. Performed in the Years 1825, 26. 27. 28. 2 vols,. (London: Colbum & BentlQf, 1831) 105-7, qtd. in Barrere 35-6,

13

In the late 1820s, the leader of the American missionaries, Hiram Bingham,

witnessed the preparations for the hula performances that were to celebrate the removal

of Liholiho, He wrote,

,, For many weeks in succession, the first sound that fell on the ear in the morning was the loud beating of the dmm, summoning the dancers to assemble,.,. Day after day, several hours in the day, the noisy hula-dmmming, singing, and dancing in the open air, constituted the great attraction or annoyance. The principal scene of the hula at Honolulu was a large yard, contiguous to the house of the governor. The ground was covered with fresh mshes, brought from a neighboring marsh, slung on the backs of the dancers, chiefs, and plebeians, men, women, and children, who, in such cases, walk in single file..,. In the hula, the dancers are often fantastically decorated with figured or colored kcpa, green leaves, fresh flowers, braided hair, and sometimes with a gaiter on the ancle [sic], set with hundreds of dog's teeth, so as to be considerably heavy, and to rattle against each other in the motion of the feet. Notwithstanding these decorations, much of the person is uncovered; and the decent covering of a foreign dress was not then permitted to the public dancers,, ,'^

Bingham expresses his distaste here of the Hawaiians clothing. He considers the dress of

the missionaries more appropriate than their native clothing. He finds it unfortunate that

the natives would not (or as he states, could not) clothe themselves in what he considers

proper attire. Bingham continues to discuss the dance itself

.,. All parts of the hula are laborious, and under a tropical sun, make the perspiration roll off freely from the performers. Sometimes both musicians and dancers cantilate their heathen songs together. Occasionally a single female voice carries on the song, while the rest are silent, and sometimes hundreds of voices are heard together. Melody and harmony are scarcely known to them, with all their skill and art. The whole arrangement and process of their old hulas were designed to promote lasciviousness, and of course the practice of them could not flourish in modest communities. They have been interwoven too with their superstitions, and made subservient to the honor of their gods, and

^' See Bingham, Hiram, A Residence of Twentv-One Years in the Sandwich Islands (Hartford: Huntington, 1847) 123-25. qtd in Barrere 26-7,

14

their mlers, either living or departed and deified, Liholiho was fond of witnessing them, and they were managed to gratify his pride and promote his pleasure/"*

It is clear Bingham did not find the hula fitting for the proper conduct of the missionaries

He states, incorrectly, the dance and song "were designed to promote lasciviousness" and

comments that in a modest society, this is not appropriate behavior. In addition,

Bingham indicates the hda was heathen-like in that it contained the Hawaiians

superstitions, and celebrated gods and mlers, as opposed to the Christian God,

Before the arrival of the missionaries, Hawaiian dress was that of convenience

and comfort. The clothing was made out of kapa.'^^ The men wore a malo and the

women wore a/?a 'M'" (although there are some accounts in which it would appear the

men wore &pa 'u over their malo). Both sexes wore at times a kihei. There are several

opinions as to how the pa 'u was stmctured and tied around the waist, but they are all very

similar, Linda Boynton Arthur states the pa 'u consisted of "five layers of tapa cloth,

about four yards long and three or four feet wide, passing several times around the waist

and extending below the knee,'

' See Bingham 123-25, qtd in Barrere 26-7,

'" Tapa, as made from waulce or mamaki bark, Pukui 130,

" Male's loincloth, Pukui 233,

" Woman's skirt. Pukui 320,

^ Shawl, cape, afghan, Pukui 147,

" See Wills. F,W., "The stoiy of die holoku" rMid Pacific Magazine May 1913: 465-67), see also Ardiur, L.B, "Culttiral authentication refined: The case of the Hawaiian holoku," (Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 15 (3) 1997: 129-39), qtd in Arthur, Linda Boynton, "A Brief History of the Design Evolution of the Hawaiian Holoku," 1994 <http://www2.ctahr,hawaii,edu/cosnune/holokuhistoty,doc>

15

Travelers to the islands introduced fabric and missionaries introduced "civility" in

the clothing styles to the "savage natives" The mu 'umu 'u'*^ and the holoku'*^ were bom.

Early drawings and paintings indicate the Hawaiian women wore no shirts, but the

mu umu 'u and the holoku rectified that for the missionaries. This, however, did not

eliminate the sensuous nature of the hula that the missionaries disapproved of, nor did it

eliminate the ungodly topics of the muhiple gods and goddesses that were honored in the

hula.

As the native Hawaiians and, more importantly, Hawaiian kings and queens

converted to Christianity through the help of the "civilized" missionaries, the hula began

to change.

The converted queen regent Ka'ahumanu had been baptized in December of 1825, and in reaction to missionary teaching had begun to look upon the hula as a "heathen practice." In 1830, according to Kamakau,''^ she forbade its performance in public. However effisctive her edict may have been, it was short-lived; after her death in June of 1832 the edict was ignored by chiefs and commoners alike...

Although there were native Hawaiians who ignored the edict, many of the missionaries,

as well as Hawaiians who had converted to Christianity, were still persistent in their fight

against the hula. These individuals continued their pursuit of converting the "savage

'^ A woman's underslip or chemise; a loose gown, so called because formerly the yoke was omitted and sometimes the sleeves were short, Pukui 256.

" A loose, seamed dress with a yoke and usuaUy with a ttain, and patterned after the Mother Hubbards of the missionaries, Pukui 78,

"• Kamakau 299,

' Barrere 36.

16

natives" to Christianity, tried punishing those who participated in hula, and tried to put an

end to hula altogether

In addition to many of the converted Hawaiians fighting against the hula, there

were non-missionary explorers traveling to the islands who also opposed the nature of the

hula. Charles Wilkes, commander of the United States Exploring Expedition, was one of

those individuals. He states in his 1845 Narrative of the United States Exploring

Expedition During the Years 1838. 1839. 1840. 1842:

Since the introduction of Christianity, these amusements [songs and dances] have been interdicted; for, although the missionaries were somewhat averse to destroying those of an innocent character, yet, such was the proneness of all to indulge in lascivious thoughts and actions, that it was deemed by them necessary to put a stop to the whole, in order to root out licentiousness that pervaded the land. They therefore discourage any kind of noctumal assemblies, as they are well satisfied that it would take but little to revive these immoral propensities with more force than ever. The watchfulness of the government, police, and missionaries, is constantly required to enforce the due observance of the laws,'"

Barrere writes that although Wilkes suggests there were laws that prohibited hula in

public, no written laws stating this can be found, nor is there any remaining evidence that

the edicts were dispersed by proclamation or hand bills, *'

As more and more Hawaiians converted to Christianity, the missionaries and

Hawaiians made stronger efforts to control hula. They succeeded through pressure. In

May of 1851, the Hawaiians passed the first published law regarding public performances

of hula. This law gave the Minister of the Interior the ability "to license all public

° See Wilkes, Charles, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the Years 1838. 1839. 1840. 1842. 5 vols, (Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard 1845) 4, 47, qtd in Barrere 40.

' See Wilkes 4, 47, qtd in Barrere 40,

17

shows,,, to which admission is obtainable on payment of money,,, and the chief of police

in any town or district where the same shall be exhibited may regulate such show or

exhibition in such manner as he shall think necessary for the preservation of order and the

public peace" In 1859, a law passed stating the only place one could acquire a license

for performance was in Honolulu or Lahaina." In 1870, this law was repealed and

performance licenses could be obtained allowing one to perform anywhere on the islands.

In addition, there were punishments in the form of fines and hard labor for breaking these

laws. Although the missionaries and Hawaiians placed restrictions upon hula, it still

provided entertainment and pleasure for the Hawaiians. So much so, clandestine hula

halaus^'* opened and continued to instmct individuals.

The missionaries and the converted Hawaiians abhorred that parents allowed their

children to watch, learn, or perform this un-Christian ritual of song and dance that deified

false gods. They found the traditional offerings and prayers before performances unholy

In addition, they made requests to the authorities that they begin punishing the

wrongdoers. In a letter appearing in the September 10, 1864, issue of the Hawaiian

newspaper Kuokoa. the writer, S.KK., from Makawao, Maui, states distaste after

observing the graduation of a hula class.

* See Laws, Session, Laws of His Maiestv Kamehameha m,,, passed by the Nobles and Representatives,,, 1851 (Honolulu; printed by order of the government, 1851) Section 1-2, qtd in Barrere 41,

" See Civil Code of Hawaiian Islands. Passed in.,, 1859. (Honolulu: printed for the government, 1859) Ch, 7, Art. 2, Sec, 99, qtd in Barrere 41.

^ Long house, as for canoes or hula instruction; meeting house, Pukui 52,

18

To the Ku 'oko 'a. Greetings, There is much hula dancing at Halehaku [Maui], Much of it is being done at the house of a man named Ka-ma'i-ka'a-loa. There hula is danced daily and this is what he does. When a pupil applies at his school, he asks, "Will you remain permanently in my troop?" When the pupil answers "Yes," the teacher prays,,,.

On the 5 of August, the class graduated. It meant a procuring of a pig and roasting it. The house was bedecked with greenery and inside was an altar, Thealtar was decorated with all kinds of flowers. Should you ask, "What is the altar for?" the teacher would answer, "For Laka" to occupy. This is tme; I know it, not just heard it, I know that Laka dwells on the altar for she is the goddess of the dance." This is what they say. At the door of the house two long sticks were set up, entwined with maile^^ and greenery of all kinds. When all of these things just described were ready, the pupils took their places within the house. All within was quiet, not a sound was uttered, A man stood up and uttered a strange prayer to the god. Everyone joined him in praying.

After praying, the dancing began. Their silly behavior was most unbecoming. There were nine dancers in all and their names are Hu, Kekila, Kahikina, Kahea, Lino, Kapahi, Kaleiopu, Kaniho and Keakealani, Two of the girls are under eight years of age. Oh how sad for these young girls to be permitted by their parents to dance. If it is tme that their parents have sent them to leam to dance the hula, leading them to a worthless practice, then the misbehaving parents should be arrested.

Here is another thing, perhaps the Constitution does not permit these people the dance at Halehaku or elsewhere. The kind of dance they are doing is with the feathered rattles [ 'uli 'uli] and if the Constitution allows them to dance with a feathered rattle then they are in the right in persisting in this worthless practice. If the Constitution does not, then the police should watch at the place mentioned above, because these people are doing it all the time, ^

'* Laka is found in Hawaiian myths and is beheved to be one of the goddesses of the hula. Also known as Kapo among many other names. See Westervelt W,D. ed and trans., Hawaiian Legends of Old Honolulu (1963, Japan: Charles E, Tuttle Co,, Inc, 1976) 34.

^ A native twining shrub, Pukui 223,

"Qtd in Barrere 43,

19

It appears as though the rittial described at the beginning of the letter is taking place in a

halau In the hula before the arrival of the missionaries, accounts show that offerings and

prayers were made before a hula performance. This was, according to some, the only

religious aspect of the hula.

A letter in the Kuokoa. dated April 16, 1864, expresses a strong distaste for the

hula.

., Up at Kawananakoa in Nu'uanu Valley [O'ahu] is a house where hula dancing is accompanied with a gourd dmm. There the dmm is playing daily, often nightly, throughout the year. Have those people paid for a permit allowing them to dance the hulal If not, why aren't they arrested by the police? A police should guard that area, spy on and arrest those who encourage the cultivation of idle minds,'^

Another letter, in the March 27, 1880, issue of the Kuokoa. Z.M. Kauhi pleads

with parents to protect their children from the hula:

In some districts of Kohala [Hawaii] there are many people of our race who flow like miming water to this worthless occupation, the hula, from boys and girls often to adults of fifty or more. Hearken, O parents, do not allow your children to indulge in such a worthless practice lest it become a nest of prostitution,'^

There is evidence that some of these clandestine schools and troupes endured

punishment. Nevertheless, there is also evidence that some of the Christians, whether

converted Hawaiians or travelers to the islands, participated, either by watching or

dancing, in the most "unholy" hula. This letter, providing examples of both, was written

by S, Papiohuli, and appeared in the August 27, 1864, issue of the Kuokoa:

^ CJtd in Barrere 45.

