gods, gods &priests akan- bempong

8/3/2019 Gods, Gods &Priests Akan- Bempong

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Primitive Theology:God, gods, and priests

By

Kwasi Bempong

Transformations in Akan traditional religious belief and practice have not been

featured prominently in the enormous body of literature on this Western Sudanic

civilization. Attempted here is an assessment of the representation of Akan religion and

religious practitioners in that body of literature. This assessment is divided into two

sections.

In the first section, I lay out the historical contradictions related to Akan religious

beliefs. This is first framed as a debate between so-called Western scholars and

indigenous scholars who both view Akan beliefs in reference to Judeo-Christian beliefs.

The former sees Akan beliefs as divergent, while the latter portray those beliefs as more

or less analogous to Christianity. The most contentious aspect of the Akan belief-system

is the spiritual entity called the ]bosom (pl., abosom) and the priesthood that acts as the

intermediary between the abosom and humanity.

In contemporary Ghanaian society, the priesthood and the abosom are a part of a

modern-primitive, religion-witchcraft dialectic. This is also addressed, briefly, in this

section in conjunction with the representations of the priesthood and abosom in the

literature and the historical changes they have gone through in Akan culture. Earlier

anthropological studies from the twentiesTP1PT, fortiesTP2PT, and fifties TP3PT have shown a marked

increase in the abosommerafo] (executioner priests; sing. ]bosommerafo) and the

ak]mfo] and their so-called witch-catching cults. In fact, they appear to have supplanted


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the more ancient abosomfo], who are (were) priests of theAtanoabosom centered on the

sacred river Tano.

Section two continues this theme with a more detailed explication of the

priesthood or religious practitioners (as]fo]; sing. ]s]fo) and the abosom. Particular

attention is paid to one type of practitioner, the ]bosomfo (pl. abosomfo]), and one type

of abosom, Tano. Drum texts, prayers, archaeological data, historical sources, and

anthropological data are all used to illustrate the antiquity of the abosomfo] and Tano.

This allows for an assessment of the historical changes that have occurred in Akan belief

and practice and, consequently a repudiation of the representation of Akan belief as

static; an image fostered by contemporary literature.


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I. A PRIMITIVE THEOLOGY; ONYAMESOM

(SERVITUDE TO GOD)

The Contradictions Within Contradictions: The Debate Over Akan Religion

The Akan, overall, have been the subject of European writers since the late

fifteenth century4, Arab since the sixteenth5, and the Islamized western Sudanic Mande

probably before the fourteenth century, since the Akan figure in the original 44 tribes that

first populated the world in Mande cosmology.

6

Although there are studies on almost

every aspect of Akan society and culture, the theoretical approach to Akan institutions

have been structuralist and mainly concerned with politics and trade7

often excluding the

Akan ideological perspective.8

Despite the very noble intentions of Rattray9 and others10, Akan religious

ideology either has been ignored or grossly misrepresented as 'fetishism', 'paganism', or

'animism'.11 All of these terms are laden with biases that refuse to grant the Akan belief

system legitimacy on par with the beliefs of the Levantine and Asian religious traditions.

When aspects of the Akan religion, Onyamesom12, as it will be called here, were

encountered that did not figure into the assumptions of some European scholars, those

aspects were dismissed as being derivative indigenous creations borrowed from Muslims

and/or Christian missionaries.13

A complex power struggle has developed within the debate about Akan religious

belief, as within African beliefs in general, between so-called Western scholars and

indigenous scholars. Both groups, very broadly drawn here, have as an ideological

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standard the Judeo-Christian concept of deity and religion at the core of their conceptions

of Akan religion. It is to varying degrees that this concept is accepted or rejected by

either group. The Western group favors a view of Akan beliefs that fosters an image of

polytheism and ancestor worship, while the Indigenous group favors a monotheistic

view.

Captain R. S. Rattray, an anthropologist working for the Gold Coast colonial

government during the 1920's, stands out as one of the few Western anthropologists who

were sympathetic to Asante and, subsequently, Akan culture. He rejected the

dissemination of Islamic and Christian ideas into Akan society as an explanation of the

complexity of their religion and the dissimilarity of their theology from fetishism and its

brethren.14

He was unable, however, to take that final step and accept Onyame as the

Akan equivalent for God. Instead, he was inclined to translate Onyame as 'Supreme Sky

God' throughout his career, a designation that could not be derived from the etymology of

the word grammatically or theologically.15 Onyame, based upon the treatment of this

deity in Akan literature, is quite simply God, the creator of the material world, of time,

destiny, and the human soul, a theological concept not different from Yahweh or Allah.

