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The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S.Department of Justice and prepared the following final report:
Document Title: Growing Importance of Ukraine as a TransitCountry for Heroin Trafficking, Final Report
Author(s): Mary Layne
Document No.: 196664
Date Received: October 03, 2002
Award Number: 2000-IJ-CX-0008
This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice.To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this Federally-funded grant final report available electronically in addition totraditional paper copies.
Opinions or points of view expressed are thoseof the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect
the official position or policies of the U.S.Department of Justice.
The Growing Importance of Ukraine As A Transit Country for Heroin
/
Trafficking I
PROPERTY OF Nationaf Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS) Box 6008 Pockv#e, MB 20849-6000 -- -
U.S.-Ukraine Research Partnership
Final Report
June 2002
Prepared for National Institute of Justice International Center
Prepared by Mary Layne
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
Myko1a.S. Khruppa Anato1y.A. Musyka
Contents
Acknowledgements ii
Prefaceiii
1. Introduction 1
2. Background 3 Scope of the Drug Problem in Ukraine 3
Anti-Drug Law Enforcement Mechanisms 7 Drug Abuse 4
3. Heroin Trafficking From Southwest Asia ' 11
4. Estimates for the Amount of Heroin Transiting Ukraine 15
7. Conclusions 17
References 18
I
Appendix A: Heroin Cultivation and Production 19 19 Estimating Heroin Cultivation and Production
Southwest Asian Heroin 2 1
Pakistan 22 Uncertainty in Production Estimates 23
Producing Regions 20
Afghanistan 21
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to acknowledge James Finckenauer, Director for the International
Center, National Institute of Justice, for his vision and leadership on this project. Special thanks
to Sergey Chapkey, Senior Associate, Abt Associates for facilitating e-mail access between the
Americans and their Ukrainian research partners. Additionally, we would like to thank Jennifer
Shrock, International Program Specialist, National Institute of Justice, for her excellent project a
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
oversight and Kate Zuzina, Rule of Law Foundation for her able and cheerful assistance. Layne
thanks the other American researchers for their support and friendship: Donna Hughes,
University of Rhode Island, Jay Albanese, Virginia Commonwealth University, James Picarelli,
American University, and Phil Williams, University of Pittsburg. Finally, Layne would like to
express her gratitude to her Ukrainian research partners, Anato1y.A. Musyka and Myko1a.S.
Khruppa, for their hospitality while she was in Ukraine.
Preface
This research was funded by the U.S. - Ukraine Research Partnership project, which
began in November of 1999 when an agreement was signed between the National Institute of
Justice (NIJ) and the Ukrainian Academy of Law Sciences (UALS). This partnership program
was an integral part of the Gore-Kuchma Binational Commission, established in September 1996
to solidify the close ties between Ukraine and the United States. The increasingly global
character of crime has created a mutual incentive for cooperation between the U.S. and Ukraine.
In June of 1999, requests for proposals in the U.S. and Ukraine were concurrently
announced by both NIJ and UALS. The proposals were to address the following crime areas:
organized crime, corruption, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and economic crimes. The
proposals were competitively reviewed by an expert working-group made up of both U.S. and
Ukrainian representatives. The result was five U.S.-Ukrainian research teams, composed of
twenty-two Ukrainian and five U.S. members. The size of each individual U S - Ukrainian team
ranges from ten to three researchers. These teams met for the first time in November 1999 at a
"kick-off' conference in Kiev, Ukraine. The greatest accomplishment of the conference was that
researchers began the process of overcoming communication barriers and divergent
methodological approaches to formulate a joint plan for their research. a
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
5
For this research, Layne worked with two Ukrainian research partners to jointly develop
this paper. Khruppa was responsible for collecting Ukrainian data for the report and M ~ q b
supplied legislative expertise and background. Layne traveled to Ukraine (Kyiv and Kharkiv)
four times over the course of two years and her Ukrainian counterparts came to the U.S. once. It
was a challenge to collaborate across distance and language barriers, but a warm, collegial
relationship developed and were maintained despite these obstacles. I
I. Introduction I
The division among producer, transit, and consumer states of illicit drugs has clearly
broken down since the late 1980’s. The 1990’s produced a globalization of illicit drug markets,
with at least 134 countries and territories facing drug abuse problems in the 1990’s. Seventy-five
percent of all countries report the abuse of heroin and two-thirds the abuse of cocaine. Whereas
previously Western Europe and the U.S. were the primary consumers of heroin, there has been a
dramatic increase in heroin addicts in countries that previously had no problem, e.g., Pakistan
and Iran. At the global level, heroin and cocaine are the most significant drugs in terms of
treatment demands, drug mortality, and drug related violence, including organized crime.