* Qtd in Barrere 48-9,

20

My mind is stirred to write to the newspaper about this evil thing, pleasure loving in Hanapepe [Kaua'i],,, In the two years I've resided here,,, I have noticed how it has increased.

... Many go to watch the dancers, including women and children. They enjoy them and are learning to do them. All of the church members are participating in this worthless pastime with the exception of two.

If there is a hula at the residence of Wahine-'ae'a, all of the men and women go there,,. This is their kind of conversation: "So and so is a good dancer; she is so attractive; her gesture, the movement of her feet and of her hips are good," All of the young people who are employed under yearly contracts at Koloa, have attended the hula and have given money to Wahine-'ae'a's girls. They were punished for it by the district judge of Kauai,^°

In addition, the missionaries also felt that the hula did not represent godly

behavior In another letter appearing in the Kuokoa on March 31,1866, D,W. Golia

states, "The instmctors were Kanahele and his wife. They are the couple who are lighting

these people with the lamps of Satan, " ^ In a letter written by P, Kawelaakawai,

appearing in the March 21, 1868, issue of the Kuokoa. the evil of hula is again brought to

the public's attention. Kawelaakawai writes, "The district was once the strongest in

religion; the men and women stood fast, but now I see that half of them have gone into

the work of the Devil. How sad for them! I am making a request to the police of this

district to be watchfiil and remove this evil tare that is growing with the wheat, " ^ There

were even vicious requests that the kumu hulas^^ be punished for their actions. In a letter

^ Qtd, in Barrere 45

' Qtd in Barrere 45.

62 Qtd in Barrere 47,

* Hula teacher, Pukui 182.

21

to the Kuokoa appearing in the June 5, 1875, issue, the writer states:

Here in Honoka'upu, Honolulu, a hula teacher is training his pupils. He works during the afternoon hours. Isn't he a vagrant? Is there no law for such people? If the police go to arrest him they will find him an idler, a vagrant. There is such noise with rattling of feather rattles! Arrest and fine the property owner too for permitting this wrongdoing,^''

More and more Hawaiians converted to Christianity as the Christian ways gained

a stronger hold in Hawaii, At the death of Victoria Kamamalu Ka'ahumanu in May of

1866, King Kamehameha V, her brother, issued a license allowing the people to mourn

the old way: wailing, chanting, and dancing the mele inoa^^ There were, however,

converted Hawaiians who objected to this ancient display of mourning. They expressed

their complaints in a letter found in the July 7, 1866, Kuokoa:

Old doings here in Hawaii are not ended. Some may ask, what kind of doings? The hula. The hula belongs to pleasure and is not for the sober-minded who regret the passing of a beloved one. If so, why was this done in the yard of Hawaii's palace in the days of mourning for the Princess, V.K, Kaahumanu? That wasn't the right thing to do because it was done with real joy as though a great good would be derived therefrom. It was the mourning of a pagan people, not the people who believe Jehovah to be the tme God,

Are we tmly pagans? No indeed; the light of learning of this little kingdom has reached out to the great kingdoms of the world. Why then this heartless deed to the dead? Isn't it so that when a high chief dies that we know we shall see him no more, and mourn him for a proper length of time. It isn't wrong to lament, to chant his name mele (kahea^ inoa) if done as a regret for the separation, but to dance to and fro, that is not affectionate mouming.^^

^ Qtd in Barrere 48,

^ Name chant, i.e., chant composed in honor of a person, as of a chief, Pukui 245. Barrere 46,

^ To call, cry out, invoke, greet, name. Pukui HI,

^ Qtd, in Barrere 46,

22

These are just a few samples of the letters written about the evils and the unholy

propensities of the hula

It was not until the reign of King David Kalakaua (1874-1891) that the hula began

gaining formal acceptance again.

For the coronation of King Kalakaua and Queen Kapi'olani in 1883, nine years after ascending the throne, the/>o 'e^^ hula outdid themselves in reviving and creating chants and dances that were presented at official and unofficial functions. Many of these have come down to the present day as reflections of the more ancient forms of the dance, ^

In addition to the party for the coronation, there was a grand party in Honolulu in 1886

celebrating the King's Jubilee in honor of King Kalakaua's 50th birthday. Although

acceptance of the hula was increasing during the reign of King Kalakaua, there were still

dissenting opinions. In regards to the hula at the king's coronation, which occurred nine

years after he took the throne, a letter appeared in the Kuokoa on March 3, 1883:

If it had just been a lu 'au^°, we would have said nothing; that would have been fine. But here is the evil: when the feasting was over there were displayed ancient pagan hulas of the time of deepest darkness of this people. It seems that this was preplanned for [the program'^ of the] mele inoa sung by the po 'e hula was printed and bound. The songs were worthless, the words so shameful they cannot be uttered by good people, the thoughts obscene. It is impossible to tell how evil and polluting were the things done last Friday at the Royal Palace,^^

^ People, persons, group of, company of, Pukui 334,

* Barrere 50,

™ Hawaiian feast, named for the taro tops always served at one; this is not an ancient name, but goes back at least to 1856, when so used by the Pacific Commercial Advertiser; formerly a feast was/>a 'ina or 'aha'aina, Pukui 214,

' The program referred to may be found in the appendbc of Barrere's Hula: Historical Perspectives or at the Bishop Museum Library,

23

Unforttinately, after the overthrow of the monarchy in 1893, hula no longer existed as an

official form of entertainment It was not until Emerson published Unwritten Literature

of Hawaii that htda became known again "to the outside world as an indigenous art form

of the Hawaiian people"^' Once the outside worid knew about hula again, it began to

change even more. The music and chants would change, and the costuming would go

through yet another change with the emergence of the "hula giri,"

^ CJtd in Barrere 52. Bracketed information added by Barrere,

^ Barrere 55,

24

CHAPTER II

HULA AS A COMMERCIAL ENTERPRISE

Hawaii, Hawaiian music, and Hawaiiana became a trend in the early 1900s, The

Panama-Pacific Exposition in 1915, located in San Francisco, California, held to

celebrate the opening of the Panama Canal, helped stimulate the popularity of things

Hawaiian, The legislature of the Territory of Hawaii decided the Exposition would be an

ideal time to promote the islands as a tourist destination. Funds were set aside to build a

Hawaiian Pavilion at the event. During the seven-month exposition, around nineteen

million people listened to Hawaiian music and observed Hawaiian hula.^'* The event was

so popular that "in 1916 Hawaiian-style music sold more records on the US mainland

than any other type of popular music,"'^ Dancers performed the hula throughout the US

mainland from the most elite Broadway theatres to the smallest theatres in small towns.

These dancers were not necessarily authentic; "the dancers were almost always female,

often Caucasian, and rarely highly trained in hula."^^ Nevertheless, this fad brought

about the tremendous growth of tourist activity that would take place in the 1920s and

1930s, and would eventually lead to live hula performances playing an important part of

the Hawaiian tourist industry.

^ See Rydell, Robert W,, All the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions. 1876-1916 (Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 1984), qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism 66,

* Kanahele, George, ed, Hawaiian Music and Musicians (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1979) 291-92, qtd in Desmond Jane C, Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display from Waikiki to Sea World (Chicago: The U of Chicago Press, 1999)67,

* Desmond Staging Tourism 67.

25

As more people visited the islands, the Hawaiians gradually added more English

words into their songs In addition, while the hula had been "a dance form subordinate to

the poetry of the chant," it had tumed into "a style of dancing in which gesture became

the important feature,"'^ The addition of gestures and English words was almost a

necessity as most of their audience "had little or no knowledge of the Hawaiian

language."'^ Because of this, by the time traveler Nathaniel B, Emerson arrived in

Hawaii in the early twentieth century, the hula had already changed from its original

form.

In addition, the meles^^ were no longer always chanted by the ho 'opa 'a. Instead

of always chanting, the Hawaiians began to sing the meles to melodious tunes. As

tourism increased, many new songs were written almost entirely in English, These mele

hapa haole^^ were, and can still be, heard on the radio as well as at the big commercial

lu 'aus. Two examples of these hapa haole songs are provided in Chapter Three,

The introduction of new instmments to the islands by travelers from Europe,

North America, and South America encouraged this practice. In order to create these

n Barrere 64,

^ Barrere 64,

' Song, andiem, or chant of any kind poem, poetry; to sing, chant. Pukui 245,

*° Barrere 64,

' A Hawauan type of song with English words and perhaps a few Hawaiian words, hapa haole-Part-white person; part white and part Hawaiian, Pukui 58,

26

new melodies, Hawaiians began utilizing the guitar, 'ukelele,^^ the taro-patch fiddle,*' the

mandolin, and even the piano at times. As the tourist industry grew in Hawaii, the use of

modem instmments familiar to the Euro-American traveler gave visitors a taste of home

as well as a taste of something exotic. Because the Hawaiian natives began using

"civilized" musical instmments in their performances, the tourists believed they could

relate to the natives more easily. The tourists were able to envision the "natives" more

like themselves. This familiarity of instmments and use of the English language lessened

the "alien-ness" of the native Hawaiians.

There is no indication the hula completely changed. It was simply evolving into a

new form. Even in this changed form, however, there was disapproval of the hula. This

time, instead of merely critiquing the ungodliness of the hula, there were also laments

regarding the new "version" of hula. In the article, "Hawaiians Are Not to Blame for the

Degradation of the Hula," Lorin Tarr Gill expresses her disappointment in the "new and

improved" hula:

. .the Hawaiian hula as known to the world at large is a spectacle of which we who make our homes in these islands can not [sic] in any way be proud,,,

,. The tmth of the matter is that the real Hawaiian hula has little in common with the course imitations frequently served up to sightseers, magazine readers, and the general public,,,

* A four-string instrument resembling in general appearance the fiddle plucked with the finger or the thumb, Emerson 251, Lit., leaping flea, probably from the Hawaiian nickname of Edward Purvis, who was small and quick and who popularized the instrument brought to Hawaii by the Portuguese in 1879, Pukui 366.

* A five-string instrument resembling in general appearance the fiddle plucked with the finger or the thumb, Emerson 251,

27

,,, Almost none of the singing that one hears at the so-called hula performance is Hawaiian music of the old sort,,.

. .With the arrival of the first whaling vessels, the hula was modernized to suit the jaded palates of the sailors of a hundred years ago. More and more objectionable features were introduced. The natives, ever obliging, were influenced by the effects of gin and the desire for the suggestive dance, and the hula degenerated into the thing it is today,*'*

It is clear from her statements that she is unhappy with the results of the changes made to

the hida in order to "modernize" it. Gill continues:

Under King Kalakaua, less artistic or coarser forms of hula became the court dance.

And this is the commercialized hula as known to the tourist.

The indecent hula is sometimes foisted upon the public as a religious and ceremonial performance of the early Hawaiians and hence, "having the approval of the gods, it should have the approval of mortals,"

This is a view, according to the same authority, "that meets with but ridicule from those best qualified to know, the Hawaiians themselves. ,85

But the hula has been popularized and commercialized; it has been displayed at public gatherings as an ancient religious ceremony; it has suffered the addition of imported steps from the mainland, and the vulgarities introduced to pander to tourists; yet it has been called the national dance of Hawaii, and its grass skirt, unknown to early Hawaii, has been called the national costume,*^

^ Gill, Lorin Tarr, "Hawaiians Are Not to Blame for the Degradation of the Hula,'' Paradise of the Pacific (March 1923) 7-8, qtd in Barrere 64-6,

** Thrum, Thomas G,, "Must We Countenance the Hula" Hawaiian Annual for 1918. pp. 120-25, qtd in Gill, Lorin Tarr, "Hawaiians Are Not to Blame for the Degradation of the Hula," Paradise of the Pacific (March 1923) 7-8, qtd in Barrere 64-6,

** Gill, Lorin Tarr, "Hawaiians Are Not to Blame for die Degradation of the Hula," Paradise of die Pacific (March 1923) 7-8, qtd, in Barrere 64-6,

28

As much as Gill objects to this new style of hula, the Hawaiians still perform the old,

traditional style of hula, hula kahiko*^ Unfortunately, the hida kahikos are seen less

often in public than the newer, modem version. The hula Gill describes with derision is

the always-evolutionary hula 'auana^^ which can be seen throughout the world today.