This conception of deity seems consistent with Akan proverbial expressions and drum

texts. Some common bynames, of which there may be one hundred, are:

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1 }domankoma eternally abundant; fecund creator of all; infinite; absolute;

boundless; limitless

2 Onyankop]n supreme embodiment of the shining expanse of the sky;

solitary; alone in grandeur

3 Otweaduamp]ng the almighty overseer; the watching one; the dependable one

4 Otumfuo the omnipotent one; the possessor of visionary insight

5 B]reb]re creator; inventor; builder; architect of all

6 }b]ade[ the creator

7 Totorubonsu progenitor and bringer of rain

8 Atoap[m final; unsurpassable; beyond which one cannot go

9 }beannye[ uncreated; without beginning

10 T[t[kwaframua enduring forever (outside of time)

11 Br[kyerehunnyade[ knowing all; omniscient.TP16PT

The debate is further extended by the bifurcation of the Indigenous group into a

comparable monotheism, as represented by J.B. Danquah and a discrete theism as

represented by Kwesi Wiredu. Both brands of theism adopt the position that the Akan do

possess a religion and the beginning and end of that religion is God and all other practices

and beliefs of the Akan (ancestor cults, worship of lesser deities) fall outside of their

respective definitions of Akan religion. TP17PT


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This position becomes untenable when one considers what motivates ordinary

Akan when they are engaged in those other practices that are, supposedly, outside of

religion. Further, even within the position of discrete monotheism, there is a

contradiction; Onyame is both a universal god and the exclusive god of the Akan. Wiredu

disagrees with Danquahs attempts to rationalize Onyamesom in terms of Greek

philosophy and Christianity, which Danquah did without compunction. Essentially,

Wiredu asks, do Akan modes of theological thought have to be comparable to Western

ones?18 Although both forms of indigenously theorized theisms agree that Onyamesom is

a legitimate religion, the discrete position asserts, it is not an institutional religion.

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Within Contradictions pt. 2: The agitation of the little gods.

Both the comparable and discrete models of Akan theism agree upon the

legitimacy ofOnyamesom. Western scholars accept the Akan have a religious system but,

overall, in Western scholarship the abosom, lesser gods or deities figure very

prominently in that view, while indigenous scholars have been noticeably dismissive of

any form of deity defined as a god without a capital g.

Therefore, one can speak of two types of contradictions: local and global. The

local contradiction stems from the debate amongst Akan scholars about the degree to

which Onyamesom should be compared to Christianity or other Western modes of

thought. The global contradiction arises from the prominence of lesser gods in Western

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scholarship and the dismissal of such spiritual beings in indigenous theories of

Onyamesom.

Both the western and indigenous groups have been deeply agitated by the little

gods (abosom). How these scholars have come to terms with the abosom and the

ubiquitous worship ofOnyame has been outlined above. The worship of lesser deities as

attested by Western scholarship and the monotheistic theology as insisted by indigenous

intellectuals is a contradiction in the literature that has yet to be reconciled.

Praxis versus ideology: the lesser gods and the possessed priests

Onyamesom has nearly become synonymous with practice (good and bad). One

will find numerous texts describing at great length what the priests and priestesses do but

ignoring the theological structure in which their actions are suspended. Would it ever be

enough to describe the Catholic act of Communion; that the wafer and wine represented

the body and blood of Christ; without elucidating the theological assumptions that such

an act entails?

The difficulties traditionalists, as the practitioners ofOnyamesom are known in

Ghana, face in todays society are numerous and will only be highlighted here. In popular

media: newspapers, television, music videos, etc., they are the subject of denigration and

derision. The representation of traditionalists in Ghana today bear striking parallels with

nineteenth and late twentieth century European discourses on African cultures. Among

everyday folk Onyamesom is associated with backwardness; it is an aspect of Akan

culture that is anti-modern. Most profess that they do not practice it because they believe

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it to be the work of the devil and therefore witchcraft. There is a great deal of talk of

(blood) sacrifices and suman (magic charms) in association with Onyamesom. In casual

conversations about Akan culture there was a great reluctance to discuss Onyamesom

positively. When the speakers were alone with me, they were often somewhat

apprehensive to even talk about the abosom, let alone point out an individual who might

be a traditionalist. It is very likely that current attitudes towards Onyamesom have made

it difficult to assess who its followers are and how many are currently practicing in

Ghana. As the Akan increasingly convert to Christianity, Onyamesom, as their unique

cultural heritage is threatened with extinction.

The theological knowledge possessed by religious practitioners (as]fo];

sing. ]s]fo), as an institution that maintains the theological/ideological structures of

ancient Akan civilization, has not been the subject of thorough investigation. Instead,

scholars have opted for in-depth descriptions and surface analysis of the public actions of

the priests: the world of action and material. Matter and energy are more prominent in the

literature than the mind and spirit of the Akan people. Describing the priesthood, what it

does, and the structure of Akan cosmology has been the easy path to follow as regards

Akan religious beliefs. It has also been the least insightful as far as deep theological

beliefs are concerned because the meaning of those actions and speech has been very

rarely contextualized.

This surface analysis has homogenized the distinct categories of religious

practitioners that exist in the language and in the society of the Akan people, and

therefore has obscured an understanding of the progression of religious thought and the

ability to trace it over the historical terrain of Akan civilization.


