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    Transitions in PrehistoryEssays in Honor of Ofer Bar-Yosef

    Oxbow Books

    Oxford and Oakville

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    AMERICAN SCHOOL OF PREHISTORIC RESEARCH MONOGRAPH SERIES

    Series Editors

    C. C. LAMBERG-KARLOVSKY, Harvard University

    DAVID PILBEAM, Harvard UniversityOFER BAR-YOSEF, Harvard University

    Editorial Board

    STEVEN L. KUHN, University of Arizona, Tucson

    DANIEL E. LIEBERMAN, Harvard University

    RICHARD H. MEADOW, Harvard University

    MARY M. VOIGT, The College of William and Mary

    HENRY T. WRIGHT, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

    Publications Coordinator

    WREN FOURNIER, Harvard University

    The American School of Prehistoric Research (ASPR) Monographs in Archaeology and

    Paleoanthropology present a series of documents covering a variety of subjects in the archaeology of the

    Old World (Eurasia, Africa, Australia, and Oceania). This series encompasses a broad range of subjects

    from the early prehistory to the Neolithic Revolution in the Old World, and beyond including: hunter-

    gatherers to complex societies; the rise of agriculture; the emergence of urban societies; human physi-

    cal morphology, evolution and adaptation, as well as; various technologies such as metallurgy, pottery

    production, tool making, and shelter construction. Additionally, the subjects of symbolism, religion, and

    art will be presented within the context of archaeological studies including mortuary practices and rock

    art. Volumes may be authored by one investigator, a team of investigators, or may be an edited collec-

    tion of shorter articles by a number of different specialists working on related topics.

    American School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum, Harvard University,

    11 Divinity Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA

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    Transitions in PrehistoryEssays in Honor of Ofer Bar-Yosef

    Edited by

    John J. Shea and Daniel E. Lieberman

    www.oxbowbooks.com

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    Published by Oxbow Books on behalf of the American School of Prehistoric Research.

    All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a

    retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,

    photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

    Oxbow Books and the individual contributors 2009

    ISBN 978-1-84217-340-4

    Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

    Shea, John J., 1960

    Lieberman, Daniel E., 1964

    Transitions in prehistory : essays in honor of Ofer Bar-Yosef / edited by John J. Shea and Daniel E.

    Lieberman.

    p. cm. -- (American School of Prehistoric Research monograph series)

    Includes bibliographical references.

    ISBN 978-1-84217-340-4

    1. Paleolithic period. 2. Anthropology, Prehistoric. 3. Antiquities, Prehistoric. 4. Bar-Yosef, Ofer. I.

    Shea, John J. II. Lieberman, Daniel, 1964- III. Bar-Yosef, Ofer.

    GN771.T76 2009

    930.1'2--dc22

    2009002081

    TYPESET AND PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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    15

    THE NEOLITHICCHALCOLITHICTRANSITION IN THE SOUTHERN

    LEVANT: LATE SIXTHFIFTH MILLENNIUM CULTURE HISTORYIsaac Gilead

    Introduction

    Transitions in prehistory have occupied Ofer Bar-

    Yosef for quite a long time now. He focuses most-

    ly upon two transitions: between the Middle and

    Upper Paleolithic periods, which he labels the

    Middle to Upper Paleolithic Revolution, and

    between the Epipaleolithic and the Neolithicperiods, which he calls the Agricultural

    Revolution or the Neolithic Revolution. In his

    1998 paper in Cambridge Archaeological Journal,

    he made an interesting attempt to use the rela-

    tively more abundant data on the Neolithic

    Revolution as an analogy to the study of the less

    known Middle to Upper Paleolithic Revolution

    (Bar-Yosef 1998). Below, I will apply some ele-

    ments of this approach to my analysis of another

    transition, between the Neolithic and

    Chalcolithic periods in the southern Levant.

    Before turning to the problems of the

    Neolithic to Chalcolithic transition, I would like

    to discuss three issues of more general nature.

    The first one is the transitionrevolution dichoto-

    my. It is abundantly clear from Bar-Yosef s writ-

    ings that revolution is a form of transition, i.e., a

    transition may be either revolutionary or non-

    revolutionary. For example, when discussing the

    differences between the Middle and Upper

    Paleolithic periods across Europe and WesternAsia, he states that this transition can be defined

    as a revolution (Bar-Yosef 1995:115), implying

    that there are transitions that are not revolutions.

    Thus, when studying transitions, including the

    NeolithicChalcolithic transition in the southern

    Levant, it is important to define whether the tran-

    sition is of a revolutionary nature. The archaeo-

    logical correlates that can be used to establish the

    revolutionary nature of a transition are not agreed

    upon since scholars disagree on the number of

    recognizable major cultural changes that meritthe label revolution (Bar-Yosef 1998:141).

