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1966 1: 229International Review for the Sociology of Sport Kurt Hammerich

German Federal RepublicCritical Remarks Regarding the State of Sociological Research in the

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Critical Remarks Regarding the State

of Sociological Research

in the German Federal Republic

KURT HAMMERICH (G.F.R.)

A report on the trends of research regarding sports sociology in the German Federal

Republic encounters all sorts of difficulties. This does not so much concern a systematiza-tion of the research that is to be described, but the problem is rat’her how to determine

whether certain works that call themselves sociological essays really can be approachedas such.

The different notions connected with the term sociology are most striking in program-

matic dissertations connected with sports sociology’. Thus, SchmitZ2 is of the opinion that

it is the task of the sociology of sport3, by means of a dialectic &dquo;approach to the aspect&dquo;

of sport on the one hand and culture as well as society on the other hand, to show the

&dquo;cultural immanence&dquo; of sport. With the help of such &dquo;an integration of sport with cultureas a whole’’4 are to be abolished critical opinions regarding the cultural aspect of sport.

However, Schmitz is forced to admit that according to the traditional concept of culture,

to which he himself continues to adhere, sport cannot prove that it possesses &dquo;any objectivevalues&dquo;3 that is why he approaches sport as an elementary category of life, in order to supply

in such a way proof of the cultural immanence of sport.

Popplow’s~ opinions reveal also a strongly apologetic oharacter. In the discussion,

dealing with the tasks of sports sociology, he bases himself mainly on A. Weber’S7 historical-

1 The terms sports sociology and sociology of sport are used in this article as synonyms. No attention is

paid. likewise, to differences between sport, play, physical exercises and physicalculture.

Paperswhich are

mainly reports on congresses or book reviews are not discussed here. This is true, above all, as regards the

following papers: Lotz F., Die Soziologie und det- Sport (Sociology and Sport). In "Die Leibeserziehung",

M. 11, 1954. Neumann K., Spiel und Sport in der Soziologie (Games and Sport in Sociology). In "Olympische

Jugend", M. 10, 1957.

" J. Schmitz, Soziologische Aspekte der Leibesübungen (Sociological Aspects As Regards Physical Exercises).

In "Die Leibeserziehung", M. 12, 1963.

3 This conception (Sociology of sport) is used by sports sociology, despite the polemic of Schmilz as

Bindestrich-Soziologie (Hyphenated sociology); See also: J. Schmitz Soziologisclre Aspekte det- Leibesübungen

(Sociological Aspects of Physical Exercises) p. 283.

4Ibid., p. 392.

5Ibid., p. 384.

6

U. Popplow,Der

Sportals

kultursoziologischesProblem

(Sportas a Socio-cultural Problem). In

"Olympisches Feuer" No. 3, 1957.

7First dealth with is the paper on Der Sport als kultursoziologisches Problem. The other paper points

to the possibility of a sociological analysis fo sport. For A. Weber’s historical philosophy which should be

approached as cultural sociology. Compare: A. Weber, Kultursoziologie In "Vierkandt" A. (publ.), "Hand-

wörterbuch der Soziologie"; A. Weber Kulturgeschichte als Kultursoziologie, Milnchen, Second edition 1950.








230

philosophical model of concepts. According to A. Weber’s teleological character of the

history of philosophy Popplow examines sport in its present-day structure to find out what

possibilities exist for a re-unification of civilization, society and culture. This unification

begins with the intellectual and spiritual re-shaping of the community8.That is

why Popplowdemands a festive character of

sportsevents. Such a ritual

aspectof sport is to &dquo;make a contribution to the spiritual and cultural reshaping of our epoch&dquo;9,with the help of which proof would be supplied of the cultural immanence of sport.

Popplow, due to the empirically understood philosophy of life A. Weber10 as well as

Schmitz fail to refute criticism of sport from the point of view of culture, because of their

conception of culture which in itself is already some kind of criticism of culture&dquo;. Apolo-

getics of sport, conducted in such a way, is in its very essence criticism of the cultural

aspect of the sciences with a rational approach. No wonder therefore if Schmitz despite his

criticism of Plef3ner’s thesis about the compensatory functions of sport12 does not go beyondthis thesis, defining sport ontologically as movement, play and competition. On the back-

ground of rationally understood sciences and accepting the priority of the civilizationaryaspect sport may, in the case of such a definition, be understood exclusively as somethingindividually emotional. In such a way, however, this type of sociology becomes dialecticallydetached in its capacity as a science from everything that is &dquo;social&dquo; (Diirkheim)1~;.