Opiates are the primary problem drugs in Western and Eastern Europe. On average,
opiates account for three quarters of all treatment demand, and are also responsible for the large
majority of drug-related mortality and morbidity cases.
In the years since its independence, Ukraine has become a significant conduit for
Southwest Asian (Afghanistan and Pakistan) heroin bound for European markets. The volume of
Southwest Asian heroin available for world markets has increased sharply in recent years and
growing amounts are smuggled through Ukraine. Porous borders, understaffed and under funded
counter-narcotics entities and the rise of organized crime syndicates have enabled traffickers to a
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utilize Ukraine as a viable transit point. Further, Ukraine has become an opiate producer in its
own right, cultivating approximately 300 new hectares of illicit poppy in 2000 (Khruppa). 0 Countries on trafficking routes can suffer from drug usage problems, since traffickers
often pay intermediaries with in-kind drug product. There is often a concomitant increase in
property crime and prostitution, as users struggle to finance their drug consumption. As
addiction, and especially trafficking, lead to increased crime and violence, more and more public
resources must be channeled into law enforcement.
Ukrainian law enforcement entities responsible for anti-narcotics work are poorly
coordinated, relatively inexperienced, understaffed, and under-funded. The U.S. Customs
Service and the Drug Enforcement Administration have conducted anti-drug training programs in
Ukraine in the areas of interdiction, border control, and money laundering. These activities have
been largely tactical.
This research had several goals. The first was to identify smuggling routes both from
producer countries and in Ukraine. We wanted to identify types of drugs smuggled, routes taken,
and conveyances employed. Additionally, we wanted to provide a methodology and estimate of
the magnitude of amount of heroin transiting Ukraine. Creating a consistent yearly estimate of
these amounts is the a valuable means of measuring the demand for, and effectiveness of, anti-
narcotic activities over time.
M.S. Khruppa supplied some data for this research, nonetheless, obtaining data from
Ukrainian sources proved to be problematic, despite teaming with Ukrainian researchers. Much
of the data reported here comes from non-Ukrainian sources. Data sharing proved to be the
biggest challenge of the project, but there was successful collaboration with the Ukrainian
researchers that could be exploited for future work. This serves to highlight the benefits and
obstacles of this kind of partnering effort.
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
2. Background
In the eleven years between 1989 and 1999, Ukraine underwent a sharp increase in the
rate of overall crime. Concomitant with this, Ukraine'experienced the criminalization of its
economy in the form of organized crime and its activities (e.g., trafficking in illicit drugs and
trafficking in women for the sex industry). There was also a spread of corruption among
government officials as they became less accountable (Fogelsong, 2001).
Ukraine adopted a new constitution in 1996 that opened the door for radical legal and
judicial reform. It articulated an increase in civil liberties and instituted new court structures and
procedures that represent deep changes in the organization of the judiciary and criminal
procedure. However, judicial reform has been slow to occur because there is not political
willpower or public pressure for such reform. The Supreme Court and the Ministry of Justice
both lack the legislative initiative and are at a stalemat,e over reform issues (Fogelsong, 2001).
Corruption remains a major problem hampering the investment climate and economic
I
reforms. It has an impact on the effectiveness of efforts to combat organized crime, which is
heavily involved in the narcotics business. Accordingly, the Ukrainian government has adopted
a set of laws and decrees to combat corruption. The president signed the latest anticorruption
decree in November 2000.
The fall of Communist regimes and the end of tight border controls have attracted
foreign criminal organizations. International criminal activity increased rapidly in the early
1990s as Ukraine's new democratic government focused on fundamental political, social and
economic problems.