    The second issue concerns gradual versus

    sudden change. As Bar-Yosef (1998:142) notes,

    for gradualists there are practically no revolu-

    tions since they see even dramatic change as a

    slow process. Bar-Yosef takes the opposite posi-

    tion and regards rapid change as revolution. I

    endorse this approach, and I even suggest that

    the Natufian Culture of the Levant was not just a

    last stage in a long series of Epipaleolithic enti-

    ties but rather a drastic shift that warrants the

    label the Natufian Revolution (Gilead

    1988:180 181). Furthermore, even if a transi-

    tion was not of dramatic magnitude and cannot

    be categorized as a revolution, it still could be a

    sudden event and not necessarily a gradual one.

    The third issue concerns culture history:

    defining and classifying archaeological entities

    and examining their relation in time and space. I

    agree with Bar-Yosef (2003:273) that these are

    bare necessities. It is argued below that under-standing the Neolithic Chalcolithic transition is

    either biased or impossible without recognition

    of cultural entities, or the culture history of the

    Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods (Gilead

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    336 Transitions in Prehistory

    1985). Thus, any generalization or reconstruction

    concerning transitions should be related to spe-

    cific cultural entities defined in time and space.

    The methodology used below for definingarchaeological entities in time and space and

    establishing the culture history of the late

    sixthfifth millennia is based on comparative

    typo-technological observations combined with14C dates. In general terms, a culture consists

    of a polythetic set of artifact types that consis-

    tently recurs in assemblages within a limited

    geographical zone (Clarke 1978). A culture is

    equivalent to what Banning (1998:190191),

    following Henry (1989:82118), calls either

    industry or facies in his overview of theLevantine Neolithic. The taxon Natufian

    Culture, used extensively since its introduction

    by Garrod (1932), is a good example of a most

    useful term that is essential for interpretations.

    Usually, the phrase the Natufian site of Eynan

    is used, rather than the Late Epipaleolithic site

    of Eynan. The same should apply to sixthfifth

    millennia entities. To set sites and cultural enti-

    ties in time, 14C dates are grouped into statisti-

    cally similar clusters that are averaged (com-

    bined). The OxCal calibration software, version

    3.10 (Bronk Ramsey 2001), is used for calibra-

    tion (based on the 2004 data), for testing the

    similarity of the dates and for combining them

    when possible.

    Late NeolithicChalcolithic Entities

    Wadi Rabah Culture and Its Variants

    Assemblages unearthed in the late 1950s by

    Kaplan (1958) in the Tel Aviv area, especially at

    the site of Wadi Rabah (Figure 15.1), weredefined as Wadi Rabah Phase. The stratigraphy

    at the site of Wadi Rabah consists of an upper

    layer (A) labeled Ghassulian and two layers under-

    neath it (B and C) labeled Pre-Ghassulian/

    Wadi Rabah (Kaplan 1958:151). After new

    sites yielded Wadi Rabah assemblages, espe-

    cially the site of Ein el Jarba in the Plain of

    Esdraelon (Figure 15.1) (Kaplan 1969), WadiRabah Culture became an established entity

    (e.g., Banning 1998; Gopher and Gophna 1993).

    In terms of artifact types (Kaplan 1969:7, 23,

    27), the hallmarks of the Wadi Rabah pottery

    assemblages are the black and red burnished

    ware, carinated bowls, and bow-rim jars. The

    absence or rarity of arrowheads and the abun-

    dance of finely denticulated and bi-truncated

    sickle blades characterize the flint assemblage.

    Gopher and Gophna (1993:336339)

    examined many assemblages and suggest thatthe taxon Wadi Rabah has two meanings:

    Wadi Rabah sensu stricto and Wadi Rabah

    sensu lato. The first, normative Wadi Rabah,

    consists of sites that feature the attributes as

    defined by Kaplan and are located in the central

    and northern parts of the southern Levant. The

    second, Wadi Rabah Variants, consists of con-

    temporary sites that do not meet the strict defi-

    nition and, in addition, are also located in the

    eastern and southern provinces. Adopting

    Clarkes approach, Gopher and Gophna define

    Wadi Rabah as a culture, and its variants as

    regional subcultures. They assume the proba-

    ble existence of subcultures such as the Huleh

    Culture in the Huleh Valley, the Tsaf Culture

    in the Jordan Valley, and the Newe Yam

    Culture in the Carmel coast. As to the

    Qatifian in the south, they regard it as a cul-

    ture rather than a subculture.