While the Hawaiians today still perform hula kahiko, it is rarely what the tourists

see. In fact, the hula kahiko practically disappeared from public view after the

missionaries started influencing hula performances. Hula kahiko holds to the old

traditions that the first explorers and missionaries observed. Prayers and offerings are

still part of the ceremony, Hawaiians still use traditional instmments, like the pahu or the

'uli 'uli, to create the music and the ho 'opa 'as still chant meles honoring the gods,

goddesses, and the kings of the past.

Most tourists see the hula 'auana when they visit the Hawaiian Islands, They

find themselves at an "authentic" Hawaiian lu 'au where they watch "authentic" hula

dancers, A band accompanies the dancers, complete with 'ukelele, electric guitars, and

perhaps a dmm set. Although they include some traditional instmments and traditional

meles at the lu 'aus, the performance is only an interpretation of traditional hula. It is a

* Old ancient, antique, primitive, long ago, Pukui 112, Since the Hawaiian Renaissance, which occurred in the late 1960s and early 1970s, there has been a revival of hula kahiko. The Merrie Monarch Hula Competition occurs every year on Easter weekend Through this competition, performers are attempting to revive the old ways of the hula. There are many other hula competitions, as well, occurring all over the world that are trying to bring knowledge to the public of the hula kahiko. See also Stillman, Amy Ku'uleialoha, "Re-Membering to History of the Hawaiian Hula," Cultural Memory: Reconfiguring History and Identity in the Postcolonial Pacific. Jeannette Marie Mageo, ed (Honolulu: U of Hawaii Press, 2001) 187-204,

* To wander, drift, ramble, go from place to place; to sti y morally or mentally, Pukui 30, In this case, it means modenu having wandered from its original form; a westernized version of hula.

29

performance scripted for the audience. Whereas the performances seen by the early

explorers may have been somewhat scripted, the new scripts involve taking the audience

on a joumey through Polynesian history. In addition, for the traditional meles that have

words in Hawaiian, the Master of Ceremonies is there to translate so the audience does

not get confused.*'

The Hawaiian tourist industry, through various forms of advertisements, is able to

encourage six million visitors a year to come visit their beautiful islands and watch their

hula 'The tourist industry is the leading source of income for the state, generating $11

billion a year in revenue, representing a quarter of Hawaii's gross state product and

employing nearly a third of all workers,"'" In the late 1800s and the early 1900s, the

tourist trade in Hawaii soared. In order to encourage travelers to visit the islands, the

advertising industry created an image that would lure people to the islands. That image

was, and still is, the "hula girl,"'^

The 'Tiula Girl" Image

According to Jane C, Desmond in her book. Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display

from Waikiki to Sea Worid. the tourist industry started to depend greatly on live

*' Dninis of the Pacific, perf,, Hyatt Regency Lu 'au, Ka'anapali, Maui, October 1999 and June 2001,

90 Desmond Staging Tourism 13.

'' The term ""hula girl' was popularized on the mainland and connotes a sexually atfractive young woman, Desmond Staging Tourism 270. The terms "hula dancer" and "hula girl" mean different tilings and should not be confiised.

30

performances of Hawaiian hula in the 1930s,'^ Outsiders now associate the "hula giri"

with Hawaii and with the exotic. She is typically dressed in her green "grass" skirt,

bikini or coconut top, and a /e /" or two. This image is found on everything from

postcards to lamps, lunchboxes to dishtowels, and even on dashboards of cars.

Commercial lu 'aus continue to perpetuate this image of the "hula girl" and this

leads individuals to believe that the men and women performing are "native" Hawaiians,

The advertisers have utilized the slender look of the "hula giri" to represent their

products. The larger, full-figured native Hawaiians are not as appealing in

advertisements. The producers of the lu 'aus maintain this image as that is what the

tourists expect. Unfortunately, tourists may not realize these performers are rarely

"native" Hawaiians (in the biological sense) and are instead paid performers, as are the

models that appear in Hawaiian advertisements.

In 1993, the Hawaiian Visitors Bureau invited travelers to "COME TO LIFE IN

HAWAII." Desmond describes the brochure as showing:

A map of the Hawaiian islands,,, studded with photos of natural beauty, such as mountain landscapes, deserted beaches, and the smiling woman on the cover holding a flower lei and wearing a huge red hibiscus behind her ear. She stands in front of a profiision of green leaves, midriff" and shoulders bare, as if just emerging from the tropical rainforest.

Surrounding the woman on the cover are images of natural beauty. These pictures,

appearing with the woman, make it appear as though the woman herself is one of

92 Desmond Staging Tourism 99,

^ Lei, garland wreath; necklace of flowers, leaves, shells, ivory, featiiers, or paper, given as a symbol of aflFection; beads; any ornament worn around the head or about the neck, Pukui 200,

'" Desmond Sfap;in^ Tourism 10,

31

Hawaii's "natural beauties," Desmond also states that the back cover of this brochure

features another woman This Hawaiian beauty is "dancing the hula in a ti-leaf,' or

'grass,' skirt. "'^ The text on the back of the brochure encourages the reader to

"experience the beauty of nature,,, the sights and scents of tropical flowers,. tradewinds

[that] enhance the romantic, natural setting,"'^ yet the image focuses on a "hula girl,"

again implying that the "hula giri" is part of the natural beauty, part of the natural setting.

It would appear that upon arrival in Hawaii, one will immediately see luxurious

landscapes and the enchanting and attractive "hula girls," The brochure continues:

The image that is most associated with Hawaii is of a beautiful woman clad in a hula skirt. She offers a lei, plays the ukulele or dances the hula. The hula express what words often cannot through the poetry of movement. It remains that sunshine gesture of olden days and its traditions are still thriving in today's performers.'*

While this is a modem example, the "hula girl" has blessed viewers with her presence for

about a century. The first "hula girls" appeared in advertising as early as the teens of the

twentieth century, but the "hula girl" had actually made her appearance in the late

nineteenth century.

The postcards and stereoscopic photographs, popular in the mid-to-late nineteenth

century, helped capture the "hula gjrl" in print. One such stereoscopic photograph, titled

^ Plant, M in Hawaiian, a woo<ty plant (Cordyline terminalis) in the lily family, native to ttopical Asia and Austi^lia. .the leaves were put to many uses by the Hawaiians, as for house tiiatch, food wrappers, hula skirts, sandals, Pukui 145. 545,

^ Desmond Staging Tourism 10,

^ Desmond Stap;inp; Tourism 10,

^ Desmond Stap;inp; Tourism 10,

32

"A Hula Dancing Giri," was released before 1900, Desmond describes this photo in her

book:

Sold as part of the Keystone "South Sea Islands and Hawaii" set, this stereocard features an oval photo of a young, slender woman in raffia skirt, posed bare-breasted on the beach, right in front of Diamond Head's profile. Palms etch the distant horizon. Her hair is pinned up loosely, and she stands, hands on hips, left foot extended—a position apparently made up by the photographer to indicate "dance" while still meeting the static requirement of photomaking,"

The caption on the back of the card reads:

Dancing is one of the favorite amusements of the people, and the hula-hula is the national dance,, ,It is not now much practiced, and the dress and nature of the dance have been much changed.

While the "dress and nature of the dance" have indeed changed, the statement about the

hula "not now much practiced" is false. The hula never went out of fashion. Hawaiians

never stopped performing the hula. The caption also comments on the costume of the

Hawaiians:

This picture shows the girl in the original costume. It was a skirt made of grass, wdth garlands of flowers for a waist. Her hair was also trimmed with flowers. The brightest colors were chosen for those garlands, and leaves were often used with them. This native costume is now seldom

100

worn.

The photograph is describing the "hula girl's" original costume. As shown earlier, the

native costume was not a "grass" skirt but was instead made of kapa cloth. This caption

indicates erroneously that this was the original native costume. It is the costume of the

^ Desmond Staging Tourism 41

"* Qtd, in Desmond Staging Tourism 42,

33

"hula giri" that has remained relatively unchanged. The description of the photograph

continues, discussing the hula itself

The clanging of gourds, a half a dozen of them first being tossed into the air and then beaten with the palms of the hands, produced the desired effect upon the dancers. Their hands and feet moved faster and faster. The dancing was done quite as much with the body as with the limbs. There were convulsions of the chest and the entire body. The gymnastic contortions would do credit to some of the old dervishes. No matter how much such a scene was enjoyed by the natives, it was too intense to prove anything but disappointing to civilized people,,,'°'

Again, the description indicates the hula was not very popular. While the caption states

the hula was "too intense to prove anything but disappointing to civilized people,"'"^ it is

obvious the hula was enjoyed by some or it would not still be entertaining tourists and

Hawaiians today,

Desmond's description of the "hula girl" as a slender girl is quite different from

Isabella L, Bird's experience with the women of Hawaii, In a letter written to her sister

in 1873, Bird describes the women as being larger than the "hula girl" image seen in

photographs and postcards. Bird writes, "The forms of the women seemed to be inclined

towards obesity, but their drapery, which consists of a sleeved garment which falls in

ample and unconfined folds from their shoulders to their feet, partly conceals this defect,

which is here regarded as a beauty,"

'"' Qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism 42,

'" Qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism 42,

'°^ Bird Isabella L., Six Montiis in the Sandwich Islands (1890, Japan: Charles E, Tuttle Company, Inc, 1974) 14,

34

Unlike the women Bird saw, it is the slender, sensuous Polynesian-looking

women of Hawaii pictured in the photos and postcards The eariy postcards (as well as

modem postcards) rarely feature Hawaiian men. When they did, Desmond asserts the

men in the postcards were usually alone, or shown with other men, and they typically

wore the traditional males, thus emphasizing the sensual nature of the Islands,'"'*

Nevertheless, the women prevailed as the "symbol" of the exotic Hawaiian Islands,

A postcard mailed in 1913 shows a cartoon-like drawing of a large (generally

uncharacteristic in the media), dark-skinned, Hawaiian woman. Even though this

postcard features a "large" woman, the subtext of it, like so many others, is enchanting

and sexual in nature. The postcard contains the caption, "The Captivating Hula," and

also includes the following poem: "If you never saw the hula, I'll show it now to you:/I

give a little wiggle and a little twist or two, / An undulating motion with my body and my

hand; / That's how we dance the hula in Fair Hawaii land!"'"'

Another early example of the "hula girl" image is the cover image of a special

travel issue of Life Magazine (April 10, 1931). Like the stereoscopic photograph of the

1800s described above, this cover image contradicts the "beauty" Bird spoke of in her

letters, Desmond describes the cover as a "drawing of a curvaceous hula girl, arms raised

overhead, eyes closed, head lolling languorously, swaying grass skirt slung low,

revealing belly and a long line of thigh, breasts nearly escaping a brief bandeau top,"

"^ Desmond Staging Tourism 47.

'°^ Desmond Staging Tourism 48,

106 Desmond Staging Tourism 98,

35

This description is extremely different from the image Bird paints, or from the photos and

drawings of the full figured bodies found performing at the King's Jubilee,

The description of the cover of the 1931 Life Magazine is extremely sensuous.