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McCaskie addressed the belief surrounding one category of religious practitioner,

the ak]mfo] and their relationship with the spiritual entities called the abosom as

constructed by the Asante state. His reading of belief, however, did not directly explore

the ideology of Akan religious thought as much as it delineated the role of an

interventionist Asante state as sole hermeneus of Asante history and, consequently,

belief; he states, belief is an historical phenomenon in Asante culture.TP20

PT Therefore, in

his view:

in order to anatomize Asante beliefs, religious

expressions, ritual enactments and the rest, they need to be

articulated as ideas in direct relation to the historical record

concerning the world of state, society, and individual.TP21PT

McCaskie has deftly appraised the value of an understanding of belief as a

product of the historical record. There is in his assessment, however, an understanding

predicated on the isolation of Asante culture from the processual unfolding and evolution

of Akan culture, history, and belief. There is no dispute that the Asante state was distinct

in degree and in some respect, kind from other Akan polities, nevertheless, it is situated

in Akan history and even as it cast itself in the role as the exclusive hermeneus, it was

engaged in the hermeneutics of a received religious ideology that preceded it by

centuries.

The scope of this study, unfortunately, is too narrow to focus, satisfactorily, on

the as]fo]s maintenance of the deep theological structures of Akan civilization.

However, the as]fo] are treated as an institution embedded in Akan history (cultural and

political); their specific categories are defined and an attempt has been made to elucidate


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the meaning of the as]fo] and the spiritual forces they interact with, within the

structuring of Akan belief.

In addition, I will attempt to draw attention to how the specific categories of the

as]fo], themselves, if read as a series of semiotic codes within the text of Akan culture,

speak to a devolution of theological knowledge and practice. From the late nineteenth

century, there appeared increasing dissent against the orthodox vision of religiosity

posited by the priests of the ancient Atanoabosom from younger generations of priests

(and worshippers) who wanted new gods who would aggressively assuage the distress

of living in uncertain times. They eschewed long novitiates, the solemnity of the

Atanoists, and the benevolence ofAtano. Cults of new killing deities brought from

the north sprang forth profusely throughout Akanland and were lead by the charismatic

dancing priests, the ak]mfo]. These priests, once subordinate to theAtanoists, have seen

their numbers and influence increase since the inception of the Asante state, which was

co-founded by an ]k]mfo.

II.As]fo]: The Priesthood and the gods

The as]fo] (religious practitioners) can be divided into three general categories:

abosomfo], abosommerafo], and ak]mfo], representing the first, second, and third class

of the priesthood, respectively. TP22PT The as]fo]mediate for three broad divisions of spiritual

entities(abosom; sing. ]bosom) within Onyamesom: Atano, Ewim, and Abo: water, sky,

and earth, respectively.TP23

PT Each group, however, does not mediate for every group of

abosom.


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The abosomfo], the first order of the priesthood, are those who act as mediums for

the spiritual entities that originate from water, especially rivers, called Atano abosom,

while the abosommerafo] and the ak]mfo], the second and third orders, respectively, are

mediums for the Ewim and Abo abosom, which manifest themselves as abrafo]-abosom

or executioner abosom. The term abrafo] (sing. ]brafo), is often translated as

executioner, though they were [in fact] those who saw that laws (mmara) were carried

out.TP24

PT The executioners were actually a group called the adumfo] (sing. ]dumfo), the

extinguishers, from adum, which means to extinguish. In the dialect of the coastal

Akan, the Fante, ]brafo refers to the ]k]mfos assistant.TP25PT Punishment and death were

meted out by the abrafo]-abosom, while the older group of abosom, the Atano, were

deliverers of blessings. Field notes:

It is not strictly true that the old gods were regarded as unable to

kill, rather [they were] regarded as preoccupied with blessing. The idea

that the wages of sin is death and the reward of goodness in long life

belongs to all the ancient cults, but in the new shrine cults [it] is thecentral emphasis.

TP

26PT

Tano; First Son of God

Atano abosom is a plural designation for the abosom that derive from the

ancient ]bosomTano. These abosom are conceptualized as Tanos children. There are

references to Tanos (and his childrens) ability to kill in certain prayers to him but they

are historical references to the political opponents of Akan kings, who were known to

have carried out the actual killing themselves. This is in line with the belief that in the


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old days death-sentences were executed by human beings (usually kings).27

The

following prayer is an example:

A prayer to Ta Kora (the first son of God embodied by the sacred river Tano)

The stream crosses the path,

The path crosses the stream;

Which of them is the elder?

Did we not cut a path to go and meet this stream?

The stream had its origin long, long ago,

It had its origin in the Creator,

He created things,

Pure, pure, Tano

Whom we serve upon Monday.

Spirit of the Creator,

who sees even though he is not present

Nkadomako (a title) who seizes strong men,

Guardian spirit of King Ame Yaw i

Guardian spirit of the king of Asante,ii

You battled and slew the nation of Nkoranzaiii

Guardian spirit who emerges from within the rock,iv

You who slew Adinkira,v

King, whom we bathe with white eggs.

You, the one who is the crossroads to the dwelling that is a fearful placevi

He who would see you in order to destroy you,

With that destruction be not destroyed.