    Two main problems obstruct attempts to

    subdivide the taxon Wadi Rabah into temporaland regional constituents. The first is the prob-

    lem of establishing accepted criteria for defining

    attributes to be used as cultural and subcultural

    markers. To illustrate this, one can compare

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 337

    Figure 15.1. Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites mentioned in the text.

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    338 Transitions in Prehistory

    Gopher and Gophnas (1993:Figure 15) and

    Garfinkels (1999:108) lists of Wadi Rabah sites.

    While Garfinkel considers Jericho, Newe Yam

    (Figure 15.1), Lod, Nahal Betzet I, Assawir, andHagoshrim to be Wadi Rabah assemblages,

    Gopher and Gophna consider them as variants.

    Garfinkel regards the Qatifian and the Tsafian

    as belonging to a different period and excludes

    them from his list of Wadi Rabah assemblages.

    In more general terms, Garfinkel (1999:152)

    considers Wadi Rabah to be a highly uniform

    cultural phenomenon, while Gopher and

    Gophna (1993:340341) consider it a relatively

    diversified phenomenon.

    The Transjordanian sites, only cursorilymentioned by Gopher and Gophna (1993) and

    Garfinkel (1999), further complicate the issue.

    This has been recently demonstrated by

    Banning (2002:Table 1), who lists the disagree-

    ments regarding Wadi Rabah or Wadi Rabah

    like sites in Jordan. The controversy between

    Banning (2002) and Bourke and Lov ell (2004)

    regarding the cultural attribution of sites such as

    Tabaqat al-Bma and the lower layers of Abu

    Hamid and Teleilat Ghassul (Figure 15.1) illus-

    trates well the problem.

    The second problem is that the radiometric

    chronology of Wadi Rabah Culture is poorly

    known. This is due mostly to the low number of

    dates available compared, for example, with the

    Chalcolithic Ghassulian Culture (Burton and

    Levy 2001; Gilead 1994; Joffe and Dessel

    1995). The only dates from the sites excavated

    by Kaplan and defined by him as Wadi Rabah

    (Table 15.1, dates 12) derived from the lower-

    most layer at Ein el Jarba, and it is agreed thatthey are too late. Thus, there are practically no

    dated normative Wadi Rabah sites.

    The Lebanese site of Ard Tlaili, with a pro-

    nounced Wadi Rabah component (Garfinkel

    1999:151), is a Wadi Rabah variant in the opin-

    ion Gopher and Gophna (1993:Figure 15). The

    combined date of four measurements from the

    site is ca. 58505600 BC cal. (Table 15.1, dates36). The combined three dates from Newe

    Yam demonstrate that a later phase of Wadi

    Rabah existed at about 55005300 BC cal.

    (Table 15.1, dates 79). The dates from the

    Wadi Rabahlike levels at Tabaqat al-Bma

    (Banning et al. 1994) range between ca. 5600

    and 5100 BC cal. (Table 15.1, dates 1016). It

    seems therefore that the Wadi Rabah Culture

    sensu lato existed between ca. 5800/5700 and

    5200/5100 BC cal.

    In the areas to the east and south of the coreMediterranean vegetation zone, mainly in the

    northern Negev and the lower Jordan Valley,

    there are practically no Wadi Rabah sites.

    However, the highest numbers of Ghassulian

    and Pre-Ghassulian sites have been discovered in

    these parts of the southern Levant, some of them

    known since the late 1920s. We will therefore

    devote more attention to these parts of the coun-

    try in the next sections.

    The Qatifian Culture

    Epstein (1984) started excavating the site of

    Qatif (Figure 15.1) in 1973, and I sounded it for

    an additional three short season in 1979, 1980,

    and 1983. There is a single 14C date from Qatif,

    604080 BP (Table 15.1, date 17). The sound-

    ings at Qatif and Besor site P14 were the basis

    for defining these and similar assemblages as

    The Qatifian Culture (Gilead 1990; Gilead

    and Alon 1988).

    The pottery of Qatif is coarse and crudelyfashioned, with little variety of shapes, and many

    vessels are made of straw-tempered ware

    (Epstein 1984:212). It is similar to the pottery of

    sites D1 in Nahal Besor (Figure 15.1), known

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 339

    since the late 1920s (Macdonald 1932). The

    common shape is a wide-mouthed jar with

    thrust-through broad and flat loop handles low

    on the body. Garfinkel (1999:189199) attrib-utes the pottery of Qatif and sites in the Besor

    area and beyond to the Qatifian Ware and

    dates it to his Middle Chalcolithic.