Liischen14 sees the tasks facing sports sociology as an empirical examination of hypo-theses about sport. In such a way he joins König15 in his approach to the concept sports

sociology. With the help of such an empirical and analytical sociology it is made possibleto draw an accurate division line between sociological theory and the theory of society (i.e.between a theory based on empirically checked statements and a theory with speculative and

ideological features)16. Sociology, understood in such a way is not able to divide culture

from the social structure connected with it, without giving up the principle of &dquo;free evaluat-

ion&dquo; (M. Weber17) and without being itself transformed into criticism ol the cultural aspectand with the same into some sort of evaluating philosophy.

However, there can be noticed among sport sociologists of the empirical trend various

opinions regarding the basic unit of sociological analysis. Very often one and the same

scientist uses such terms as &dquo;social activity&dquo; (M. Weber) and &dquo;the social system&dquo; (Parsons).

The division line between social activity and purposeful activity can be so fluid that socio-

logical analysis can, imperceptibly turn into criticism of culture, by undertaking an evaluation

of social activity.

Everything that was discussed so far gives rise to a variety of tasks facing the sociologyof sport.

It would be advisable to evaluate negative and positive statements regarding sport,

8 Under the term "intellectual and spiritual re-shaping" A. Weber understands the term "culture".

9U. Popplow, Der Sport als kultursoziologisches Problem, p. 7.

10Compare V. J. Kempski, Brechungen. Reinbeck b. Hamburg, 1964. p. 57.

11This can be seen above all in the division of "objectivating forms of the "spirit" and the "real

existence and formation" (Freyer) or in the division between material and immaterial Culture, which later

again makes its appearance as civilization and culture and thus includes already an evaluation.

12 H. Pleßner, Die Funktion des Sports in der industriellen Gesellschaft (The Functioning of Sport in an

Industrial Society). In "Wissenschaft und Weltbild" No. 12, 1956.13 This slightly diffused expression was selected here in order not to make any beforehand decisions

about the subject examined within the framework of sociological research.11 G. Liisclien, Prolegomena zu einer Soziologie des Sports (Prolegomena to a Sociology of Sport)

In "Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie No. 3, 1960,15 R. König (publ.), Soziologie, Fischer Lexikon v. 10, Frankfurt/M. 1958, p. 7 ff.

16 See R. König (publ.), Haudhuch der empirischen Sozialforschung v. 1, Stuttgart 1960, p. 3 f.

17 This does not exclude the absolute evaluation of rationality for the process of research.








231

approached from the ideological point of view and to formulate them as individual hypo-theses which can be examined empirically and which should then be tested18.

Next a detailed analysis should be made of t’he social system of sport, together with

its internal processes and a separate analysis of the action with other social systems, togetherwith the

resultinginternal

processof the

givensocial

systems.On the basis of the

presentstate of research work it would be advisable systematically to examine hypotheses as regardstheir validity and when necessary to change their formulation and once again subject them

to empirical examination.

As one of the contributions to systematic examination of sport could be considered

the attempt to reveal the theoretical principles with the help of a secondary analysis.&dquo;Sport is neither worse nor better than the social system which gave it its shape... Sport

is its reflection and the social system - is its world. Opinions which condemn or admire

sport, condemn and admire also the social system&dquo;’.9. These were the words with which

Plef3ner in 1952 concluded his work .Sociology of Sport which aroused general attention.

Gehien2O, too, supports the thesis of the interdependence of sport and society. So far this

thesis was not controlled empirically. In this form it could, anyhow, not be falsified because

this type of interdependence is considered as one of the sociological axioms already from the

very beginning of research: otherwise there would be no sociological research on sport.