Scope of the Drug Problem in Ukraine
1Q temational organized crime groups have exploited relatively weak law enforcement
and loose border controls to replace traditional points of entry into Western Europe, where
customs and law enforcement have become s t r o i a , Ukraine is at a strategic crossroads
c
i 0
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between Southwest Asia (the primary heroin producing region) and markets in Western Europe.
(Appendix A provides detailed information concerning heroin-producing countries). Ukraine has
transparent borders with its neighboring states of Russia, Moldova, and Belarus. Of the 1,500
roads connecting Ukraine with its contiguous states in the north, east, and southwest, only 98
have Customs facilities (State Customs Service of Ukraine). Smugglers can travel virtually
unfettered into and out of Ukraine.
Drug Abuse
Drug abuse in Ulcraine has been on the rise since 1990. According to the Ministry of
Public Health of Ukraine (PHM), there has been a three-fold increase in the number of registered
drug users. Figure 1 shows this trend, where the upper line represents all drug users and the
lower line represents heroin users. Figure 1, below, also indicates that heroin is not the only drug
consumed in Ukraine. In fact, this gap is widening.
There has been a growing tendency towards abuse of synthetic drugs, such as
amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) and within this group, methylenedioxymethamphetamine
(MDMA), better know by its street name, “ecstasy”. The broad range of different ATS makes
the use of various combinations an increasingly common feature. Further complicating the issue
is the notion that ATS do not cause lasting harm. In 2000,76 percent report being addicted to
ATS, 12 percent to heroin, 9 percent to cocaine, and 3 percent to LSD (Khruppa, 2000). There
has been a dramatic increase in the number of women and juveniles addicted to drugs, causing
great concern. Marijuana is getting more popular with young people, as are synthetic drugs.
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Figure 1 Number of Registered Drug Users in Ukraine
1oo.M)o
80,000
70.000
f 40.000
z 5
0
I
I
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Year
+All DN! +Heroin
High prices for heroin and cocaine have drawn many Ukrainian drug users to
domestically cultivated poppy straw. The Ministry of the Interior reports a rise in the cultivation
and consumption of poppy straw in the country, grown primarily in western and northern
Ukraine. As part of this research, Khruppa undertook a census of illicit poppy fields, by oblast.
Figure 2 shows the oblasts he surveyed and Table 1 provides the count of hectares devoted to
illicit poppy growth, by oblast.
Figure 2 Location of Illicit Poppy Fields
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I 1
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Table 1 e
Illicit Poppy Cultivation in Ukraine, September 2000
Oblast Hectares Under Cultivation
1 : Vinnyts’ka
2: Volyns’ka
33.3
7.9
3: Zhtomyrs’ka 4.3
4: Ivano-Frankivs’ka
5: Kyyivs’ka
6: L’vivs’ka
7: Rivnens’ka
8: Ternopil’s’ka
9: Khmel’nyts’ka
30.6
17.3
31
15.9
37.9
56.2
10: Cherkas’ka 66.8
Total 301.2
Source: M.S. Khruppa
Ukrainian officials are trying to reduce drug demand through preventive actions,
especially at schools. Drug information centers have been opened in the cities with the highest
levels of drug abuse. A number of rehabilitation programs have been conducted throughout the
country by NGOs with the assistance of international institutions.
Anti-Drug Law Enforcement Mechanisms
Ukraine is a party to the 1988 United Nations Drug Convention, and follows the
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provisions of the convention in enacting anti-narcotics legislation. Combating narcotics
trafficking continues to be a national priority for law enforcement bodies, though insufficient
funding seriously hinders Ukrainian efforts.
According to preliminary statistics for fhe first 11 months of 2000 (U.S. Department of
State, 2001), approximately 41,657 criminal cases involving narcotics were prosecuted, a minor
increase over 1999’s figures. About 20,107 people have been confined during the first 11
months of 2000 for drug-related offenses. Approximately 30,535 persons were administratively
fined for minor drug-related violations, a one-third increase over 1999’s figures. Unemployed
persons under the age of 30 committed most crimes connected with drugs.