The giri on the cover is revealing her belly as well as much of her leg, and, in addition, it

sounds as if her "bandeau top" might not be covering everything it should be for it to be

"proper," The new images appear to contradict everything the missionaries worked to

hide about the hula. Shown on this cover, the "hula giri" is an extremely sexy woman,

yet the "hula girl" image always retains a youthfiil air of innocence. This innocence

helps keep the "hula girl,"

, nonthreatening to men and women alike,, associating her more with sensuous heterosexual romance than with sex per se. With her dark hair, bare skin, grass skirt, beckoning smile, and gracefiil gestures over swaying hips, the hula girl image evokes the feminized lushness of the tropics: accessible, hospitable, beautiful, exotic, and natural,'"^

Another depiction of a sensuous hula dancer can be found in The New America and the

Far East: A Picturesque and Historic Description of these Lands and Peoples The

caption proclaims about her sex appeal;

With her profiision of raven hair, tied with a gay bandelet of feathers and ohia blossoms, softly expressive dark eyes, pleasant countenance, erect figure, graceful and steady carriage, she commands the admiration of the beholder. The young waihine'"* [sic] woman, a dazzling vision of

'°^ Desmond Staging Tourism 12,

"^ Should be wa/»/w . woman, lady, wife, Pukui 377,

36

sparkling eyes, peariy teeth, bright flowers, and bare legs,,, startles the timid stranger with her boldness of address, her voluptuous bust rounding

£ 1 109

tn gracefiil curves

Again, the emphasis of the description of the Hawaiian woman is on her sensuousness.

This sensuousness of the "hula girl" continues in an advertisement placed in 1928

for the Los Angeles Steamship Company. "It shows a secluded beach scene with

Diamond Head in the background. A native hula maiden wearing only a strategically

placed lei and grass skirt leans against a palm, stmmming a ukulele.""" Advertisers

utilize sex appeal in order to sell the native image to the non-native tourist.

On the other hand, in early advertisements, the Hawaiian Tourist Bureau (HTB)

tried to break away from the "hula girl" stereotype. While the advertisements

incorporated depictions of Hawaiians, early in the twentieth century they did not depict

the "hula girl" as a grass-skirted, ukulele playing sex symbol. Aeko Sereno argues that

instead of portraying the "hula girl" in a sensuous light, the HTB wanted to rescue her

from the "mainland misrepresentations,"'" Unfortunately, these misrepresentations

continued to flourish and still do today.

Eventually, the "hula giri" moved from swaying her hips on paper, to greeting

individuals as they arrived at the Hawaiian Islands, Tour companies hired local women

to welcome the travelers and decorate their necks with leis after their joumey. (This "^ Browne, G, Waldo, ed. The New America and the Far East: A Picturesque and Historic

Description of These Lands and Peoples (Boston: Marshall Jones, 1907) 163, qtd, in Womacks, Lanny Thompson, "Estudiarlos, Juzgarlos ye Gobemalos': Conocimiento y poder en el Archipielago Imperial Estadounidense," (paper presented at the Congreso Intemacional "La Nacion Sonada: Cuba, Puerto Rico y Filipinas antes el '98," April 24-28, 1995, Aranjuez, Spain) 6, qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism 57.

"° Desmond Staging Tourism 81,

^" Desmond Staging Tourism 82,

37

practice of tour companies hiring greeters continues to this day.) Occasionally there was

a hula performance to greet the vacationers, but even if there was no performance, these

"hula girl" greeters adomed the necks of those arriving and the travelers were able to

meet the "hula girl" in person. The "hula girl" had now become a flesh-and-blood person

to the traveler, and not just an image seen in print. These hired "hula girls" helped keep

this image alive by allowing the vacationers to take photographs in order to document the

happy occasion.

Desmond states that in most of these extant photographs, the female greeters

rarely show their faces. Instead, "her hair, bare arms and legs, blouse, head lei, neck lei,

and ti-leaf skirt [are] captured in the picture., ,""^ Today these photos serve as mementos

the tourist can share with fiiends or family.

When the practice first began, the photos were reprinted and circulated throughout

the US mainland. In addition, many of these photos were sent to the society pages in the

hometowns of the tourists. One such photograph, taken in 1929, featured WTP,

Hollingsworth with a female greeter dressed in a "print cotton top and knee length ti-leaf

skirt over bare legs,"'" This photo was sent to the Chicago Tribune in Paris as well as

the New York Tribune, The caption accompanying the photo reads: "WTP,

Hollingsworth, President of Neon Lights Company of America. Snapped in the Coconut

grove of the Royal Hawaiian Hotel with a typical Hawaiian Hula Giri,""'' Unfortunately,

"^ Desmond Staging Tourism 94-5,

' " Desmond Staging Tourism 95,

"" This photo (no, 835), along witii otiiers, can be found in die Sheraton Waikiki Hotel archives, 'Old Pictures of Guests of the Royal Hawaiian," Desmond Staging Tourism 95.

38

this caption never mentions that, like the performers at the lu 'aus, this greeter, this

"typical Hawaiian Hula Giri" was a hired actress, and she was wearing a costume

Instead, the viewer is left to assume that the "hula giris" wander around the islands

greeting travelers and showering them with Hawaiian aloha.^^^

The "hula giri" finally eclipsed other images of Hawaii, Mainlanders have come

to equate, not just associate, Hawaii with the "hula giri," There was a time when pictures

and postcards of lush landscapes drew visitors to the islands, "By the end of the 1920s

the hula and the image of the hula girl had replaced the allure of natural wonders as the

primary signifier of Hawaii,""^ While many thought the image of the "hula girl" showed

Hawaii in a positive light, it did not please others. Momi Kamehele, a Native Hawaiian

scholar and dancer, wrote about her distaste of the "hula girl:" "Images of brown-

skinned women with soft, dark eyes, teasing smiles and supple hips, stimulated within the

tourist the sexual attraction of the female Hawaii, This image has become the definition

of Hawaiian women in general, and of Hawaiian dancers in particular,""^ The talents of

the hula dancers are overlooked and the image of the sensuous "hula girls" triumphs.

The practice of utilizing "hula giris" in advertisements has not stopped. The "hula

girl" image advertises anything from traveling to exotic Hawaii to advertising

commercial lu 'aus, as well as other things "Hawaiian," In the May/June 2001 issue of

"* Love, affection, compassion, Pukui 21,

"* Desmond Staging Tourism 97,

' " Kamahele, Momi. "Hula as Resistance," rForwardMotion 2 no,3 (1992): 40-6) 42, qtd, in Desmond Staging Tourism 11,

39

Spirit of Aloha, several ads incorporate the "hula giri" image as businesses try to sell

their products.

One of these ads, appearing on page ten, features a "hula giri" in the foreground

of one of the photos. She stands on the edge of a mountain, barefoot, dressed in leis, a

bandeau-like top, and a skirt consisting of a lei as the waistband and two pieces of

creamy material, one piece covering only the front of her legs to her knees and the other

piece covering her backside to her knees. Her midriff and thighs are bare. Her right arm

reaches up in a gracefiil pose and her eyes look towards the sky. In examining the "hula

girl," one could presume she was looking towards the heavens. However, slightly above

her head, and quite smaller than her, is a helicopter. The advertisement belongs to Heli

USA Airways, The "hula giri" has nothing to do with the scenic tour one will take in the

helicopter, but the image represents Hawaii, and therefore, seeing the "hula giri" in the ad

ads a touch of romance to the adventure,"*

Another advertisement, appearing on page 114, also features the "hula girl," In

this particular ad, the "hula girl" is a cartoon rendition of the beautiful girl. She is

bedecked with leis, of course. She wears a ti-leaf skirt, which resembles a skirt made

from fescue grass. Her blouse appears to consist of no material, but instead is made of

red hibiscus flowers, which, of course, matches the red hibiscus behind her right ear.

Many say that the flower placed behind her right ear indicates the woman is available and

looking for a romantic relationship. This cartoon "hula girl" is in the center of a grouping

18 Spirit of Aloha: The Maga/ine of Aloha Airlines and Island Air. May/June 2001: 10,

40

of circles. In the second circle, the reader sees "MAUI COFFEE ROASTERS,"'" From

the description of the "hula girl," one would not think this was an advertisement for

coffee, yet the "hula girl" is so ingrained into the Hawaiian culture, it is used to advertise

almost anything.

On the Hawaiiweb.com website, "The Web of the Islands," a "hula giri" is

prominently featured along the left side of the page. Pictured in the background is the

ocean. Standing on the shore is a very slender girl, wearing a coconut bra and ti-leaf

skirt. Similar to the "hula girl" seen in the advertisement for Heli USA Airways, she

appears to be in a dance position. Her left arm is reaching towards the sky and her eyes

follow. Her left hand is reaching towards the many links one may choose to visit on the

website.'^"

These are but a few contemporary examples of the use of the "hula girl," She

became a symbol for Hawaii through advertisements and remains one today. Education

helps maintain a balance between the "hula girl" image and the image of the "biological"

Hawaiian, but this education is extremely limited and happens, most of the time, on the

islands themselves. In the smaller hula shows, a variety of races and body types can be

seen. This variety helps negate the slender physique of the "hula girl," but, unfortunately,

the "average tourists" will find him or herself at the big commercial lu 'aus where the

sensuous "hula girl" image is brought to life. The "hula girl" made her debut in print, but

soon found her way into the performances. In doing so, she changed the hula once again.

" ' Spirit of Aloha: The Magazine of Aloha Airiines and Island Air, May/June 2001: 114,

•20 The Web of the Islands, (2003) 6 Feb 2004 <http://www.hawaiiweb.coni/>

41

Looking the Part

Desmond states that "as more and more visitors came searching for Hawaiiana, a

variety of live performances were developed to entertain them,, This explosion of

entertainment meant more jobs for local performers,, ,"'^' These local performers were,

and still are, paid for their performances, in the same manner that the performers on

Broadway or any other paid theatrical venue earn money, Hawaiians were not dancing,

posing for photographs, or greeting tourists simply to expose the tourists to their cultural

practices. They eamed paychecks. The performers saw hula as a way to earn money, in

much the same way they worked as greeters, or when they danced for the explorers who

visited their islands, only now, instead of receiving beads or looking glasses as they did

when the first explorers paid them, the performers received money.

In casting any model, or casting for a film or theatrical performance, physical

appearance plays a key role. In order to provide a taste of the exotic for middle-class, US

mainlanders, performers could not be "white," In addition, performers could not be

"black" or they would appear obviously non-native Hawaiian. It was important that the

performers be brown, but not too brown. Thus, the hapa haole, or half-white, look was

encouraged in advertising and at large commercial hulas. The hapa haole look became

the look for the "ideal native," according to Desmond,'^^

As the Hawaiian fad fed tourism, the movie industry feasted on the exotic flavors

of Hawaii as well. Between the years of 1920 and 1939, the movie industry made over

'^' Desmond Staging Tourism 99,

• ^ Desmond Staging Tourism xxii.

42

fifty feature films either about or filmed in Hawaii.'^' It was the norm to cast white

mainlanders as leads in these films while casting the islanders in minor roles.

"Polynesian roles were usually played by non-Polynesians, especially Latin American

women such as Mexican Dolores Del Rio and Argentinian Mona Maris, or by Euro-

Americans like Betty Compton,"'^^

Gilda Gray, known for her hula dances on Broadway in the late 1920s, helped

popularize the "'whitened' ideal of the Hawaiian hula girl, a hapa-haole look that would

dominate the Hollywood screen during the thirties and forties,"'^^ In an article in a 1930

edition of The Evening World. Karl Kitchen claims Gilda Gray was a more beautifiil

Hawaiian than actual Hawaiians after he watched a hula performance in Hawaii, He

claimed the "real" Hawaiians were "too fat."