This does not at all mean that one would deny that a modified approach to the inter-

action between sport and society could constitute a sufficient explanation regarding the

social system of sport. Such a modification would be the thesis about the interdependenceof structural forms of sport and social structure’1. In this connection one should point to

the fact that in societies of the pre-industrial period &dquo;games connected with religious rites&dquo;

played a dominating role or there existed side by side &dquo;games connected with religious rites

and sports games&dquo;2’-, while in industrialized societies the place of spontaneous physical ex-

ercises connected with religious rites was taken by far-reaching rational preparations to

secular sports events, with a tendency to promote individual record-breaking results2;¡. Such

relations could be controlled empirically, but not a general mutual interdependence of

sport and society, because as far as empirical and analytical sociology is concerned the

interdependence of sport and the social system has already been defined in an operational

way.?4.

Thus, there arises simultaneously the interesting problem of the &dquo;origin&dquo; of competitive

sport. According to von Krockow it is &dquo;a product of the industrial society, t.~e symbolicalconcentrated expression of its main principles&dquo;?5. Lijschen26, on the other hand, maintains that

18

See A. Malewski, Der empirische Gehalt der Theorie des historischen Materialismus (The EmpiricalContent of the Theory of Historical Materialism). In "Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie"No. 2. 1959.

19H. Pleßner, Soziologie des Sports. No. 23/24, p. 14

20 A. Gehlen, Sport und Gesellschaft (Sport and Society). In U. Schultz (publ.), "Das große Spiel.

Aspekte des Sports in unserer Zeit" (The Big Game Aspects of Sport in Our Times), Frankfurt 1965, p. 22 ff.21 See in this regard also the slightly problematic work by W. von Haas, Wechselbeziehungen zwischen

Leibesübungen und Leibeserziehung (Interaction between Physical Exercises and Social Forms). In "Leibes-

übullgen und Leibeserziehung" No. 9, 1949.

22 H. Damm, Vom Wesen sogenannter Leibesübungen bei Naturvölkern (About the Nature of So-called

Physical Exercises of Primitive Tribes). In "Studium generale", No. 1, 1960.

23 This, however, would presuppose a high structural equality of modern sport.24 Unfortunately no research has been conducted in this regard. The work by J. Huizinga(Homo

ludens, Reinbeck b. Hamburg, 1958) it to be excluded as far as this problem is concerned, because, due to

certain nominal definitions it cannot take into consideration the changes which have taken place in sport.25 Ch. v. Krockow, Graf, Der Wetteifer in der industriellen Gesellschaft und im Sport (Competition in

Industriall Society and in Sport) In A.D.L. (publ.) "Der Wetteifer", Frankfurt/Wien 1962, p. 59.

26G. Lüschen, Der Leistungssport in seiner Abhällgigkeit vom soziokulturellen System (Competitive

Sport in Its Dependence on the Socio-cultural System). In "Zentralblatt für Arbeitswissenschaft" No. 12, 1962.








232

industrialization as well as sport are the results of a culture favouring (individual) top-rankresults. In this connection referring to M. Weber, he points to the religious system of

protestant puritanism which is a precondition of the process of industrialization.

If one assumes that by nominally belonging to protestantism as a religious system of

evaluation one

really acceptsthis

systemof evaluation, then, in such a case, this evaluat-

ing system exerts a decisive influence on bhe structure of sport. It actually turned out that

in those sports branches whose structure requires a high level of individual achievements in

sport, such as the track-and-field events and swimming, the share of protestants is much

higher than in organized sport in general27. And it should be borne in mind that the

percentage of protestants in organized sport in the Federal Republic as compared with the

total population is already anyhow unproportionally high28.Liischen’s above mentioned thesis will not be undermined by the fact that employees

constitute the proportionally most numerous professional category in those sports branches

which from the structural point of view lay strongest emphasis on the individual top-class

achievements in sport, something that may be considered a result of the industrialization.

However, according to Luschen’s opinion, only the product of the industrialization modifies

the structure of sport, which, however, just like the industrialization, is considered to be the

result of the culture promoting individual top-class performance.This differentiated, though operationally difficult thesis, set up by Liischen on the

subject of sport and the social changes has so far not been accepted. All the papers which

dealt with the problem of sport and the social changes, define sport as leisure time activity,

whereby leisure in itself is considered to be the result of industrialization. This kind of a

perspective enabled von Krockow to define sport as &dquo;the centre of a highly industrialized

society&dquo;29 and with the same as the main criterion of social transformations. Based on

these same assumptions Herzfeld3« and Overath:11 examined the composition of sports organ-

izations in certain communities according to their demographic structure.