In the last five years the Ukrainian parliament, has passed a package of drug control laws
that constitute a solid legal basis for combating narcotics effectively. Ukrainian law enforcement
officials praise the drug control legislation for being an effective tool in drug enforcement.
Under this legislation, counter-narcotics enforiement responsibility is given to the
Ministry of Interior (MVD), the State Security Service (SBU), the State Customs Service, and
the Border Guards. In 1993, the Drug Enforcement Department (DED) was created, an
independent department within the MVD (however, it still reports directly to the MVD).
Cooperation between law enforcement agencies combating narcotics (mainly MVD, SBU,
Customs Service and Border Guards) is improving; but is still severely hampered by conflicts
over investigative jurisdiction.
The MVD has primary responsibility for counter-narcotic efforts. There is a Department
for Combating Organized Crime (OC) within the MVD, as well as the DED. The DED has
ultimate jurisdiction over drug cases and each oblast has a DED unit. In theory, the OC
department investigates cases where there is an organized crime element, but lays claim to cases
that should fall within the scope of the DED. Sharing of cases is flexible and the DED and MVD
are reported to work well together (Seaman, 1997). As is the case with other MvI> departments
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and the Customs Service, if a case takes on aspects of international drug smuggling, the
investigation must be turned over to the SBU. In many such cases, joint SBU/MVD task forces
will be formed.
The SBU is primarily charged with intelligence gathering and has a special unit that
focuses on international drug trafficlung and money laundering. The central office in Kiev
conducts its own enforcement operations and supervises SBU units that work at the oblast level.
Every case involving drugs smuggled across the Ukrainian border falls under SBU jurisdiction.
The State Customs Service is an independent government agency and operates on land
borders, airports, and seaports. The Customs Service has exclusive anti-drug operational
jurisdiction within their control areas. Customs has preliminary investigative authority, but is
required to transfer all cases of international drug smuggling to the SBU. Customs can't conduct
intelligence gathering, but cooperates with the SBU and MVD. It does, however, have the
authority to conduct controlled deliveries.
The Border Guard, formerly part of the KGB, was created
November 1991. Its staff are stationed at borders and check passp
If they find drugs, they must turn the case over to the State Customs Service I
Fparate agency in E a o prevent illegal migration.
The national anti-narcotics coordinating council, established in 1994 in the Cabinet of
Ministers to coordinate the efforts of government and public organizations to combat drugs, is
drafting a 2001 -2005 anti-drug program. Although many of the steps articulated under the
previous anti-drug plans ( 1 994-1 997, 1998-2000) were restrained by lack of funds, the MVD is
giving top priority to anti-drug actions and is providing overall support.
Ukraine's efforts to implement its anti-drug plans have been hampered by the severe lack
of funding for law enforcement and social agencies. Nevertheless, the Ministry of Health and the
Ministries of Education and Culture are working with the MVD to intensify national antidrug
educational programs.
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Ukrainian law enforcement agencies were successful in seizing approximately 29 tons of ' narcotic drugs during the first eleven months of 2000 ( U . S . Deparbnent of State, 2001). This
included seizures of 12 kilograms of heroin, 6.5 tons of marijuana, 110 kilograms of opiates, 10
kilograms of hashish, 22 tons of opium poppy straw, 26 doses of ecstasy and 4,707 doses of
LSD. The MVD was successful in uncovering 1,572 drug-dens as well as 78 laboratories, some
of which were producing synthetic drugs. The government conducted a large-scale operation to
destroy poppy and hemp fields: In 2000, government authorities destroyed 195,000 square
meters of opium poppy fields, 34,000 square meters of marijuana and 15,000 square meters of
wild cannabis. Law enforcement bodies succeeded in breaking up 2,341 criminal groups
involved in drugs activities, with most groups consistjng ofjust a few people (U.S. Department
of State, 2001).