    It has been suggested that the geographical

    distribution of the Qatifian includes sites in the

    Feinan area, Teleilat Ghassul, and Teluliyot

    Batashi (Figure 15.1) (Garfinkel 1999; Gilead

    1990; Goren 1990). The pottery from the

    Feinan area and from Teluliyot Batashi seems to

    be Qatifian, but the attribution of Feidan 4

    (Gilead 1990:6061) to the Qatifian has provento be unjustified, since it became clear that

    Feidan 4 is an Early Bronze Age I site (Adams

    and Genz 1995). The suggestion that phase I of

    Teleilat Ghassul is Qatifian (Goren 1990:105*

    106*) is not substantiated by the new evidence

    (Lovell 2001).

    Another Qatifian site is Ain Waida on the

    east side of the Dead Sea (Figure 15.1) (Kuijt

    and Chesson 2002). Most diagnostic are loop

    handles and the group of straw-tempered ware.

    The radiocarbon date from the site, 617055

    BP (Table 15.1, date 18), falls well within the

    range of the date from Qatif. Kuijt and Chesson

    (2002:Table 1) list nine radiocarbon dates as a

    temporal framework for the Qatifian: one from

    Qatif and the rest from Jordan. The most proba-

    ble 2 averaged calibrated range for Qatif and

    Ain Waida is 52104840 BC cal. Garfinkel

    (1999:189) mentions 28 Qatifian sherds from

    the Pottery Neolithic levels of Tell Wadi Feinan

    (Figure 15.1) (Najjar et al. 1990). One of thedates from this site is within the range of the

    Qatif-Ain Waida dates (Table 15.1, date 19), but

    two dates from profile B are more than 200

    years earlier (Table 15.1, dates 2021).

    The four early 14C dates from Abu Hamid

    (Table 15.1, dates 2225) are clearly within the

    Qatif-Ain Waida range (52604990 BC cal.).

    The pottery assemblages of basal Abu Hamid,however, are not Qatifian, neither technological-

    ly nor typologically. Vessel shapes and the rela-

    tively high frequency of painted decoration and

    red/black burnish at basal Abu Hamid are remi-

    niscent of Wadi Rabah ware and of other sites,

    for example, Beth Shean and Tel Tsaf (Figure

    15.1) (Lovell et al. 1997:366, 399). Sites in

    northern Israel such as Megadim and Newe Yam

    yielded radiometric dates in the range of the

    Qatifian, but they are considered as Wadi Rabah

    (Gopher and Gophna 1993:Table I, Figure 15)and are clearly non-Qatifian in their ceramic

    technology and typology. The combined proba-

    ble ranges of Qatif and Tell Wadi Feinan suggest

    that the Qatifian began at about 5400 BC cal. or

    somewhat later and terminated at about

    50004900 BC cal.

    Our knowledge of the Qatifian is scanty. It

    is currently being studied by Yael Abadi-Reiss in

    the framework of her Ph.D. dissertation, and

    more data will hopefully be available soon. Some

    of the Qatifian attributes are shared by assem-

    blages with pottery dubbed as Beth Shean

    Ware by Garfinkel (1999:153188), and espe-

    cially worth noting are the loop handles that are

    50 times more frequent in assemblages of Beth

    Shean Ware than in Wadi Rabah Ware

    (Garfinkel 1999:198).

    The Besorian

    The Besorian Culture is a precursor of the

    northern Negev Ghassulian (Gilead 1990;Gilead and Alon 1988). The original definition,

    Besor Phase, is based on the results of a limit-

    ed sounding we carried out at Macdonalds site

    D (Gilead and Alon 1988) and a reevaluation of

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    340 Transitions in Prehistory

    Table 15.1 14C dates mentioned in the text

    DateNo. Provenance Lab number Years BP S.D. Source

    1 Ein el-Jarba Gx-786 4920 240 Kaplan 1969:272 Ein el-Jarba Gx-787 5690 140 ibid..3 Ard Tlaili K-1431 6660 130 Gopher and Gophna 1993:Table 1

    4 Ard Tlaili K-1434 6790 130 ibid..5 Ard Tlaili K-1433 6850 130 ibid.6 Ard Tlaili K-1432 6870 130 ibid.

    7 Newe Yam Hv-4256 6310 395 Burton and Levy 2001:12408 Newe Yam RT-1723 6390 70 ibid.9 Newe Yam RT-1724 6565 70 ibid.10 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-3408 6190 70 Banning et al. 1994:Table 1

    11 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-3410 6350 70 ibid.12 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-3412 6380 70 ibid.13 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-4277 6490 70 ibid.

    14 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-2114 6590 70 ibid.