Guardian spirit of the Truth,

When you speak there is truth in what you say.

You, whose sacred bell sounds even to Mecca.vii

If you have gone elsewhere, come hither.

Kwampiri (a title), upon whom, when the waters are in flood, we call.

Shooting stars, that abide within God

You weave a thread (as it were in a loom) across a path stretching afar.

Today is a Fofie (sacred Friday) and we desire your presence,

So come and listen to what we have to tell you.28

i Ruler of the ancient Akan kingdom of Bono MansoiiKing of the Asanteman ( the Asante nation)

iiiA rival Akan kingdom that bordered both Bono Manso and Asanteman

iv the rock is a sandstone range in the town Tano Oboase (Tano beneath the rock) about 100 to 300 feet

high that lies at a crossroads that leads to the sacred river and to a sacred cave Ame Yaw used for

contemplation. This area is the source of the river.v

Ruler of the Akan Kingdom of Gyaman in what is now Cote dIvoire, who was slain by the Asantehene in

1819; a vassal of Asanteman.vi The crossroads in Tekyiman (the successor state of Bono Manso) that lead to the sacred river Tano and

the sacred cave where religious rites are performed.vii

In Akan, Mecca is Nyamefrebere, the (enclosed) place where God is called.

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TheAtanoabosom derive their name from the sacred river Tano that flows from

the town Tano Oboase in the Bono region of Akanland, which has been called the

home of the gods.TP

29PT

Tano is considered the first son ofOnyame and, therefore, is one

of Onyame's primary and most ancient intermediaries on earth. He is believed to be

benevolent and protectiveTP30

PT and is called, among other things, TaKora and TaKese[';

Ta is a shortened version of Tano, while Kora means the mender or the one who

repairs, while Kese[ means big. Ta is also used to designate Tanos children, i.e. Ta

Mensa, TaKwesi, TaKofi. It was noted above that from, at least, the fourteenth century,

Akan culture emerged from the BonoManso region and expanded into the forests and

down to the coasts of Ghana and Cote DIvoire. The classification ofTano as the senior

]bosom adds further support to the seniority of Northern Akan culture. Tano is a

manifestation of spiritual power directly from Onyame. No other ]bosom actively

worshipped today has direct divine origins. Tano, itself, has begat numerous

manifestations/ children throughout Akanland.

Although, the structure of worship centered on Tano, and his numerous

manifestations, is similar to the structure centered on other abosom, there are significant

differences in the furnishings of his temples, temple administration, and the attitudes of

his priests towards talismans (asuman; sing. nsuman) and magic (bayi). These differences

allude to a type of schism in Akan religious attitudes. Dissent against the orthodoxy of

the Atano abosomfo] grew considerably during the course of the late nineteenth and

twentieth century. They emphasized the uniqueness and superiority of Tanos

relationship with Onyame over that of other (foreign) abosom. They were also

disapproving ofas]fo] using talismans (asuman) and placing them in the abosomfie; but,


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in the insecurity of the nineteenth century, ordinary folk wanted more than benevolence

from their abosom.

One of the most often quoted texts is the short stanza that begins the prayer above.

It refers not only to the antiquity and the divine purity ofTano as Ta Kora(Tano the

mender) but also to humanitys initial and continued search for the path to God. It is

often added to texts that are played for adae and other ceremonies. It was verbally quoted

to me just outside the Asantehenes palace by a young apprentice drummer named Atta

Oppong during my fieldwork. It was later played as a part of another text by the young

apprentice flutist Yaw Adae. The core of it remains the same with small adjunct phrases

at the beginning or on the end. The version below includes both Akan and English

translations taken from Rattrays rendering of the drum text in 1921 on a Wukudae in

Tekyiman. Interestingly, the core stanza he recorded was repeated to me verbatim on

separate occasions by the apprentice musicians.

Asuo atware kwan,

Okwan atware asuo yi;

Opanyin ne hwane?

Ye bo kwan ko to asuo yi?

Asuo yi firi tete.

Asuo yi firi Odomankoma.

Oboo adie.

Konkon Tano.

Birifia Tano.

Wo ko babi a, bra,Na ye [h]we wo kwan.

The stream crosses the path,

The path crosses the stream;

Which of them is the elder?Did we not cut a path to go and meet this stream?

The stream had its origin long, long ago,

It had its origin in the Creator,

He created things,

Pure, pure, Tano.

Birifia Tano.