Ukraine is a party to the 1988 UN Drug Convention as well as to the agreement of the
police forces of the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States, which provides for
coordination of operational drug control activities. Bilateral anti-narcotics agreements were
signed with the security services of Belarus and Russia. Intergovernmental agreements providing
for joint enforcement efforts against illicit drug trafficking have been signed with the Czech
Republic, Austria, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, and the United Kingdom. The
Ukrainian parliament ratified the U.S.-Ukraine Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty in criminal
matters in September of 2000. The number of international legal instruments signed in a short
period of time and the growing numbers of bilateral agreements demonstrate Ukraine's
willingness to cooperate internationally.
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3. Heroin Trafficking From Southwest Asia e The break up of the former Soviet Union offered heroin traffickers alternatives to their
traditional - and heavily monitored - transshipment routes through Pakistan and Iran. Less
stringent border controls, political and economic instability, corruption, and developing drug
markets in the region have made Central Asia an increasingly important transit zone for opium
and heroin shipments out of Afghanistan. ,
i
How does Afghan heroin reach western markets? Figure 3 details the routes. Most
opium and heroin transiting Central Asia enters directly from Afghanistan into Turkmenistan or
Tajikistan. Traffickers take advantage of cross-border ethnic ties to facilitate their operations.
The drugs are typically driven through border check points concealed in truckloads of
agricultural or consumer goods or smuggled through remote areas by foot or on rafts. Some
heroin is also smuggled by air from Afghanistan to Central Asian countries on private aircraft or
commercial airlines owned by one of Afghanistan’s warring factions. 0
Once in the Central Asian region, drugs are moved west overland in vehicle convoys or
railcars through Central Asia. From there they are moved across the Caspian Sea, over the
Caucasus Mountains, then into Turkey. Every year, this route is taken by approximately 1,5
million trucks, 250,000 passenger trains, and four million private cars (Boekhout van Solinge,
1998). The most common way to transport heroin is in relatively small quantities of 20 to 50
kilograms, hidden in trucks. Considering the volume of land conveyances on this route and the
fact that it takes hours to an entire day to search a truck, it is virtually impossible to really
counteract smuggling along this route. It is estimated that 75 per cent of the heroin smuggled
into Europe is transported along this route (Boekhout van Solinge, 1998).
From Turkey, heroin follows the Southern Balkan route (Turkey-Yugoslavia-Albania-
Western and Northern Europe) hidden in sealed commercial trucks. Heroin is also smuggled via 0
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the Northern Balkan route across the Black Sea to ports in Ukraine, transferred to cars or trucks,
and then moved into Poland.
I Finure 3 Heroin Smuggling Routes From Southwest Asia
Another route out of Afghanistan follows the old Silk Road into Russia, the Baltic States,
Poland, Ukraine, and the Czech Republic. Nigerian traffickers use the mail or Ukrainian women
operating as “mules” (usually into Borispol airport near Kiev) to smuggle heroin into Ukraine.
In 1995-1 996, Ukrainian law enforcement detected ten Nigerian gangs that used commercial
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activities as a front for heroin trafficking (Seman, 1997). e Figure 4 displays the main trafficking routes and conveyances into and out of Ukraine. I
I
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Figure 4 Main Drug Trafficking Routes in Ukraine , I
Table 2 presents heroin seizure statistics for Ulaaine. While seizures are inherently
biased measures of drug flow, they are a proxy for trends. In April 2002, there was a record
200kg heroin seizure in Odessa (Ulu-aine Today, April 2002) found aboard a ship arriving from
an Asian country, with a black market value if USD$20 million. The Ukrainian domestic drug
market is relatively poor, so they are not the intended consumers of heroin transiting the country.
This most recent seizure and the general increase in heroin seizures indicate that Ukraine is
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indeed a transit country.
Year Amount Seized
1995 9.5
In Table 3, we present data that Khruppa collected by examining investigative case files
for the period 1995-1998. The table details cases where all aspects of the smuggling route where
know. The paucity of data in the table highlights how difficult it is for law enforcement to
quantify smuggling.