While the non-Hawaiians cast in these movies and theatrical performances

certainly did not look Polynesian, they were cast as the leads in order to bring viewers to

the theatres. However, the Latm American women typically possessed the right color of

skin to look almost Polynesian, yet not too foreign. The Latin American's tanned skin

represented the exotic, yet she was light enough that the Euro-American woman could

still imagine herself in the role

'^ Desmond Staging Tourism 109,

' ^ Desmond Staging Tourism 109,

' ^ Desmond Staging Tourism 71,

' ^ Desmond Staging Tourism 71,

43

The Hawaiian Renaissance occurred in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Hula

became extremely popular, yet many Polynesian dancers found it difficult to obtain jobs

because they did not look the part. Similar to the Rockettes of Radio City Music Hall in

New York City, there were certain physical requirements the dancer had to meet. They

"had to be 'pencil slim,' around 115 pounds, and roughly five feet, six inches tall to fit in

the hula line,"'^' One dancer claims that the lineage of the individual did not matter, as

the tourists "think all Polynesians and Japanese are Hawaiian anyway,"'^*

Another dancer recalls the desired look for the hula dancer of the 1970s: 'Tor a

perfect show, you wanted the height, you wanted the hapa haole [look], you wanted the

beauty, you wanted the size 7 girl,"'^' Desmond asserts that those dancers with darker

skin, with Polynesian looks, or those that looked too /lao/e,"" found it very difficult to

obtain work. The hapa haole look was the look of the ideal native and those that

possessed that look had jobs. Another dancer states: "Maybe their hair was a little too

fiizzy, or their skin was a little too dark, or nose a little bit too wide, or their lips a little

too thick... That look was really important, it really was. You couldn't be blond, or have

straight black hair [too "Oriental"]. Hapa haole, that was it. Tan,"'"

' ^ Desmond Stafrinp; Tourism 134,

'^ Desmond Staging Tourism 134,

' ^ Desmond Stap;inp; Tourism 134,

130 White person, American, Englishman, Caucasian; formerly, any foreigner, Pukui 58,

" ' Desmond Staging Tourism 134.

44

More evidence suggests that female dancers who were hapa haole looked too

white, and were not hired even if they were exceptionally competent dancers. Desmond

states: "One dancer recalled a brief time in the 1970s when blondes were included in

Polynesian shows that included both hula and jazz dancing, but the blondes wore dark

wigs for the hula segments, reproducing the hapa-haole image.""^ While this was the

norm in the early twentieth century through the 1970s, the hapa haole "look," though less

important now, still remains a dominant "look," especially at the commercial lu 'aus.

A dusky, slightly Polynesian, Sophia Loren look is very popular. Rare indeed is a dancer with anything but black hair and brown eyes. Also rare is what in the islands is termed an "Oriental" look - straight rather than slightly wavy hair, a very flat bridge of the nose, wide, flat cheek bones, and pronounced eye-folds. Neither can the dancer appear to be "black" to a mainlander white audience, Melanesian dancers, from Fiji for example, are rarely seen in professional shows because their complexion and hair might be interpreted as Afiican American,'"

In Staging Tourism. Desmond describes Germaine's Luau. Germaine's Luau

encourages tourists to "Experience an authentic Hawaiian Luau like no other and

discover why visiting us once may not be enough,""'* On another page at the Germaine's

Luau website, the producers of the lu 'au claim, "Germaine's is the best and most

authentic luau in the Pacific,""^ While the food may be authentic, "authentic native

Hawaiians" probably do not perform the dances. The audiences, once again, view an

132 Desmond Staging Tourism 294,

"^ Desmond Jane C, "Invoking 'The Native:' Body PoUtics in Contemporary Hawaiian Tourist Shows" The Drama Review 41.4 (Winter 1997) 96,

'^'' Oftrmaine's Luau. 7 February 2004, <www,germainesluau,com>

"^ fiprmaine's Luau: The Luau. 7 February 2004, ;http://www, germainesluau.com/about/the_luau, shtml>

45

interpretation of what was once authentic. The problem arises when audience members

tmly believe that what they are seeing is "authentic"

Desmond describes the dancers she observed at Germaine's Luau. noting body

type and race:

There are six female dancers and five male dancers. The young women are extremely slender, all with long dark hair flowing down their backs. Most look "hapa haole," or part Caucasian, while two appear to be Filipino, None looks primarily Chinese, Japanese, or Caucasian, and none appears to be primarily of Polynesian heritage. No female dancer possesses the larger body size often found among both male and female Polynesians and locals living in Honolulu,. Among the men, the hapa-haole look does not predominate, although it is represented prominently by MC Keikilani, who occupies the stage more than any other performer. Interestingly, the range of looks among the men seems to require some explanation by the female co-host, who plays a very secondary role in the show. She introduces the men as examples of the fact that "Hawaii is the melting pot of the Pacific,""^

The men introduce themselves by name and nationality at Germaine's Luau, Whether or

not they really are "100% Samoan, and proud of it!""^ the audience will never know.

The Master of Ceremonies leaves the audience to assume the performer really is Samoan,

At the Dmms of the Pacific in Ka'anapali, Maui, the Master of Ceremonies

introduces Chief Fa'a, who is going to perform the traditional Samoan fire knife dance."*

Fa 'a in Samoan means the Samoan way,'" It is very fitting that the name of the man

performing the Samoan fire knife dance is Fa'a. There is a slight chance that this very

' ^ Desmond Staging Tourism 23,

' ^ Desmond Staging Tourism 23,

138 Drums of the Pacific October 1999,

^^ Owens, David Samoan Language,,, (1996-2001) 7 February 2004 <http://www,ipacific.com/samoa/speak.html>

46

talented man is a Samoan Chief and his name really is Fa'a, It is more likely, however,

that Fa'a is the character's name in the production the tourists are watching (in this

instance, his real name is Fa'a Tialino), Simply looking at the performer, there is no

proof that Chief Fa'a is from Samoa, Nor would an audience member think that Chief

Fa'a was also the sales manager for the Hyatt Regency Maui Resort and Spa during the

day. The audience also never realizes that Fa'a Tialino's boss pressured him into

learning the fire knife dance, "My boss said to me either you leam the fire dance or I'm

going to fire you. I had one week to practice, and when I got up there, it was a disaster,

but my boss thought I had potential so he gave me 30 days to leam. So I've been dancing

ever since,"''*" Nevertheless, the audience believes the actors are from where they say

they are, and the producers of the lu 'au do nothing to discourage what may be a false

impression.

While the men introduce themselves at Germaine's Lu'au. the women do not.

The women, remaining anonymous, keep the "hula girl" image alive at modem lu 'aus.

Because the audience does not learn the female dancers' ancestry, they are left to believe

the women are Hawaiian, The Hawaiian "hula girl" represents everything Hawaiian, and

these women are Hawaii personified.

The Master of Ceremonies does not wish to destroy the assumption made that

these women are Hawaiian. It is important that the women remain "authentic" Hawaiians

and not be thought of as a part of an ensemble cast performing for an audience. Of

"^ Amarante, Kristin, "Hyatt Sales Manager Moonlights As Fire Dancer," (Hotel Interactive, November 23. 2001, 1997-2003) 7 Febmary 2004, <http://www.hotelinteractive,com/news/articleView.asp?articleID=1270>

47

course, the women still possess the appealing hapa haole look that has become popular.

In fact, these "authentic" Hawaiian or Samoan performers may not have any Hawaiian,

Samoan, or even any Polynesian blood in their ancestry at all.

Although they may not be "native Hawaiian," it is extremely important that they

look as if they are. Of course, this image comes from the "hula giri" seen throughout the

years. It is important that the dancers and models appear to be the "native Hawaiian" the

advertising and movie industry creates. The audience does not want to see a hula dancer

who looks as if she is from Minnesota, nor do they want to see Hill-figured dancers.

Audiences want to see the "native" spectacle, which includes the "hula girl" image from

the plethora of advertisements that bombard individuals every day. Directors hire the

dancers who look the part of the "native Hawaiian," as discussed earlier.

There are those trying to break away from the hapa haole look, or trying to

eliminate the race issue of hula dancers altogether. Many halau, or schools, attempt to

break the "hula girl" stereotypes. They include hula practitioners of all races. They even

include children as well as older women. The body types vary as well. The slender hapa

haole "hula giri" image is not the only woman seen at the halau. The big hula

competitions, like the Merrie Monarch Festival, also try to dispel the image of the "hula

girl" as hula dancer.

In addition to the halau trying to break free from the hapa haole image, Nona

Beamer, known as the Hawaiian musical matriarch, and a member of one of Hawaii's

most prestigious families of musicians and dancers, despised the image of hula in the

mid-twentieth centtiry. In 1948 she said, "Just thinking about [how hula is performed

48

today] is enough to min my disposition. It's on a very low level, comparable—I hate to

say it—to the hootch [shows] And the saddest thing of all about it [is that] it's what the

modem public seems to like. It's what appeals to the nightclub set."''"

Beamer taught hula and Hawaiian culture for over 40 years. Her mother also

taught hula. In response to the hapa haole image, Beamer began touring the US

mainland with her own dancers and musicians. They played at Camegie Recital Hall and

many university campuses. In an effort to preserve Hawaiian culture, they performed

hula kahiko. '" ^ The hulas in Beamer's repertoire include those passed on to her from her

great-grandmother, as well as modem hulas she has developed over the years. While

some of Beamer's hulas have evolved into hula 'auana, they still retain the heart of

traditional hula kahiko.

While individuals like Beamer have tried to educate the masses about hula

kahiko, the performances seen during lu 'aus are only performances and as stated before,

are mostly hula 'auana. The participants are paid individuals following a script. In

Destination Culture: Tourism. Museums, and Heritage, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett

writes, 'T.ive displays, whether recreations of daily activities or staged as formal

performances, also create the illusion that the activities one watches are being done rather

than represented, a practice that creates the illusion of authenticity, or reahiess. ,143

'" Small, Ellen, "Seven Young Ladies with 242 Old Hulas," San Francisco Chronicle (November 7, 1948) 25, qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism 132,

'"• Desmond Staging Tourism 132.

'" Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara, Destination Culttire: Tourism Museums, and Heritage (U of California Press 1998) 414, qtd in Desmond Staging Tourism xx.

49

Unforttmately, the commercial lu 'aus take advantage of this. They do little to change the

preconceived ideas the tourists have about the hula.

50

CHAPTER III

THE TOURIST AT THE LU'AU

At the large commercial lu 'aus, audience members watch a performance of the

history of the islands. Many times these performances are touted as "authentic"

Hawaiian hula. While these performances are authentic theatrical productions, they are

not "authentic" hula. "Authentic" ancient hula, or hula seen before travelers came to the

islands, evolved into what is performed at lu 'aus today. While these ancient hulas are

still being interpreted and there has been a resurgence in its popularity, it is only briefly

seen at commercial lu 'aus. Examples of both types of hulas, hula kahiko and hula

auana, are provided later in this chapter.

In 1992, the Hawaii Visitors Bureau researched visitor satisfaction of those who

had visited the islands. This research showed "that lu'au attendees are significantly more

likely to rate their Hawaiian vacation as 'excellent' than nonattendees,""*^ Moneymaking

lu 'aus are a big industry in the Hawaiian Islands, These live productions provide the

audience with a condensed amount of Hawaiian tradition and a momentary look into the

lives of native Hawaiians. In addition to purchasing tickets for the commercial lu 'aus,

visitors can also find free performances around the islands. The Kodak Hula Show is one

of these free shows. The Kodak Hula Show, established in 1937, was "built [entirely]

around photo opportunities,"'''^

^** Hawaii Visitor Bureau, Visitor Satisfaction Retx)rt (Honolulu: 1992), qtd in Desmond 'Invoking the Native" 101,

51

Desmond states that in the showcase number of the Kodak Hula Show, "My

Sweetie Pie," the female dancers, dressed in their ti-leaf skirts, "hold up big red and

yellow letters that spell out Hawaii ""'* These women, or "hula giris," have now become

one with the image of Hawaii, This indicates that even the free performances continue to

play upon the tourists' ideas of what is "native Hawaiian" The producers of these

performances mislead the audience. Instead of informing the audience that what they are

seeing is an interpretation, the "hula girl" prevaUs. The producers lead the audience to

believe that what they are seeing is historical fact. They are "educating" the audience in

the ways of the Hawaiians, However, the monetary benefits these lu 'aus provide

override the desire to educate the audience.

Emphasizing this is that as these giris are holding their letters, they pose in front

of each section of the audience, allowing audience members to snap photographs, thus

enabling them to take home the "hula girl." They also pose for pictures with audience

members after the show as well as at intermission. The Kodak Hula Show is but one of

the large-scale performances a tourist can see at no charge.

There are also other places, smaller venues, where one might encounter hula.

Tj^ically, the designs of these smaller performances are simply to give the viewer a taste

of the hula, hoping it will lure them to the pricier lu 'aus. Larger hotels and resorts may

offer free entertainment during the day in order to encourage tourists to come to their

lu 'au in the evening. These poolside entertainers are live advertisements. Once again,

'" Desmond Staging Tourism 105,

"^ Desmond Staging Tourism 105.