If you have gone elsewhere, come,

[for, we seek your path].31

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TheAbosomfo] and theAbosommerafo]

The abosommerafo] (the priests of the executioner abosom), the second order of

as]fo], are those who are mediums for theEwim and Abo abosom that originate from the

sky and the forest (kwae), respectively. The Ewim (der.? (a)wia, sky + m(u), inside of)

abosom were held to be judgemental and merciless forces and often spoken of as

executioners ( abrafo] or adumfo]).TP32PT The abrafo]abosom posed the greatest challenge

to the Atano abosom but not in the employ of the abosommerafo], who were often

cooperative but from the third order of the priesthood, the ak]mfo], that would usurp

them both by the beginning of the twentieth century. The Abo (]bo, stone) abosom,

though associated with medicine (duru), nevertheless, represented the realm of the

uncivilized, chaotic, a place where dangerous and fatal forces resided, against which

humankind must be ever vigilant.TP

33PT

The abosomfo] and the abosommerafo] are both matrilineally derived orders

vested in families that were chosen by various forms of the Atano, Ewim, or Abo

abosom as mediums. The as]fo] usually work out of a temple (]bosomfie) where the

shrine (yowa) is kept with its residing ]bosom. As a general rule, each ]bosomfie

possesses a central organization which includes the founder or owner of the shrine or

cult [who may or may not be the head priest], elders, the chief priest and his officers. TP34

PT

The owner or founder of the temple, if it is not the obosomfo], may be a relative who

invested in the construction of the building. The origins of temple building are obscure

but abosomfie built in the twentieth century were usually privately owned and profit-

making. TP35PTPrior to this time abosomfie were corporately owned. They received gifts from

supplicants but did not impose a profit-making fee schedule on its patrons.


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The ]bosomfo can only be male, though he does have a female counterpart from

the same, matrilineal, bloodline called an ]k]mfo baa (baa female/ woman; pl mmaa).

The ]bosom, after choosing a family (abusua), is placed within a brass shrine called a

yowa, whichresembles a basin. The ]bosomfo places the shrine on his head in order to

initiate communion or the ak]m-state with the ]bosom.Ak]m refers to the communion

between the priest and the ]bosom. Over the course of the last three centuries it

increasingly came to mean the possession dance performed by the ak]mfo]. The ak]m

and the ak]mfo] will be addressed presently.

The ]bosomfo's female counterpart, the ]k]mfo baa, may not touch the yowa, for

there are strict prohibitions against blood, especially menstrual blood, polluting the

]bosom; however, the ]k]mfo] baa does enter the ak]m-state without contacting the

yowa, though only within the confines of the abosomfie or its courtyard, as is the case

with the ]bosomfo. Should her male counterpart die the ]k]mfo baa 'inherits' the yowa

and the ]bosom. She and the temple administrators will choose a replacement ]bosomfo

from her maternal family. The ak]mfo] are able to enter into the ak]m-state anywhere;

they are not confined to the abosomfie nor are they restricted by the lack of a yowa. This

is another distinction between the abosomfo] and the ak]mfo].

The organization of the abosommerafo] is along the same lines as the abosomfo]

with the exception of theyowa, which among the abosommerafo] is replaced in function

by a shrine of leather. The title 'abosommerafo]', roughly translates into 'the priest of the

executioner spiritual entities. These killer deities are usually of foreign origin, often

procured by ak]mfo] from Ghanas Northern Territories. Their violent proclivities are in

stark contrast to TaKora munificence. He does not kill or nor is asked to hate anyone; he


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punishes by withholding his beneficence. TP36

PT A line included in a prayer to him says: wo

nno bi, ntan bi, nyina nkwaso. you, who do not love someone and hate another, [give]

life to all.TP

37PT

The Atano obosom that chooses an abusua to vest its power in does so only to

empower mankind (adesamma). If the ]bosomfo, as a priest of a higher class, wishes to

employ an ]bosom that can entrap those who consciously or consistently harm others or

do evil (witches/social deviants), then he will enlist the services of one of the

abosommerafo], who serves as a medium of an ]bosom that can punish or kill an

offender.

The abosommerafo] represent a priestly class that is junior, distinct, and often

times complimentary to the Atano abosomfo] class, which is more ancient and most

likely responsible for the basic structure of the priesthood. This class of priests and their

abosom appear to be an innovation in Akan religious practice. Though their abosom were

usually foreign entities with attributes antithetical to the nature of Ta Kora, they were

incorporated into an institution that remained conservative in its basic structure and

approach to abosom. The abosommerafo] became a vested class as the Atano

abosomfo] were. They also inherited the Atano abosomfo]s burdensome ak]m-state

restrictions of having to be in the abosomfie, or in the confines of its courtyard, with the

shrine on their heads to achieve the ak]m-state.

Private and corporate worship is available to each adherent (]somfo). Certain days

within the adaduanan traditional time-keeping system are set aside by the ]bosomf] for

individuals to visit him for private interviews inside the sanctuary within the temple. TP38

PT


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The dab]ne are reserved for corporate worshipTP39PT, which, in some cases, means an ak]m

will be performed.

Ak]mfo]

The third order of the as]f] is comprised of the ak]mfo]. The ak]mfo] mmaa and

ak]mfo] mmarima (female and male ak]mfo], respectively) were essentially attendants

(asomfo]) of the abosomfo] and abosommerafo]. They are not members of an abusua

chosen to act as mediums for a particular ]bosom and so may enter into the akom-state at

any time and at any place, with or without the yowa placed on their heads. They can be

fairly independent of an ]bosomfo/]bosommerafo, his temple, and the shrine that houses

the ]bosom for whom he is the custodian. Their mobility probably accounts for the

ak]mfo] being more widespread than the abosomfo] and abosommerafo].