1998 1999
8.9 6.0
1996 I 4.0 1997 i 3.7
Total I 10.8
I
2000 I 12.0 2001 I 4.0"
I
a Represents the first nine months of 2001 Sources: UNODCCP 2000. INCSR I999-2001
[ Table 3 Amount Smuggled in Known Cases of Heroin Transiting Through Ukraine, 1995- 1998 (kilonrams) . - I Year I Source Countd Country Amount
! Transit Country I Transit Country I Receiving I 1
I I I I I I 1995 I Iran (Teharan) 1 Ukraine (Yahoti4) I Poland I western Europe 8.7 1 1996 I Turkey (Istanbdl) 1 Ukraine(Ya1ta) 1 - I Russia (Vladivostok) .5
sources: M.S. Krhunna
4. Estimates for the Amount of Heroin Transiting Ukraine
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
In this section we present tentative estimates of the amount of heroin that is trafficked
through Ukraine. This is the first attempt at such a measurement and the estimate will mature as
more data become available. For current purposes, we, work backwards from consumption l
estimates for Western Europe (Crime and Narcotics Center, 2000) and proceed with the notion
that this demand is met almost exclusively by heroin from Southwest Asia. Consumption of
illicit drugs is notoriously hard to estimate, so there is a low estimate, a high estimate, and a
mean. Computations for 2000 are made for each level, as presented in Table 4.
Starting with European consumption, we want to work backwards to the amount that had
to transit Ukraine to meet that demand. First, we add seizures in Western Europe -this is the
amount that must be smuggled into Western Europe to meet the demand. Of the 75 percent
smuggled via the Balkan route, we assume that 25 percent of that transits through Ukraine. Of
the 25 percent smuggled via the old Silk Road route, we assume that 25 percent of that is
smuggled from Russia through Ukraine. To get the total amount transiting Ukraine, we add the
amounts smuggled through Ukraine fi-om each route, plus seizures in Ukraine to yield a low
estimate of 8.9 metric tons, a mean estimate of 14.4 metric tons, and a high estimate of 20 metric
tons.
It must be stressed that while the methodology is sound, the actual amounts are to be
considered guesses, at best. The utility in this exercise lies in highlighting where better data are
needed and to begin the process of estimation. Abt Associates has been improving its estimate of
cocaine and heroin entering the U.S. for over ten years.
i
e
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Table 4
Estimates of Heroin Transiting Ukraine, 2000 (kilograms) I
Low Estimate High Estimhe Mean Estimate
Smuggled via Balkan routes (75% )
From Russia, through Ukraine (25%)
Seized in Ukraine
Total through Ukrain 19,915.2 14,415.2
I
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
7. Conclusions a The importance of Ukraine to drug traffickers as a transit corridor to western and central
Europe continues to increase. Drug smuggling is primarily the activity of organized criminal
groups. A major law enforcement priority has got to be focused on breaking up these groups.
Compared to international standards, Ulcraine does not yet have a serious drug problem.
However, trafficking of narcotic drugs from Asia and South America to European destinations
through Ukraine is increasing as drug traffickers look for new ways to circumvent western
European customs and border controls. Demand reduction and treatment of drug abusers are
problems requiring close attention. I
Improvements need to be made in the estimate of heroin transiting Ukraine. This can be
done with better consumption estimates (the current model does not include any consumption
along smuggling routes) and improved intelligence on the proportion of heroin in each route that
transits Ukraine.
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
References a 1) Boekhout van Solinge, T., (1 998). Drug use and drug traficking in hurope. Tijdschrift
voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 1998 1 : 100-1 05.
7)
e
Bruen, A, Johnston, P., Rhodes, W., Layne, My Kling, R, . Estimation of Heroin Availability, 1996-2000, February 2002. Report prepared for the Office of National Drug Control Policy.
Burt, S., Structural Holes, 1995, Harvard University Press.
Crime and Narcotics Center, Asia Opium Cultivation and Production 2001.
Crime and Narcotics Center and Drug Enforcement Administration, July 2000, Global Heroin Threat to the United States.
,
European Monitoring Center for Drugs and Drug Addiction, 2000, Annual Report On the State of the Drug Problem in the European Union.
Foglesong, T. S., Soloman, P.H., July 2001, Crime, Criminal Justice, and Criminology in Post-Soviet Ukraine, National Institute of Justice.
Khruppa, M., Summary of the Research Work”, Working paper, 2000.