52

the "hula giri" has stepped off the page and onto the stage and has become a living icon

to the tourist

There are also those who are trying to offset what the big commercial lu 'aus have

done to the hula Twice a week, at the Royal Hawaiian Shopping Center in Honolulu,

members of the Hula Halau O Maiki give free hula lessons to tourists. These hula

lessons are different than the "lessons" audience members receive at the large

commercial lu 'aus (these "lessons" will be discussed later). Instead, these are real

lessons in which "20 (mainly middle-aged, Caucasian) women, many of whom return on

each visit to Hawaii, line up for a half-hour drill to leam a complete song."''*' These

traditional, non-commercialized lessons help negate the sexualized stereotype of the

"hula girl" because the emphasis is placed on the dance itself and not the sexy image of

the coconut wearing "hula girl," In addition, the instmctors of these lessons are of

varying races and body types, which also helps negate the "hula girl" image.

Unfortunately, these free opportunities do not often produce high interest, due to

the location or time that they are offered. More popular are the larger commercial lu 'aus

where Hawaiian food is eaten before the evening's entertainment, A lu 'au is, in simple

terms, dinner theatre. While there are some remnants of hula kahiko in these larger

productions as the performers take the audience on a "tour" of Polynesian history, hula

'auana remains the popular form of entertainment, especially when the "natives" invite

the audience on stage to participate.

147 Desmond "Invoking the Native" 103,

53

The Master of Ceremonies generally invites the women in the audience to come

on stage in groups The men, on the other hand, are often invited individually If more

than one man is invited on stage, each will generally have his own "hula giri" to dance

with. This emphasizes the sensuous nature of the "hula giri," Desmond gives an

example of this event in her book Staging Tourism: Bodies on Displav from Waikiki to

Sea Worid, She writes that at Germaine's Lu 'au:

,, a sole male volunteer dances in close proximity to a sparsely clad female, who demonstrates rapid lateral Tahitian hip shakes. The guest is instmcted to think of each hip being a "pineapple" or "coconut" and to bump them dramatically from side to side to make fiiiit salad. The exuberant but incompetent male is warned not to bump his "papaya" (penis) to the front while making fiuit salad with the female dancer facing him,' *

Emphasized, once again, is the sensuousness of the "hula girl," as the Master of

Ceremonies feels it necessary to tell the male to keep his "papaya" from touching the

female. This is an example of the hula 'auana one might witness at a large commercial

lu 'au. The evolution from hula kahiko to hula 'auana can be seen in an hour-long

performance at a commercial lu 'au. The performers may show bits and pieces of hula

kahiko and musicians play ancient instmments along with the modem instmments. In the

performance, hula 'auana also makes its way onto the stage in the form of hapa haole

songs. If audience members are aware that they are not seeing an "authentic"

performance, the evolution is obvious.

Hula kahiko, as discussed in Chapter One, was the ancient style of hula. The first

travelers to the islands observed this style of hula. Associated with hula kahiko were

• Desmond Stag;ing Tourism 22,

54

prayers and offerings before the dance began. Hula kahiko eventually evolved into hula

'auana under the influence of the missionaries (and hula 'auana has continued to

evolve.) Eventually, hapa haole songs were written and hulas were danced to these

songs for the entertainment of the audience. Many times in the hulas danced to hapa

haole songs, the emphasis is on the sensuous on the female body. Typically, at the larger

commercial lu 'aus, hula kahiko is introduced briefly and the majority of the performance

consists of hula 'auana performed to many hapa haole songs.

Hula Kahiko

The explorers and missionaries were the first to observe "authentic" ancient hula.

The different hulas they saw were varying. There were hulas that were performed for

specific occasions. In addition, there were some hulas where only qualified individuals

could perform them. The first written accounts of hula gave brief descriptions of how the

native Hawaiians danced. Nathaniel B, Emerson provides detailed descriptions of hula

kahiko in his book. Unwritten Literature of Hawaii: The Sacred Songs of the Hula.

Some of the hulas Emerson observed were performed with individualistic styles and they

may have had different meles chanted to them. Others were performed similarly; only

the musical instmments used made them different. Two of these mentioned briefly in

Chapter One, hula 'uU 'uh, and hulapahu, will now be discussed in more detail.

55

Hula 'Uh'tdi

As previously discussed, the '«// 'uh is a type of gourd rattle. The hula 'uh 'uh is

so named because an 'uh 'uh is used during the dance. Numerous chants accompany this

dance. The ;///';/// can be used by men or women, and one or many may be used at the

same time Emerson describes the instmment as "a small gourd about the size of a large

orange, into the cavity of which were put shot-like seeds [canna seeds],. a handle was

then attached,""" Emerson also indicates that there are other hulas that are more revered

than the hula uh 'uh, like the hula pa ipu. He states the formality of this hula appears to

be lesser than the formality of other dances,

Emerson states that the actors for the hula 'uh 'uh were the ho 'opa 'a, or the

chanters. He observed them and they performed the entire hula while in a kneeling or

squatting position, Emerson observed that the ho 'opa 'a held the 'uh 'uh in the right hand,

ahhough it is acceptable now for it to be held in the left hand also. The ho 'opa 'a would

chant while shaking the rattle against the pahn of the left hand, or hitting the rattle on his

or her thighs. In addition, the ho 'opa 'a constantly move "in one direction and

another,"'^" Emerson also indicates that at times there was also a dancer, one who did

not chant, either male or female, who would move his or her body and make gestures that

went along with the mele.

As the hula 'uh 'uli is hula kahiko, prayers and offerings are typically given before

each performance, Emerson states that in the performances given before he arrived at the

"" Emerson 107.

^ " Emerson 107,

56

islands, the sacrificial offerings were generally awa'^^ and a roast porkling.'" These

offerings were made in honor of the hula goddess, Laka,

The following mele, written down by Emerson, was danced to the hula 'uh 'uh.

Emerson asserts that Prince William Lunalilo wrote this mele for the Princess Victoria

Kamamalu, as he wanted to marry her. The love match was never to be. Had they wed

one another, their children would outrank the fiiture Kings Kamehameha IV and V

Political decomm would not allow them to enter into a union of marriage. Emerson

states the Hawaiians tmly loved fables and allegories, and this is evident in this mele. As

the ho opa 'a chants the mele, the meaning of love lost is heard. The darkness found in

the clouds is the darkness found in the Prince's heart because of his forbidden love for the

Princess,

Aole i manao ia I spum the thought with disdain Kahi wai a o Alekoki Of that pool Alekoki: Hookohu ka ua i uka. On the upland lingers the rain Noho mai la i Nuuarm And fondly haunts Nuuanu, Anu-anu, makehewa au Sharp was the cold, bootless Ke kali ana i-laila My waiting up there. Ka ino' paha uapaa I thought thou wert tme Kou manao i ane 'i, Wert loyal to me, Aui hoomalu ai. Whom thou laids't under bonds, Hoomalu oe a malu; Take oath now and keep it; Ua malu keia kino This body is sacred to thee, Mamuli a o kou leo. Bound by the word of thy mouth, Kau nui aku ka manao My heart leaps up at thought Kahi wai a o Kapena. Of the pool, pool of Kapena; Pani 'apaa ia mai To me it is fenced, shut off", Na manowai a o uka; The water-heads tightly sealed up, Ahu wale na ki 'owai. The fountains must be a-hoarding.

' ' Milkfish, or kava, but kava is generally not taken ceremonially in Hawaiian culture, but is in Samoan culture, Pukui 33,

''^ Emerson 107,

57

Na papa-hale o luna. Maluna a 'e no wau. Ma ke kiiono liilii. A waho, a o Mamala, Hao mai nei ehu-ehu; Pulu au i ka huna-kai, Kai heahea i ka ih. Hookahi no koa nui, Nafta e alo ia ino. Ino-ino mai nei luna, I ka hao a ka makani. He makani ahai-lono; Lohe ka luna i Pelekane. 0 ia poidi nui Mea ole i ku'u manao. 1 o, i a-ne 'i au, Ka piina la o Ma 'ema 'e, Ekilohiau okanani Napua i Mauna-ala. He ala ona-ona kou, Ke pih mai i ane 7, O a'u lehua ula i-luna, Ai ono a na manu.

For skies are ever down-pouring; The while 1 am lodged up aloft. Bestowed in the cleft of a rock. Now, tossed by sea at Mamala, The wind drives wildly the surf; I'm soaked with the scud of the ocean. My body is rough with the rime. But one stout hero and soldier. With heart to face such a storm. Wild scud the clouds. Hurled by the tempest, A tale-bearing wind. That gossips afar. The darkness and storm Are nothing to me. This way and that am I turning. Climbing the hill Ma'e-ma'e, To look on thy charms, dear one. The fragrant buds of the mountain. What perfume breathes from thy body, Such tune as to thee I come close. My scarlet bloom of lehua'^^ Yields nectar sought by the birds.'''*

Perhaps had the missionaries realized the meaning of such beautiful words, they

would not have objected to the hula. Instead, the missionaries focused on the clothing of

the Hawaiians as well as the movements of the dancers. They saw the Hawaiians as

portraying sexual themes in their song and dance. Obviously, there is nothing sexual in

this mele, only love, friendship, and sadness. This is just one example of hula 'uh 'uh.

More examples of hula 'uh 'uh are found in Nona Beamer's T<ia Mele Hula: Volume 2.

Hawaiian Hula Rituals and Chants as well as many other resources.

' ^ The flower of the ohi 'a tree, Pukui 199,

"" Emerson 108-9,

58

Hula Pahu

Another hula named for the musical instmment associated with the dance is the

hda pahu, or dmm dance. The hulapahu has many different variations. Some of these

are sacred, generally performed in a halau, while others are not. Again, both men and

women perform in hulapahu, and while the movements are the same, "men perform

them in a more virile manner, while women perform them more gracefully."'*'

Emerson states that the credit for the introduction of the pahu belongs to La'a,

La'a was a chief during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. He brought the dmm with

him from the lands of the south that the ancient Hawaiians called Kahiki, to Hawaii on

one of his many voyages, La'a would play his dmm as he neared the shore, and the

drumming amazed the people of the islands in such a way that they would follow him

along the coast. When he came ashore, they would honor him with special treatment,

Emerson also states that it is possible that the original use for the pahu was in the

temple, which is also why it may still be considered sacred today. During the time

Emerson made his observations, the Hawaiians considered the hulapahu a formal hula.

Because of this, the idea of performing it simply for amusement, unlike hula 'uh 'uh, was

not likely. It was tabu and only performed "for the most distinguished guests and the

most notable occasions,"

' * Kaeppler 23.

'* Emerson 103.

157 Emerson 103,

59

The ho opa 'a played the pahu with the left hand while kneeling in a similar

fashion as the ho 'opa 'a kneeled during the hula 'uh 'uh The ho 'opa 'a's right hand also

played a smaller dmm, thepw-ww,"* which he strapped to his right thigh. In addition, the

olapa would dance, Emerson indicates the pahu had a lower pitch than the pu-niu as

well as more volume. The pu-niu had sharper tones that did not reverberate as long as the

tones of the pahu, and because of this the ho 'opa 'a stmck the pu-niu more often.

An example of hula pahu is found in Nona Beamer's Na Mele Hula. The title of

this mele is " 'Au 'a 'la E Kama E Kona Moku," or "Child Hold on to Your Land,"

Beamer states that the composer of this mele was Keaulumoku, Keaulumoku was a

famous prophet, as well as a counselor and composer, and he wrote this mele around

1784, It is a prophetic hula and like the hula 'uli'uh it is performed with bent knees. The

example provided here is one of many translations of the original. Beamer states about

this particular hulapahu:

This mele hula is one of the most revered scholarly poems in the hula repertoire. How difficult is it to hold your emotions in check, to keep the tears from flowing out of your heart and cascading to the floor. The understanding of this text enhances the dancer's sense of pride and determination. Tears are a wellspring for a renewed commitment and belief in this treasured legacy.'^"

Keaulumoku wrote this mele during unstable times to encourage Hawaiians to keep a

firm grasp on their land in order to retain their inner strength.