On the basis of the most varied social composition of sports clubs in various rural

communities, Overath reached the conclusion that the active participation of the various

social categories in sport, depends on the degree of social changes3’.

In such a way sport, as far as its social composition is concerned, turns into a criterion

of the changes that are taking place in society. Hereby two assumptions are accepted, without

any discussion. First: it is taken for granted that the horizontal integration of t’he sports

associations is a purposeful system, stemming from the social changes that have taken place;second: that these integration tendencies in sport are more far-reaching than in the generalsocial system. Such a train of thought is mainly based on ideological pipe dreams about

the equalityof all

peoplein

sport. However,such

assumptionscannot turn

sportinto an

indicator of social transformations. Because, as shown by the investigations conducted by

Overat,h, we find in the case of sports associations of the traditional branches, such as riding,

gymnastic exercises and shooting a strong vertical integration. This means that certain

27 See G. Lüschen, Der Leistungssport in seiner Abhällgigkeit vom soziokulturellen System (Competitive,

Sport in Its Dependence on the Socio-cultural System), p. 188; K. Hammerich, Die Spitzensportler in der

Leichtathletik und ihre Umwelt (Outstanding Athletes in Track and Field Events and Their Environment).

Diploma work at the Sports Academy of Cologne, W.S. 1963/64, p. 144.

28 These statements are made in regard to young athletes (Research: German sports youth — 15-15

years old, 1958 — conducted by Lüschen and his assistants).29 Ch. von Krockow, Graf, Der Wetteifer in der industriellen Gesellschaft und im Sport, p. 62.

3D G. Herzfeld, Turn- und Sportvereine in Wiesbaden (Gymnastics and Sports Clubs in Wiesbaden). Extra

edition 4 of the Statistical Reports of Wiesbaden, 1959.

31 H. Overath, Sport und Freizeit, Untersuchung über die Freizeitgestaltung durch sportliche Betätigung

in Vereinen der Gemeinde Wegberg (Sport and Leisure, Research on Leisure Pursuits with the Help of Sports

Activity in Clubs), Diploma work of the Sports Academy in Cologne, 1964.

32 H. Overath, Sport und Freizeit, p. 50.








233

structural forms of sport, in connection with their dependence on other social factors, hamperthe taking place of social changes, as defined above.

If one puts aside the so far discussed theoretical frames of the problem of social

changes and sport, then certain results of research regarding the structure of sports as-

sociations, set up after World War II, permit the hypothesis, that together with the differ-entiation of sport there takes place an emancipation of sport from other social systems and

the purposes connected with them~~3. Herzfeld and Overath found that after the war mainlysmall sports associations were set up, specializing in one sports branch. These sports clubs are

almost without exception located around the mid-town area34, while in the case of sportsclubs in rural and suburban areas there could be noticed a conservative attitude towards

new sports disciplines.These arguments come close to the presumption that the structural forms of the various

branches of sport differ most strongly. In order to examine the problem of the generalstructure of sport, it would be advisable, due to the results, discussed previously, to acceptthe existence of a differentiation regarding the dimensions of connections between sportand other social systems. An operative definition on the basis of dichotomy regarding sports

structures which are easy and others that are difficult to spread, should be undertaken in the

future.

Unfortunately this kind of argumentation was not at all discussed and that is why an

operative definition based on the existing material can be exclusively of a temporarycharacter.

In connection with this one should bear in mind that to the branches oC sport which do

not spread easily belong tennis, gymnastic exercises and shooting, while those sports branches

which from the structural point of view emphasize individual top-class achievements belong to

the typical structural forms of sport that spread easily. This difference points to the close

interrelations between sport and social strata.

Examination of these problems in organized German sport revealed that those sports

structures which are not at all wide-spread are the domain of the upper and lower strata

of the population as regards profession and prestige. Current research shows that gymnasticsin the mid-19th century was the domain of the higher strata of the population while todayit is connected with the lower strata of the populationl7. While tennis which traditionally was

always practiced mainly by the upper classes is to this day as a rule connected with the

socially better situated part of the population38.