Layne, M., Johnston, P., Rhodes, W., Estimation of Cocaine Availability, 1996-2001, January 2002. Report prepared for the Office of National Drug Control Policy.
Layne, M., Rhodes, W., Chester, C., The Cost of Doing Business for Cocaine Smugglers, March 2000, Abt Associates Inc. Report prepared for U.S. Customs Service.
Seman, R., Assessment Report for Ukraine, October 1997.
12) United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention, World Drug Report 2000.
13) United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention, Global Illicit Drug Trends, 2000.
14) United Nations International Drug Control Program, Afghanistan, May 2002.
15) United States Department of State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, International Narcotics Strategy Report (INCSR), March 2000
16) United States Department of State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, International Narcotics Strategy Report (INCSR), March 200 1
17) United States Department of State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, International Narcotics Strategy Report (INCSR), March 2002
Williams, P. The Nature of Drug-Trafficking Networks, Current History, April 1998, pp. 18)
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and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
e 154-1 58.
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and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
Appendix A: Heroin Cultivation and Production
Opium poppy is an annual plant that flourishes in tropical or semi-tropical areas. When
growing conditions are ideal, plants can be harvested twice a year. Harvesting consists of cutting
unripe seed capsules for tlie poppy plants, releasing a milky fluid, that, when collected and dried,
forms raw opium. Opium is consumed in large quantities in many producing countries.
Processing raw opium into heroin powder is a three-stage process: from morphine base,
to heroin base, to heroin power. First the raw opium is soaked, heated, and filtered to produce a
brown powder. Morphine base is then obtained by compressing the brown power into bricks. To
create heroin base, the morphine base is mixed with an acetylating agent, boiled and cooled,
thinned with water, and filtered. Then, a second solution of water and sodium carbonate is added
and the combination is again filtered, and then dried. The resultant gray power, heroin base, is
insoluble in water and thus not suitable for injection. Further refinement of the heroin base
yields white heroin powder, which can be injected. Yields at each of the three stages can vary
depending on the quality of the chemicals and the experience of the chemist. With the exception
of the acetylating agent, the processing materials are readily available wherever opium is grown.
Estimating Heroin Cultivation and Production
Cultivation estimates are derived from random sampling techniques, which approximate
the total amount of land under poppy cultivation. The Crime and Narcotics Center (CNC) uses
satellites to image a sample of land under cultivation and scales this to the total growing area.
An estimate for potential opium yield is calculated by multiplying the cultivation estimate by an
average opium yield. The average is obtained from opium yield surveys conducted in poppy
fields around the word.
Producing Regions
Heroin is supplied principally from Southwest Asia (Afghanistan and Pakistan),
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Southeast Asia (Burma, Laos, and Thailand - the Golden Triangle), and Latin America (Mexico
and Colombia). Analysts agree that presently Colombia supplies the lion share of the United @ States’ heroin market, with Mexican heroin running slightly less. Ninety percent of the U.S.
demand is met by Colombia and Mexico. In 2000, approximately 13.1 of 14.4 metric tons of
heroin available at U.S. borders originated in Latin America (Bruen, 2002). Thus, South
American heroin primarily supplies the Americas and does not significantly influence heroin
flow through Ukraine. (Although there is some evidence of plane shipments of heroin fiom
Colombia to Ukraine, but this does not appear to be a significant trend).
Potential production of Southeast Asian heroin has dropped from about 234 metric tons
in 1996 to 109 metric tons in 2000. Of this, analysts conclude that approximately 1 metric ton is
shipped to the U.S. (Bruen, 2002), almost exclusively to the West Coast through transit points in
China and Thailand. The overwhelming majority of opiates produced in the Golden Triangle are
consumed locally and in China, which makes up the world’s largest heroin market. Annual
heroin consumption in Southeast Asia is about 35 metric tons and upwards of 40 metric tons in
China. Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Canada consume about 2 metric tons each of Southeast Asian
heroin per year, and Australian users consume between 6 and 7 metric tons annually. This leaves
a
about 16 metric tons of Southeast Asian heroin unaccounted for. When we consider international
seizures, distribution to other non-European countries, eradication, licit use, abandoned fields,
etc., we can ignore Southeast Asian heroin as being of significance to Ukraine as a transit
country.