Unlike the vested orders of the abosomfo] and the abosommerafo], who must

serve for life, the ak]mfo] can leave the priesthood and cease being as]fo] if they so

chose. Their novitiate used to last about seven years in which time the priests of the first

order gave them religious and limited medicinal training.TP

40PT

This is no longer the case;

many have little or no training. TP41

PT Prior to the twentieth century, it was enjoined upon

most novices that they must remain celibate and observe all of the behavioral and dietary

restrictions of the particular ]bosom they attended. A novice could not drink any alcohol,

gossip, quarrel or fight, pray to his ]bosom to kill anyone (if it was an Atanoabosom),

attend the chiefs court (meddle in politics) unless summoned nor go out at night and join

other young men. TP42PT


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Ak]m; The Revelation

Ak]m is popularly associated with possession and the possession dance done

by the ak]mfo]. This association is so common that it overshadows what is probably its

more fundamental meaning derived from the word nk]m meaning a prophecy, a

revelation. TP43PT Although the abosomfo]s style of worship never took the form of drama

as did the services of the ak]mfo],TP44PT whose trademark was the dance, they were

prophesiers of the first order. The abosomfo] only entered this state within the temple

(]bosomfie) or the confines of its courtyard.

While much of the literature portrays the Akan priest [as] a dancing priest TP45PT,

this disregards the historical depth of the abosomfo] and shows how the ak]mfo]

dominate contemporary knowledge about Akan priests. Although the ]bosomfo does not

do the possession dance that has become the characteristic behavior of the ]k]mfo, his

demeanor while in the ak]m state provides an example of what the ak]mfo] enlarged to

produce the fervent ak]m dance. The ak]m is not a possession dance; it had not been a

dance at all; it is communion with an abosom; it is a priests revelation given by an

]bosom. The dance is a recent descriptive historically speaking. In fact, a priest ofTa

Kora, a common by-name for Tano, was seated on his dwa inside the temple during his

entire ak]m-state:TP46PT

Rattray observed he began to quiver, every muscle of his body seemed to

twitch: his heels worked spasmodically upon the carpetall the while [he was] slapping

the side of the brass pan. TP47PT Ta Kora then spoke through the ]bosomfo:

The man who loves me comes to me, and when he goes

away I shall stand behind him and accompany him on a good

path that he may go his way. And this one who has come

(Rattray), grant him permission to go to my rock [Tano Oboase,


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headwaters of the Tano River] should he wish to go. Let him go

and behold the place where I reside [the sacred cave of Ame

Yaw and Ta Koras abode when hes not supplicated in the

temple]. Should he wish to go to the [River Tano], allow him to

go and sprinkle himself with water.

Many of my children [followers] say they will go to

school, and I do not stand in their path, and say they must notserve [Onyame]. In my own being I am the son of God, and if

my grandchildren say that the [white foreigner] loves me and has

drawn nigh to me, I shall also stand behind him.TP48

PT

The priest, very soon afterwards, emerged from the ak]m dazed for a few

moments passing his hands over his eyes like a man awakening from a sleep or

trance. TP49PT

The description of that ak]m would be unfamiliar to anyone accustomed to the

ak]m of an ]k]mfo. Without drums, singers, and dancing, the ak]m of the Atano

abosomfo] compared to that of the ak]mfo] is like Catholic Mass to that of a Baptist

Revival. The differences in both action and text are striking and beg for a more thorough

examination of the changes that have occurred in Akan worship and the forces that have

brought about such changes.

Another distinguishing characteristic of the Ta Kora abosomfo] was their

avoidance of magic charms (asuman) both on their persons and in their temples. One of

Rattrays informants told him:

Ta Kora came from Nyameand needs no help from

ordinary suman, said the old priest when I remarked on the lack

of these, and he added: Suman spoil the gods, but I cannot stop

most priests using them.TP

50PT

What the old priest meant by spoil the gods was never clearly explained by

Rattray but it is clear the reliance upon magic charms was not a practice the old ]bosomfo


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thought was appropriate. By the twenties ak]mfo] of executioner abosom and their use of

magic charms were widespread and appear to have been posing a threat to the Atano

abosomfo]. By enlisting the services of the abosommerafo], theAtanoabosomfo] sought

to combat the growing influence of not only the executioner abosom but, also, the

ubiquitous ak]mfo], and the rise of witch-catching cults they were beginning to establish.

The abosom employed as executioners and later witch-catchers were usually non-Akan in

origin but were incorporated into the pre-existing ecclesiastical structure.