Unfortunately there is a lack of proper research regarding the question under what

33 However, what this hypothesis is unable to explain is why precisely in industrialized communities the

gymnastics associations have a more traditional recruitation than gymnastics clubs in less industrialized

communities and why additional social duties are more strongly popularized by the sports clubs in the big

cities than in rural communities.

31 G. Herzfeld, Turn- und Sportvereine in Wiesbaden (Gymnastics and Sports Clubs in Wicsbaden),

p. 10. f.

35 G. Herzfeld, Turn- und Sportvereine in Wiesbaden, p. 25.

36 G. Lüschen, Soziale Schichtung und soziale Mobilität bei jungert Sportlem (Social Stratification and

Social Mobility Among Young Athletes). In "Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie"

No. 1, 1963; Lüschen, Sport et stratification sociale. In "Revue de I’Education Physique" No. 10, 1962;

Liischen Die Freizeit der Arbeiterscliaft und ihre Beziehung zum Sport (Leisure of the Workers and Their

Attitude Towards Sport). In "Ministère de l’Education Nationale et de la Culture" (publ.): Congrès Inter-

national sur l’ Education Physique et les Sports dans le cadre des Loisirs des Travailleurs. Brwelles 1964,

p. 112 ff.; Compare with certain reservations as regards the representative character of data: K. G. Specht,Sport in sozjologischer Sicht (Sport from the Sociological Point of View). In "Studium generale" No. 1, 1960.

37 The changes in the social recruitation, as shown by a survey of older members of gymnastics clubs,

seem to have taken place only in the last 30 years (Survey: gymnastics of older people 1962, conducted by

Luschen and others).36 G. Lüschen, Soziale Schichtung und soziale Mobilität bei jungen Sportlern.








234

kind of social conditions some of the structurally kindred branches of sport keep their

initial ’high social position and under which social conditions there can be noticed a shift

downwards.

However, those sports branches which structurally favour individual success in contests

recruittheir athletes

mainlyfrom the middle classes&dquo;’9.

The picture drawn above throws into relief certain characteristic features for the various

sports structures. If one approaches sport as a whole, also as some kind of activization of

the spare time of the middle classes and skilled professional workers with a leaning towards

the middle classes, then one reaches the conclusion that the various sports branches show

such strong characteristic features connected with a given social stratum, that Luschen was

able on the basis of social origin to set up a certain hierarchy of sports disciplines40.This kind of structural stratification of the various sports disciplines, makes more

topical the question about the relations between the structural forms of sport and social

mobility. In the German Federal Republic with its stagnation of inter-generational mobility

and slight downward tendency of intra-generational mobility, there can be noticed a distinct

upward mobility of an intra- and inter-generational nature in sport; this is most strikingin those sports branches favouring individual top-class achievements41. These structural forms

of sport, due to the environment from where they recruit their club members, reveal however

close ties with the religious evaluating system of protestantism, which sanctions high indi-

vidual achievements as something positive.This state of affairs permits to state the existence of strong ties with the protestant

evaluation of top-class performance. The evaluation of professional achievements, which has

its roots in the protestant ethics of work, was not, as Lenk supposed42 secularized, but was

also adopted for the social aspect of leisure pursuits.From this fact may be drawn conclusions about the functions of sport as regards leisure

pursuits43. These conclusions are exclusively related with the social sphere of work. In this

case affirmative functions should be connected with the structural forms of sport - not much

limited as regards the spreading and such a sports branch as the track-and-field events which

completely concentrate on individual top-class performance, could be considered as competi-tive sport and typical of the most extreme affirmative function. In accordance with this,

compensatory features of sport would be typical above all for those sports branches which

do not at all spread easily. It would be difficult to supply evidence to support this thesis

with the help of structural data. Nevertheless, the results obtained in his research by Overath

support this thesis. It turned out that in the examined community the membership of the

sharps:looters guild was made up almost exclusively by people whose place of work was

outside of the community41. Basing oneselfon

these assumptionsone

may accept the fact

39 Ibidem.40 Lüschen. Soziale Schichtung und soziale Mobilität bei jungen Sportlern; Lüschen. Funktionen des

Sports in der Modernen Gesellschaft (Funktionns of Sport in Modern Society). In "Die Leibeserziehung"

No. 12, 1963.41 Lüschen, Soziale Mobilität im Sport. In "Sportarzt und Sportmedizin" No. 4, 1965; K. Hammerieh,

Die Spitzensportler in der Leichtathletik und ihre Umwelt, p. 53 ff. However, on the other hand, one notices

among young athletes and footballplayers a trend towards downward mobility of an inter-generational type.