Based on law enforcement intelligence sources and analysis of heroin seizures in Europe,
it is clear that the region’s heroin demand is met almost exclusively from the Southwest Asia
region. Analysts agree that European users consume between 22 and 66 metric tons of heroin a
year. Data from the European Monitoring Center for Drugs and Drug Abuse indicate the total
heroin addict population in Europe is between 1 and 1.5 million people. Hard-core users are
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
using between 60 and 120 milligrams a day of pure heroin. “Virtually all of Western Europe’s
heroin demand is met by Southwest Asian sources in 1997, according to Interpol, 90 percent of
the heroin seized in Europe came from Southwest Asia. All samples of heroin tested by
Germany’s national drug testing laboratory in recent years were linked to Southwest Asia,
according to DEA” (Global Heroin Threat, 2000).
Southwest Asian Heroin
Skyrocketing opium production and the development of a significant trafficking
infrastructure in Afghanistan and Pakistan made Southwest Asia the world’s leading source of
heroin. Table 1 details the potential amount of heroin produced in Southwest Asia from 1997
through 200 1 . During the period 1997 to 200 1, there was a 65 percent increase in the amount of
heroin available to world markets.
Afghanistan
Afghan opium yields have increased dramatically since the mid-1980s. Up until 2001,
’ Afghanistan was firmly entrenched as the world’s largest opium producer. Helmand Province is
the largest producing region - it produced 54 percent of the Afghan opium crop and was
responsible for 39 percent of the world illicit opium supply. Most Afghan poppy is grown on the
best available agricultural land with productive soils, irrigation, and fertilizer. Irrigation has
helped to minimize the effects of regional drought.
In July 2000, the Taliban announced a ban on opium poppy cultivation and the effect has
been to dramatically decrease production for 2001, as shown in Table Al, below. Afghanistan
has been the largest producer in the world since 1998, but by 2001 poppy had been virtually
eliminated. Opium prices shot up at least tenfold within six months of the announcement of the
ban as the market reacted to the expected lack of a new CTOP. Yet, production and trafficking
continued, relying on stockpiles from previous years.
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
Table A1 Southwest Asian PODDV Cultivation and Potential Production
51,500 64.51
4,100 3,030
A previously minor producing area (Badakhshan) under Northern Alliance control has
become the major growing area. There are indications that farmers in the area are poised to
increase cultivation next season and some have attempted to plant a second crop in the summer
after the first crop was harvested. And indeed, preliminary figures for 2002 (United Nations,
2002) indicate that cultivation of poppy has increased four-fold in this area.
Pakistan
Pakistan has achieved its goal of dramatically reducing poppy cultivation in all growing
areas but one. Farmers will be under increased pressure to return to poppy cultivation in 2002
because of the potential profits from steep prices, caused by the ban in Afghanistan. The
Pakistan government is determined to prevent a resurgence of cultivation. The area most
susceptible to returning to poppy cultivation is the Dir District because a United Nations Office
for Drug Control and Crime Prevention crop substitution project ended there in 2001. Farmers in
this area held out the longest against crop control efforts and if government programs and e
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support are not continued, some farmers may return to poppy cultivation.
a Uncertainty in Production Estimates
There is considerable uncertainty in opiumheroin cultivation and production estimates.
Cultivation data are based on satellite imagery,, and this is the most reliable part of the estimation
process. But, areas to be imaged are selected using sample survey techniques and are subject to
some amount of error. Cultivation figures are published as point estimates, rather than with
confidence intervals. Thus, it is difficult to know the magnitude of the statistical error for these
estimates.
Eradication and seizure data come primarily from the governments of the opiumheroin
producing countries and these data are often dubious., Further, there is considerable source-
country consumption of opiumheroin; these estimates are subject to their own set of
uncertainties. Finally, conversion factors for intermediate steps in the production process are
also estimated. PROPERTY OF National Criminal Justice Reierenci Service (NCJRS) Box 6000
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not