' * Small knee drum made of a coconut shell with fishskin cover, Pukui 356.

' ^ Dancer, as contrasted with the chanter or ho 'opa 'a, Pukui 283.

'^ Beamer, Nona, Na Mele Hula: Volume 2 Hawaiian Hula Rituals and Chants (Honolulu: U of Hawaii Press) 2001, 66,

60

To begin this particular hulapahu, the kumu^^^ shouts "//o 'omdkaukau"^^^ in

which the student responds " ' ^ e " ' " followed by the name of the mele, in this case,

" au 'a ia e kama e kona moku"^^'*

'Au 'a 'ia e kama e knoa moku

'O kona moku e kama e au a ia 'O ke kama. kama, kama, kama

i ka hulinu 'u 'O ke kama. kama, kama, kama

i ka huliau Hulihia papio a i lata ke alo

Hulihia i ka imu a Ku kamaki 'ilohelohe

'O ka harm 'ana ia hiki 7 hulahula

Ka 'a ia 'alihi a 'a pohaku ku

Me ka 'upena aku a 'o Ihuaniani

Me ka unu a Niu-olani-o-La 'a

O child, look and observe thy heritage

Thy lands, o child, retain them Thou child, child, child, child,

of the highest rank Thou child, child, child, child,

of the changing time Overthrown will be the

foundation, left lying face downward

Overthrown on the coral beds of Ku'*' widi the sacred cord maki 'ilohelohe^^

And the cords that bound hulahula^^^

Unbound are the weights that hold the land

Like the weights of the bonito Nets of Ihuaniam^^"

And the temple Niu-olani-o-La'a'*'

'*' Teacher, Pukui 182.

'* To prepare, make ready, Pukui 81, 228

'* Yes, Pukui 4,

'* Beamer 67,

'*' Principal Hawaiian god of war and god of the forests, Beamer 67,

'** Sacred cord used in human sacrifice ceremonies, Beamer 67,

'* Ceremonial killing of a pig and its offering to the gods in the luaJdni (human sacrifice) temple, Beamer 67,

^^ Probably a place or a person, Beamer 67.

'* A ruling chief of the Puna line, probably La'amaikahiki, Beamer 67,

61

'O keawe ai ku. ai a IM 'ahia And from Keawe,'™ die dedicated one

Nana i hala pepe ka honua He who ruled and made the o ka moku island subject to him

I ha ale ia i ke kiu welo ka His power rose to the summit pu 'u kowelo lohi a of the hills, this is the Kanaloa powerful descendant of

Kanaloa"'

Heard in this particular mele are images the missionaries possibly found disturbing, if the

missionaries understood what they heard The civil unrest of the nation is likened to the

human and animal sacrifice found in Hawaiian myths,"' The missionaries found the

practice of live sacrifices savage. In addition, this mele pleads with the youth to leam

their heritage or else it shall be lost forever, Keaulumoku warns native Hawaiians that

the times are changing and old ways must be preserved and remembered as they were in

the past.

This is only one example of hulapahu. There are hundreds of different meles that

are chanted along with this sacred hula. Audience members typically experience a brief

introduction to hula kahiko at commercial lu 'aus. More commonly performed, though,

are hula 'auana.

'™ A chief whose fiill name is Keaweikekahiali'iokamoku, He was tiie great-grandfatiier of Kamehameha the Great, Beamer 67.

" ' One of tiie four major Hawaiian gods; god of oceans and seas, Beamer 67,

' ^ One of the four major Hawaiian gods; god of oceans and seas. Beamer 67,

' " See Kalakaua, The Legends and Mvths of Hawaii 1888 (Honolulu: Muttial Publishing, 1990) for more information on human sacrifices in the Hawaiian Islands,

62

Hula 'Auana

When attending a lu 'au, the tourist will more than likely encounter a "teach the

audience to hula" segment. This ranges from having one or two individuals join the

lovely "hula girls" on stage in order to humiUate themselves, to inviting a group of

women who would like to come on stage. It is at these moments hapa haole hula is seen

The hula 'uh uh and htda pahu described previously are more likely seen at a lu 'au for

locals, whether they are celebrating a birth, wedding, or death. The hapa haole hulas

seen in this section are found in the big commercial lu 'aus and the songs are frequenfly

heard on the radio.

Some of these hapa haole hulas speak of the wonders of Hawaii and of the people

one may encounter in Hawaii, Others seem to simplify the Hawaiians and help

emphasize the "hula girl" image associated with Hawaii, "The Hukilau^^'^ Song " is a

hapa haole song, written in 1948 by Jack Owens, and discusses fishing the "old Hawaiian

way." On the other hand, 'Tlawaiian Hospitality," written by Harry Owens and Ray

Kiimey in 1938, also a hapa haole song, helps promote the "hula girl" image. Simply

looking at the names of the individuals that wrote these songs, it is impossible to tell

whether they are Hawaiian or not. This emphasizes the popularity of the hapa haole song

genre on the radio as well as the hapa haole hula performances found at commercial

lu 'aus.

' • A seine; to fish with the seine. Lit., pull ropes, Pukui 88,

63

"The Hukilau Song"

^* ^^^ Drums of the Pacific lu 'au, the Master of Ceremonies invites female

audience members on stage to leam an authentic Hawaiian hula. The hula they are to

leam is the hukilau. The Master of Ceremonies explains to the audience that the old way

of fishing was for the Hawaiians to lay long nets in the ocean in the evening. In the

morning, the community would bond together and pull the nets, fiill offish, to the

shore. In the book. How to Hula for Bodv. Mind and Spirit, editor Patricia Lei

Anderson Murray indicates the hukilau is the favorite way of fishing for the

Hawaiians,"^

Unlike hula kahiko, the Master of Ceremonies does not chant. Instead, he sings

the song, and a band provides music using modem instmments. The "hula girls," in their

coconut bras, show the women how to do the hukilau. The more adventurous women

from the audience make a valiant effort to keep up with the "hula girls." The individuals

still sitting in the audience cheer their companions on in hopes that they might actually

master a step or two. When the hula "lesson" is over, the women go back to their mai

tais. There is much laughter as the audience experiences "authentic" Hawaiian traditions.

This is 'The Hukilau Song" that is very popular in the teach the audience to dance

segments at commercial lu 'aus:

' " Drums of the Pacific. October 1999 and June 2001,

"* Murray, Patricia Lei Anderson, ed. How to Hula for Bodv, Mind and Soul (Honolulu: Muttial Pubhshing, 1998) 18,

64

Oh, we're going to a hukilau, A huki,^''^ huki, huki, huki, hukilau. Everybody loves a hukilau. Where the laulau^''^ is the kau kau^^^ at the hukilau. We throw our nets out into the sea. And all the 'ama 'ama^^° come swimming to me. Oh, we're going to a hukilau, Huki, huki, huki, huki, hukilau. What a beautifiil day for fishing. The old Hawaiian way. And the hukilau nets are swishing, Down in old La'ie Bay. Oh, we're going to a hukilau, A huki, huki, huki, huki, hukilau.'^'

In order to make this hapa haole song an "authentic" Hawaiian song, Hawaiian words are

dispersed throughout the song. This also gives the Master of Ceremonies a chance to

explain the song in further detail, letting audience members know what the Hawaiian

words mean. While the song does tell a story about ancient Hawaiian customs, these

customs are apt to be ignored as the audience watches the slender "hula girls" dance and

listens to the Master of Ceremonies croon the harmonious ballad. The band in the

background and the coconut bras provide a soothing tropical and romantic atmosphere for

the audience members. This performance is strikingly different from the two hula kahiko

described earlier.

177 To pull or tug, as on a rope, Pukui 87,

' * Wrapping, wrapped package; packages of ti leaves or banana leaves containing pork, beef, salted fish, or taro tops, baked in the ground oven, steamed or broiled Pukui 196,

'™ Slang for food Murray 87,

' ^ Mullet, a very choice indigenous fish, Pukui 22,

' ' Murray 16,

65

'TIawaiian Hospitality"

Another popular hapa haole song is "Hawaiian Hospitality." The brochure

produced by the Hawaiian Visitors Bureau in 1993, described in Chapter Two,

exemplifies this htda In this hula, gracefiil movements emphasize the love story told.

This htda, while similar to the hula tdi 'idi described eariier in that it deals with love lost,

laments the traveler leaving behind his beloved "hula giri," Unlike the hula uh 'uh

described earUer, the Master of Ceremonies sings the song, and a band plays the music.

Along the beach at Waikiki, A fair wahine is waiting for me, With her dark eyes and loveable charms. And very sweet Hawaiian hospitality. Beneath the moon we stroll along. And life is just like a beautiful song. When she whispers, "Come into my arms," It's just the old Hawaiian hospitality. And though my heart may sob to "Aloha " when I sail away. How my heart will throb to the thought of coming back some day. And when my dreams of love come tme. There will be 'okolehao^^^ for two, A little wela ka hao^^^ might do. It's just the old Hawaiian hospitality.'*"*

Seeing this hula at a lu 'au brings more life into the "hula girl" image. This hula makes it

sound as if when a male traveler arrives at the island of his choice, a young maiden is

waiting to steal his heart.

'* Liquor distilled from ti root in a still of the same name; later, a gin as made of rice or pineapple juice, Lit, iron bottom, Pukui 282,

' ^ The iron's hot, now's the time for fim, Pukui 383,

^^^ Murray 17.

66

Happily, the day the man comes back to the islands, returning to his tme love,

there will be enough liquor for both of them and there will be fun for everyone involved

in the relationship. Naturally, this is "just the old Hawaiian hospitality," In this modem

song and hula, the licentiousness the missionaries despised in the hula appears to come to

life as the sweet wahine whispers to the man, "Come into my arms," The licentiousness

that was not present when the missionaries tried to stop the hula is now attracting

audiences from all over the world. The sexual nature the missionaries despised in the

hula is here to stay.

In addition, this song emphasizes the hapa haole look of the "hula girl," The

"hula girl" has a fair complexion, but her eyes, of course, remain dark. Written in 1938,

this song remains popular today. The "hula gjrl" image is still popular today, and seeing

hulas Uke "Hawaiian Hospitality" at commercial lu 'aus highlights the "hula girl" as a

native Hawaiian,

While the hula has not completely changed, the changes made have been

significant. What was once considered a sacred ritual as well as a celebratory rittial has

now evolved into the hula seen at commercial lu 'aus today. The ancient styles, like the

hula 'uh 'uh and hulapahu, are still being performed, just not often in public. When hula

kahiko is performed, it is short bursts scattered throughout the tour of Polynesian history.

The pubUc is exposed more to the modem hula 'auana, or hcpa haole hulas, like "The

Hukilau Song" and "Hawaiian Hospitality," This is what the advertisers beUeve bring in

the money.

67

While financially beneficial, this is unfortunate because the public believes what

they are seeing is an ancient native tradition After vacationing in a tropical paradise and

observing native Hawaiians perform their native dances, travelers return home with a

taste of native Hawaiians - a taste of the exotic. The tourists believe they are returning

home after witnessing native behavior. They are simply returning home after witnessing

a staged performance. Of course, the benefits reaped by the Hawaiian Islands are

immeasurable. The millions of dollars spent by tourists each year on the islands, and the

jobs created by the tourist industry, outweigh the misrepresentation of the producers.

68

CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSION

The evolution of Hawaiian hula is clear. What was once the ancient style, or hula

kahiko, has evolved into a modem style of dance, or hula 'auana. The root dance, hula

kahiko, still exists, but commercial lu 'aus rarely expose tourists to hula kahiko. In

addition, producers of hulas rarely explain that what the tourists see is not the original

hula While these changes have financially benefited those living in Hawaii, the historic

tradition the tourists now see is merely an adaptation of what the hula once was.

However, the changes in hula are not bad and should not be looked upon as bad.