G. Lüschen, Soziale Schichtung und soziale Mobilität bei jungen Sportlern.42 H. Lenk, Werte, ziele, Wirklichkeit der modernen Olympischen Spiele Schorndorf 1964, p. 77.

43 Function is here approached as a vector between social spheres. The direction (compensative or affirm-

ative) provides information as to the structural disposition of the two social spheres towards one another.

11 H. Overath, Sport und Freizeit, p. 46. Schaginger proposes, that the symbolical relations to the

place of residence should become the starting point of a sports sociological analysis; E. M. Schaginger, Arbeit

und Freizeit. In "Psychologie und Praxis". No. 1. 1960. This proposal scems to be worth attention, because

the top-class achievements in the track-and-field events correlate in a positive way with a high rate of

fluctuation as regards place of residence and club membership; K. Hammerich, Die Spitzensportler in der

Leichtathletik und ihre Umwelt.








235

that the shooting sport has distinct compensatory functions in regard to work, in the form

of a symbolic relation to the place of residence.

Due to the differentiation in the structure of sport, which finds its expression in hhe

various affinities with certain social features, it is no wonder, if the attempt to draw up a

rational plan for sport as a whole, hascome

to nothing. As pointed out in one of Theif3en’sasworks France did not succeed in organizing sport for working youth according to one

rational principle. The reasons mentioned were insufficient rational planning that ignored the

possible influences of certain social systems and the irrational definition of the purpose of

certain definite structural forms of sport.

The model discussed so far finds its confirmation in the examination of the role of

non-organized sport, in the so-called &dquo;open-door centres&dquo;. In one of these centres sportturned out to be an instrument to obtain status, in another an object of personal aspira-t~ons’s.

In one of his earlier works47 the author points to the difficulty to draw conclusions as

to thesignificance

ofsport

lor a

givensocial

system,on the basis of external

organizationalforms. It was not possible to obtain data about the degree of functional influence of sporton the present-day family structure, because of the one-sided separation of sport from

family leisure pursuits and leisure time activity outside the family. That is why, despite empi-rical data statements regarding the functions of sport remained mere hypotheses, due to the

inaccurate definition of the above-mentioned interactions.

Such a sphere of interconnections should, in any case embrace data regarding the

properties, considered typical ol’ each structural form. Lenk48 in his work entitled lt’crte,

Ziole, Wir~lichkoit cia nroclcrm~n Olympisclrea Spiclc (Values, Aims and Reality of the

Modern Olympic Games) shows how ambiguous and antil unctional such ascribed features

can be il related to a system of sport.

Lenk found a large number ul anti functional processes regarding the aims of the

Olympic Games, as compared with Coubertin’s orginal idea. This antifunctiunal character is

typical of the various structural lorms of sport included in the Olympic idea, as its integral

parts and immanent features.

No wonder therefore that Schmidt4l could find national tendencies with special evaluat-

ing symbols in his analysis off the contents of sports commentaries, since sport as a pheno-menon in general possesses no constant structure of its own.

This precisely should be considered the main reason for the unsatisfactory attempts to

find a sociological definition for the word sport51J.

The lack of a uniform sports structure almost favours the establishment o1 ideological

foundations. Thus, it was found, during a survey of sports associations in Westphalia that

62&dquo;/o of the answers to the question w~hat was wrong in sport, pointed to the drive to break

records and to the commercialization; but only 25% of those questioned would advise their

45 W. Theißen, Die organisierte Leibeserziehung in der französichen Arbeitjugend (Organized Physical

Education of the French Working Class Youth). Diploma work at the Sports Academy in Cologne, 1965.