The abosomfo] sought to address the growing insecurity brought on by the

collapse of the Asante state, the imposition of colonial rule, and the cocoa boomTP

51PT

by

extending TaKoras power over punishment and death through the employment of the

abrafo (executioner) abosom. Akan society became preoccupied with punishing and

killing social deviance, which was, in fact, antithetical to the very nature ofTaKora and

his priesthood, and essentially, the nature of ]bosom in early Akan theology. In the late

thirties and forties, Field observed the abosomfo],

were not, as a rule, akomfo practising spirit-possession,

but offered dignified prayer and other rites, not only on behalf of

the tribe at annual festivals but also on behalf of individual who

sought help in sickness or trouble. These old benign gods still

exist alongside the new obosom-brafo shrines, but are considered

inadequate for modern needs.TP52

PT

Their perceived inadequacy has nearly driven the abosomfo] to extinction. Since

the first quarter of the twentieth century, the ever-diminishing priesthood began to be

dominated by the ak]mfo] and the non-Akan abrafo] and witch-catching abosom. One of


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Fields informants extolling the virtues of the then new abrafo]-]bosom,Mframa, stated,

Mframa is greater than the old ones [Atanoabosom], becauseMframa can kill.TP53PT

TheAtanoabosomfo]s loss of prestige lead to a change in religious practice and

a commensurate loss of theological knowledge. The priesthood deprived of its seven-

year novitiate and stocked with priests with little or no training could not preserve nor

transmit the amount of knowledge the old abosomfo] once possessed.

This is most likely the primary reason the religious discourse about traditional

religion is so densely packed with allusions to witch-craft, possession, and sacrifice. In

general, the Akan are now distanced from the texts of earlier Akan theology and are,

therefore, unaware of how their ancestors actually conceptualized belief prior to the

political and social unrest that gave rise to abrafo]abosom and witch-catching cults.

Conclusion

Section One reviewed the contradicting representations of Akan traditional

religion that began to emerge in twentieth century anthropological literature. In very

general terms, I sketched two competing groups: the Western and the Indigenous. Both

groups operating on Judeo-Christian assumptions strove to define Akan traditional

religion. The Western group constructed a belief system that fostered an image of

polytheism and ancestor worship, while the Indigenous group, defensively, fashioned

a view that was decidedly monotheistic.

The division of the Indigenous group into comparable monotheism and discrete

theism factions further complicated the contradictions. These local contradictions stem

from the degree to which Akan scholars believe Onyamesom should be compared to


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Christianity or other Western modes of thought. One of the most contentious aspects of

Onyamesom is the worship centered on the abosom (spiritual entities/intermediaries).The

Western group presents the abosom and the priesthood seemingly structured around them

as primary focus of traditional religion. The Indigenous group, for the most part,

dismisses the abosom.

Section Two shows that the abosom and their priests, would have indeed

commanded a great of attention from both worshipper and researcher during twentieth

century and diverted attention from the theistic ideological undercurrent of practice as the

Indigenous group so earnestly emphasizes. However, I illustrate how the anthropological

homogenization of the religious functionaries masked the historical shift in prestige and

in influence on public practice and knowledge. The ak]mfo] dominated traditional

religion during the period when anthropological literature on the Akan was burgeoning.

For this reason, they were characterized as the prototypical religious practitioners and

their related cults and practices as archetypal traditional religion. Indigenous scholars

disputed this presentation of Akan belief on shaky philosophical ground and not upon a

deconstruction of the archetypes based upon a multidisciplinary and multi-textual reading

of the historical record.

Tracing the changes within the institution of as]fo], Section Two revealed that it

was only the visibility of the ak]mfo] in the field and in the literature that made them

seem timeless. Further, this same visibility, coupled with an inappropriate rebuttal, made

the Indigenous groups insistence upon theism seem more defensive than it was. The

literature, both Western and Indigenous, presented dichotomies that did not exist in

Akan traditional religion historically. Danquah posited Onyame is the irreducible


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minimum of the Deity ideathe foundation of Akan Deism TP54

PT but the Akan spiritual

world is also populated by His/Her children. Equally, the ak]mfo] are an integral part of

worship in traditional religion but they are not the sole or even the typical practitioners,

historically.

The history of this belief system, its practitioners, and its changes as borne out by

the archaeological, anthropological, and historical data in conjunction with indigenous

texts, clarify the contradictions and reveal Onyamesom to be highly nuanced and

multifaceted.

TP

1PT R.S. Rattray,Religion and Art in Ashanti, (1927, London), 29-34. One of Rattrays informants

told him, regarding witches, that the abosom would never reveal witches or uncover witchcraft

because they were afraid of bayi (witchcraft) which was more powerful than they(31).

TP

2PT Field, M.J., Akim-Kotoku: An Oman of the Gold Coast, (Accra, 1948), 172.

TP

3PT

Field, M.J., Search For Security: An Ethno-Psychiatric Study of Rural Ghana,(London, 1960),

passim.

TP

4PT Ivor Wilks, A Medieval Trade-Route From the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea in Journal of

African History, III, (1962),339.

TP

5PT Ibid, 337.

TP

6PT

Wilks, Ivor, 'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, I, The

Matter of Bitu in The Journal of African History,1982, 23, 343. They are known as the Tonawa(Tonouwa) by the Mande.