Tourists beUeve that what they are seeing at the large commercial lu 'aus is an

"authentic" native Hawaiian tradition. Producers rarely tell audiences they are watching

a representation of hula, a theatrical performance. While most theatre audiences realize

theatrical performances are not real, the promoters and producers of the large commercial

lu 'aus actually promote the performances as being real and authentic. The changes in

hula are never really talked about during the lu 'aus. Audience members are left to

assume this is how hula has always been.

The hula has undergone many changes since the first travelers to the islands

observed it during the early nineteenth century. These changes began as explorers

arrived on the islands. It is clear from the descriptions provided by the early explorers

that they enjoyed watching the hula performances, even though the language barrier

made it difiBcult to understand what the Hawaiians were singing. As more explorers

69

traveled to the islands and as the Hawaiians began learning English, the Hawaiians added

English words into the meles they chanted along with the dances. Thus began the

changes that would make Hawaii the tourist attraction that it is today.

As the missionaries exerted pressures on native Hawaiians to change their un-

Christian ways, more changes occurred The missionaries found the hula lascivious and

sexual in nature. Their attempts to eradicate the hula failed, but they were able to make

some changes. The performance of hula in public was shunned. Clandestine hula

schools operated to the dismay of the missionaries as well as the converted Hawaiians

The missionaries made attempts to punish those who continued to perform the hula.

Hawaiians passed laws that required licenses to perform hula in public. Soon these laws

faded away and public performances of hula without a license resumed. It was not until

the reign of King Kalakaua, in the late 1800s, that the hula gained formal acceptance

among the Hawaiians once again.

In addition, the clothing of the Hawaiians changed during this time. Before the

arrival of the missionaries, the Hawaiians wore clothing made out of kapa cloth. The

men wore malos and the women only wore skirts, or pa 'us. As travelers introduced

woven cloth to the islands, as well as the concept of modesty, the women's clothing

changed dramatically. The women covered their entire bodies and not just the bottom

half, with mu 'umu 'us and holokus. Hawaiians began performing the hula wearing the

new, modest clothing introduced by the missionaries.

As the Hawaiian Islands became a destination for tourists, hula changed again.

The popularity of Hawaii and things Hawaiian increased after the Panama-Pacific

70

Exposition in San Francisco in 1915, Dancers performed the hula throughout the US

mainland from the most elite Broadway theatres to the smallest theatres in small towns.

These dancers, however, were generally Caucasian and were rarely trained in formal

hula. This surge in popularity brought many tourists to the islands in the 1920s and

1930s.

The tourist industry in Hawaii began to depend greatly on hula performances

during the 1930s, As more tourists arrived on the islands, the Hawaiians continued to

add English words to their songs. Eventually, Hawaiians wrote songs almost entirely in

English, Travelers from Europe, North America, and South America introduced modem

musical instmments to the islands. The ho 'opa 'as no longer chanted the meles. Instead,

they sang songs to the tunes played on these modem instmments.

In addition, the "hula girl" found herself advertising everything Hawaiian during

this time. The "hula girl" soon came to represent Hawaii, In advertisements,

photographs, and postcards, the "hula giri" was wearing the "original" costume of the

native Hawaiian women-a coconut bra and "grass" skirt. Advertisers utilized the sensual

nature of the hula that offended the missionaries to promote travel to the islands. This

change in the appearance of the "native" Hawaiian flourished at commercial lu 'aus as

this image of the "hula girl" is what the tourists expected to find on the islands.

The "hula girl," thanks to media representation, was not a fiill-blooded native

Hawaiian, Instead, she was a creation. The new native Hawaiian was now hapa haole.

Her slender figure and tanned skin differed from the fiill-figured, dark-skinned bodies of

the natives. Again, the tourists expected to find this look on the islands, and the

71

producers of commercial lu 'aus continue to keep alive this look. The producers continue

to perpetuate this lie

Native Hawaiians, no matter how talented, found it difficult to obtain work,

especially on the US mainland, because they did not look right for the "part," The hapa

haole look triumphed over talent. At commercial lu 'aus, individuals were introduced as

native Hawaiian, Samoan, or Polynesian. This was merely part of the production. The

audience never realized that the individual who just mtroduced himself as "100% Samoan

and proud of it," may in fact have been from Mexico. Nevertheless, he looked the part,

and that was the important factor at the lu 'au.

At the commercial lu 'aus, audience members are generally taken on a historical

tour of Polynesia and the Hawaiian Islands. Sometimes, however, the audience sees hula

kahiko briefly. Hula 'auana is more commonly seen at the large commercial lu 'aus.

Audience members laugh as their colleagues try to dance with the "hula girls" during

'The Hukilau Song," or when a lone male attempts to shake his hips without bumping his

"papaya" against the sensuous "hula giri" who is showing him exactly how to move his

hips, A modem band generally provides the music at the commercial lu 'aus.

Occasionally a ho 'opa 'a will chant a mele, but again, more popular are the songs like

"Hawaiian Hospitality" that propagate the "hula girl" image to the tourists.

The "hula girl" image has brought to Hawaii and hula what the missionaries tried

to remove-feminine sensuousness. The "hula girl" image, in addition to bringing

travelers to the islands, helps emphasize the romance of the islands. While the original

sexual nattire of the hula that the missionaries disapproved of is more authentic than that

72

of the "hula giri," the "hula girl" brings people to the islands. Her image is dangerous

because she is what tourists expect to find when they arrive at the islands The

commercial /// aus present this image to the tourists. She is not a native Hawaiian. On

the other hand, she brings millions of dollars to the islands every year. The "hula giri"

began in advertising and emerged in flesh. While it is tragic that individuals are unable

to find jobs because they look too Hawaiian or too Polynesian, the hapa haole "hula giri"

has made Hawaii the popular tourist destination it is today. The hapa haole look has

brought bilUons of dollars to the islands and if trends continue, the hapa haole look will

continue to bring billions of dollars to the islands.

Unfortunately, there is not much information on how the native Hawaiians feel

about the evolution of hula. However, there are those who are trying to retain hula

kahiko as part of the Hawaiian culture so it does not disappear forever. Individuals like

Nona Beamer travel around the US mainland sharing their knowledge that had been

passed down for generations. The Merrie Monarch Hula Festival holds competitions in

hula kahiko, as do many other competitions. There are also many hula halaus around the

islands, as well as around the worid, that are trying to keep the ancient traditions of hula

kahiko alive. In addition, there are free performances and lessons on the islands where

one can experience hula kahiko. The most convenient venue to see hula, though, is the

large commercial lu 'au where hula 'auana reigns.

These changes have benefited Hawaii greatly. Tourist satisfaction is higher if the

tourist has seen a commercial lu 'au. The commercial lu 'aus are a moneymaking

business. The hapa haole "hula girl" image, seen through various advertisements, is

73

what the tourists expect to see on the islands. The "hula giri" brought forth the sensuous

nature of the hula that the missionaries despised These changes in hula have made

Hawaii very popular with the tourists. It is the hapa haole songs and the hapa haole

"hula giri" image that bring money to the Hawaiian Islands,

Despite the evolution, hula remains a beautifiil art form that deserves

appreciation. Although all dancers may not be native Hawaiians performing ancient

hula, they are still very talented individuals on the stage. The commercial lu 'aus are

theatrical performances and the producers of them should inform tourists of this. As

stated before, the evolution in hula should not be seen as bad. It is, however, the job of

those performing and the producers of these theatrical performances to let their audiences

know that what they are seeing is an interpretation and not an "authentic" performance.

74

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APPENDIX

GLOSSARY

'ae - yes,

aloha - love, affection, compassion,

ama ama - mullet, a very choice indigenous fish.

awa - milkfish, or kava, but kava is generally not taken ceremonially in Hawaiian culture, but is in Samoan culture,

fa'a- the Samoan way,

haole - white person, American, Englishman, Caucasian; formerly, any foreigner,

hapa haole - part-white person; part white and part Hawaiian,

he lei - garland, wreath.

holoku - a loose, seamed dress with a yoke and usually with a train, and pattemed after the Mother Hubbards of the missionaries,

ho 'opa 'a - dmmmer and hula chanter (the memorizer),

ho 'omakaukau - to prepare, make ready,

huki - to pull or tug, as on a rope,

hukilau - a seine; to fish with the seine. Lit., pull ropes,

hula - dance,

hula 'aiha 'a - hula step danced with bended knees; the chanting for this dance is usually bombastic and emphatic,

hula 'auana - to wander, drift, ramble, go from place to place; to stray morally or mentally, a westernized version of hula.

hula halau - long house, as for canoes or hula instmction; meeting house.

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hula-hula - ballroom dancing with partners, American dancing, ball; massed hula dancing; to dance, also Ceremonial killing of a pig and its offering to the gods in the luakini (human sacrifice) temple

hula inoa - name, term, title.

hula kahiko - old, ancient, antique, primitive, long ago.

hula kala'au - stick dancing

hulapahu - dance to dmmbeat.

hula pa ipu - 1 calabash, 2, to beat a gourd dmm; the dmm itself, accompanying chant, and sitting dance by the chanter; also hula kuolo.

ipu- I. The bottle gourd, a Avide-spreading vine, with large-angled or lobed leaves, white, night-blooming flowers, and smooth green and mottled or white fruits varying widely in shape and size, 2. Dmmconsistingof a single gourd or made of two large gourds of unequal size joined together

kahea - to call, cry out, invoke, greet, name,

kakau - to tattoo; tattooing,

kakau pani 'o 'ia - a type of tattoo,

kcpa - tapa, as made from wauke or mamaki bark,

kau kau - slang for food,

kihei - shawl, cape, afghan,

kumu - teacher,

kitmu hula - hula teacher,

kupe 'e - bracelet or anklet,

laulau - wrapping, wrapped package; packages of ti leaves or banana leaves containing pork, beef, salted fish, or taro tops, baked in the ground oven, steamed or broiled,

lehua - the flower of the ohi 'a tree.

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lei gariand, wreath; necklace of flowers, leaves, shells, ivory, feathers, or paper, given as a symbol of affection; beads; any omament wom around the head or about the neck

luakini - temple where human sacrifices took place,

lu'au - Hawaiian feast, named for the taro tops always served at one; this is not an ancient name, but goes back at least to 1856, when so used by the Pacific Commercial Advertiser; formeriy a feast waspd 'ina or 'aha 'aina.

made - a native twining shmb,

maki 'ilohelohe - sacred cord used in human sacrifice ceremonies,

malo - male's loincloth

mele - song, anthem, or chant of any kind; poem, poetry; to sing, chant,

mele inoa - name chant, i,e., chant composed in honor of a person, as of a chief

mu 'umu 'u -a woman's underslip or chemise, a loose gown, so called because formerly the yoke was omitted and sometimes the sleeves were short,

'okolehao - liquor distilled from ti root in a still of the same name; later, a gin as made of rice or pineapple juice. Lit., iron bottom,

'olapa - dancer, as contrasted with the chanter or ho 'opa 'a.

pahu - dmm.

papa hehi - footboard, used for dancing; treadle. Lit., board to step on,

pa 'u - woman's skirt,

po 'e - people, persons, group of, company of

pu-nui - small knee dmm made of a coconut shell with fishskin cover,

tabu - kapu in Hawaiian, taboo, prohibition; sacredness; prohibited, forbidden; sacred, holy, consecrated,

taro-patch fiddle - a five-string instmment resembling in general appearance the fiddle plucked with the finger or the thumb.

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ti-leaf- plant, ki in Hawaiian, a woody plant (Cordyline terminalis) in the lily family, native to tropical Asia and Australia,, the leaves were put to many uses by the Hawaiians, as for house thatch, food wrappers, hula skirts, sandals.

'ukelele - a four-string instmment resemblmg in general appearance the fiddle plucked with the finger or the thumb, Emerson 251, Lit., leaping flea, probably from the Hawaiian nickname of Edward Purvis, who was small and quick and who popularized the instmment brought to Hawaii by the Portuguese in 1879,

'uli'uh - a gourd rattle, containing seeds with colored feathers at the top, used for the hula 'tdi 'uli (at one time there were no feathers),

wahine - woman, lady, wife,

wela ka hao - the iron's hot, now's the time for fiin.

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