46 H. Diederichs, Die Einstellung zum Sport in zwei Heimen der "Offenen Tür" (Attitude Towards

Sport in Two "Open Door" Homes). Diploma work of the Sports Academy in Cologne. W.S. 1963-1964.

17 K. Hammerich, Funktionen des Sports in der Familie von heute (Functions of Sport in the Present-day

Family). In "Die Leibeserziehung" No. 12, 1963.

48H. Lenk, Werte, Ziele, Wirklichkeit der modernen Olympischen Spiele.49H. D. Schmidt, Versuch einer Inhaltsanalyse nationaler Tendenzen in Sportreportagen (Attempt to

Give an Analysis of the Contents of National Tendencies in Sports Commentaries). In "Psychologische

Rundschau" No. 1, 1965.50 Compare with G. Liischen, Prolegommena zu einer Soziologie des Sports; Lüschen, Der Leistungssport

in seiner Abhängigkeit vom sozio-kulturellen System.








236

friends not to earn money through sportsl. This result would testify to a widespread ideal-

ization of sport, which however in the case of a survey can no longer be accepted as proper

information. If 5~/0 of older members of a gymnastics club declared during another survey

that they are of the opinion that the most important features of an athlete are: &dquo;Frisch,

fromm, frbhlich, frei&dquo; (healthy, religious, gay, free)5~, then this answer points quite clearly

to the existence of empty phraseology on the basis of which the term sport is being pigeon-holed.

According to the results of the discussion on this problem Luschen proposed a system

of norms and evaluations and found that athletes with record-breaking aspirations lay more

stress on personal and fellowship relations than objective, purely sports values53. This givesrise to the principle of &dquo;social balance&dquo; in sports groups5a.

Lenk, however, was in a position to supply evidence that psychical distance in the case

of representative rowing teams does not necessarily hamper the achievements of top-class

results, as long as an outlet is found to avoid open conflicts55. This final result seems to

contradict the theory of the social balance in sport. It should, however, be admitted, that

there is no need for a dynamic balancing process embracing the group, if sports activity is

approached under the same aspects as top-class performance, because one is fully entitled

to accept the idea that this is so as an evaluation of rowing in the case representative rowingteams is concerned. Then internal conflicts are being neutralized with the help of the social

prestige such a team enjoys among the public. This explains, too, why the distance from the

place where training takes place is not a decisive factor when a person joins a certain sports

clubs6.

The different dimensional interrelations of sport with a variety of social systems and the

variety of features ascribed to the various sports branches, as immanent properties, are to

a substantial extent the result of different factors of the socialization of sport, such as the

school, the home and groups of friends57.

51 Data taken from the research work: Die Freizeit der Arbeiterschaft und ihre Beziehung zum Sport, Part II,

1962, conducted by Luschen and others.

52 Data taken from: Research work: Altersturnen, 1962, durchgcführt von Lüschen u.a. This specific

ideology typical of gymnasts is today barely any longer noticed in this form by the younger athletes.

G. Lüschen, Die Lebenslage der Turnfestjugend und ihre Stellung in der Gesellschaft (The situation of the

Sports Festival Youth and Their Attitude Towards Society). Graz 1958.

53 G. Lüschen, Speziale Schichtung und soziale Mobilität bei jungen Sportlern.54 G. Lüschen, Soziologiscire Aspekte der Leistung (Sociological Aspect of Top-class Performance). In

"Leibeserziehung in der Schule" No. 2, 1965.

55 H. Lenk, Konflikt und Leistung in Spitzensportmannschaften (Conflict and Top-class Performance in

Representative Sports Teams). In "Soziale Welt". No. 4, 1965.

56 H. Zimmermann, Die Bedeutung der Entfernung des Wohnsitzes von der Übungsstätte auf die sport-liche Betätigung (Significance of Distance from the Place of Residence to the Training Centre) Diploma work

at the Sports Academy of Cologne 1964.57 F. Kirsch, Primäre Gruppen nach Cooley und ihr Einfluß auf die Sozialisatioii zunt Sport (Primary

Groups According to Cooley and Their Influence on the Socialization of Sport). Diploma work at the Sports

Academy of Cologne, 1963.






hammerich. 1966. critical remarks regarding the state of sociological research in the german federal...

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