TP

7PT Wilks, Ivor The Northern Factor in Ashanti History: Begho and the Mande in, Journal of

African History, II (1961), 25-34;

A Medieval Trade-Route From the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea in Journal of African History,

III, (1962), 337-341;

'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, I, The Matter of Bitu,

The Journal of African History, 23, (1982), 333-349;

'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, II, The Struggle for

Trade', (1982, The Journal of African History, 23), 463-472;

Asante in the Nineteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1989).

TP8PT McCaskie, Komfo Anokye of Asante: Meaning, History and Philosophy inan African Society, (1986,Journal of African History, 27), 315-339.

TP

9PTReligion and Art in Ashanti, (London, 1954). Originally published in 1927.

Ashanti Law and Constitution, (London, 1956) Originally published in 1929.Ashanti, (London,

1969)Originally published in 1923.

TP

10PT Gyekye, Kwame.An Essay On African Philosophical Thought, (Cambridge, 1987); McCaskie,

Komfo Anokye of Asante: Meaning, History and Philosophy in

an African Society, (1986,Journal of African History, 27), 315-339.

Meyerowitz, The Akan of Ghana, (London, 1958);


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Wilks, Ivor, Asante in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge: (Cambridge, 1989);

Ray Kea, But I Know What I Shall Do: Agency, Belief, and Social Imaginary

in Eighteenth-century Gold Coast Towns,Africas Urban Past, (Oxford, 2000).

TP

11PT William Bosman,A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, (London, 1705); T.

Edward Bowdich,Mission From Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, (London, 1819);

An Essay on the Superstitions, Customs and Arts, of Ancient Egyptians, Abyssinians, andAsantees, (Paris, 1821);

A.B. Ellis, The Land of Fetish, (London, 1883);

Kofi, A.Busia, The Ashanti, (London,1954).TP

12PT

The term Onyamesom is, among other names, used to denote Christianity also. It is made up of two

words Onyame the name of the Akan supreme deity, and som, which carries the meaning of servitude

or worship. Therefore, Onyamesom simply means the worship or servitude to God. Another term for

traditional Akan religion that is more commonly used by the Akan themselves isAk]m. This term is

commonly used in reference to spirit possession dances performed by a particular type of priests called

ak]mfo]. Ak]m, however, means prophecy or revelation and this definition makes more sense when one

considers that some priests entered theAk]m-state without dancing the dance of spirit possession.

Therefore,Ak]m could be translated to mean The Revelation or The Prophecy.

TP

13PT

Ellis, The Land of Fetish, (London, 1883).TP

14PT Rattray,Ashanti, (London, 1969), 140.

TP

15PT Rattray,Ashanti, (Oxford, 1969), 140; Danquah, The Akan Doctrine of God, (38-40.

TP

16PT McCaskie, State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante, (Cambridge, 1995), 140.

TP

17PT Kwasi, Wiredu, The Decolonization of African Philosophy and Religion, (2000), 21;

Danquah, The Akan Doctrine of GodSecond Edition (London, 1968), 39.

TP

18PT Wiredu, The Decolonization of African Philosophy and Religion, (2000), 21.

TP

19PT Ibid.

TP

20PT McCaskie, State and Society,107,143.

TP

21PT

Ibid 103.TP

22PT Dennis M. Warren, TheTechiman-Bono of Ghana: An Ethnography of an Akan Society, (Dubuque,

Iowa,1975). Unless noted otherwise, this section and its description of the various religious parishioners

follows Warren.TP

23PT McCaskie, State and Society, 109-110.

TP

24PT Ibid, 277.

TP

25PT Ibid.

TP

26PT

M.J. Field, SearchFor Security: An Ethno-Psychiatric Study of Rural Ghana,

(London,1960), 89n.

TP

27PT Ibid, 88.

TP

28PT Rattray,Ashanti, 178-179

TP

29PT Rattray,Ashanti 172.

TP

30PT

McCaskie, StateandSociety, 110, Rattray,Ashanti, 185n.

TP

31PT Rattray,Ashanti 182,208-209; Nketia,Drumming, 47.

TP

32PT McCaskie, StateandSociety, 109.

TP

33PT

Ibid 111.TP

34PT Nketia,Drumming, 91.

TP

35PT Field, Search, 87.

TP

36PT Rattray,Ashanti 185 n.

TP

37PT Ibid, 185.

TP

38PT

Nketia,Drumming, 96.

TP

39PT Ibid, 97.

TP

40PT McCaskie, StateandSociety, 113.

TP

41PT Rattray,ReligionandArt, 29.


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Rattray,ReligionandArt, 4343 McCaskie, StateandSociety, 290.44 Nketia,Drumming, 97.45 Nketia,Drumming, 9446

Rattray,Ashanti 177, 180.47 Rattray,Ashanti 18048 Rattray,Ashanti 181.49 Ibid,181-182.50

Rattray,Ashanti, 182.51

Field, Search, 88.52

Field, Search, 88.53 Ibid.54 Danquah, The Akan Doctrine, 41.

gods, gods &priests akan- bempong

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