    15 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-2115 6630 80 ibid.16 Tabaqat al-Bma TO-3411 6670 60 ibid.

    17 Qatif Pta-2968 6040 80 Gilead 1988:Table 1.18 'Ain Waida' B AA-29771 6170 55 Kuijt and Chesson 2002:Table 119 Tell Wadi Feinan Coll.Sec. HD-12388 6110 75 Adams 1997:Table 120 Tell Wadi Feinan Profile B HD-10567 6410 115 ibid.

    21 Tell Wadi Feinan Profile B HD-12335 6360 45 ibid.22 Abu Hamid A1/A2 Ly-6174 6200 80 Lovell et al. 1997:Table 123 Abu Hamid AG2 Ly-6254 6190 55 ibid.

    24 Abu Hamid A1/A2 Ly-6255 6160 70 ibid.25 Abu Hamid A3 Ly-6259 6135 80 ibid..26 Ramot Nof ETH-8828 5715 75 Nahshoni et al. 2002:3*27 Gilat RT-2058 4530 85 Levy and Burton 2006:Appendix 2

    28 Gilat RT-860B 4800 135 ibid.

    29 Gilat RT-860A 5440 180 ibid.30 Gilat OxA-4011 5540 70 ibid.

    31 Gilat Beta-131729 5560 50 ibid.32 Gilat OxA-3555 5700 100 ibid.33 Gilat Beta-131730 5730 40 ibid.

    34 Gilat OxA-3566 5790 105 ibid.35 Ghassul H-I OZD024 5791 86 Bourke et al. 2001:Table 336 Ghassul H-I OZD025 5902 71 ibid.37 Ghassul H-I OZD026 5851 117 ibid.

    38 Ghassul E-G OZD028 5581 67 ibid.39 Ghassul A-D OZD029 5524 88 ibid.40 Ghassul A-D OZD030 5552 163 ibid.

    41 Ghassul E-G OZD031 5605 80 ibid.42 Ghassul E-G OZD032 5577 71 ibid.43 Ghassul A-D OZD033 5454 58 ibid.

    44 Ghassul A-D OZD034 5342 71 ibid.45 Ghassul Phase A OZG251 5100 50 Bourke et al. 2004:Table 3

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 341

    Table 15.1 continued

    DateNo. Provenance Lab number Years BP S.D. Source

    46 Ghassul Phase A OZG252 5320 60 ibid..47 Ghassul Phase A OZF423 5370 40 ibid..48 Ghassul Phase A OZF420 5400 40 ibid..49 Ghassul Phase B-C OZG250 5440 40 ibid..

    50 Ghassul Phase A OZF417 5450 40 ibid..51 Ghassul Phase A OZF419 5490 40 ibid..52 Ghassul Phase B-C OZG249 5490 50 ibid..

    53 Ghassul Phase D OZF422 5500 40 ibid..54 Ghassul Phase D OZG248 5520 40 ibid..55 Ghassul Phase B-C OZF418 5750 40 ibid..

    56 Ghassul Phase F-G OZF421 5870 40 ibid..57 Tel Ali Ib OxA 7802 5770 45 Garfinkel 1999:Table 2658 Tel Ali Ib OxA 7801 5815 45 ibid.59 Tel Ali Ib OxA 7804 5930 45 ibid.

    60 Tel Ali Ib OxA 7800 5950 45 ibid.61 Safadi, low phase M-864A 5420 350 Gilead 1994:Table 162 Safadi, upper phase M-864C 5120 350 ibid.

    63 Safadi, middle phase M-864B 5270 300 ibid.64 Safadi, locus 309 LY-3906 5190 100 ibid.65 Safadi, locus 528 LY-3905 5190 100 ibid.

    66 Safadi, locus 721 LY-3904 5170 110 ibid.67 Safadi, locus 144 Pta-3655 5420 70 Cohen 1999:3668 Safadi, sub locus 144 RT-862C 5220 105 ibid.69 Abu Matar, basket 1335 RT-1610 5250 55 Sugar 2000:Table 3.02

    70 Abu Matar, basket 1339 RT-1613 5275 55 ibid.71 Abu Matar, basket 1310 PR-1 5340 80 ibid.72 Abu Matar, basket 1313 PR-2 5470 80 ibid.

    73 Abu Matar, basket 1332 PR-3 5230 80 ibid.74 Abu Matar, basket 1332 PR-4 5270 80 ibid.75 Abu Matar, basket 1334 PR-5 5260 90 ibid.76 Beter III W-254 5280 150 Rosen and Eldar 1993:24

    77 Beter, loc. 37 Pta-4312 5100 130 ibid.78 Beter, loc 30 Pta-4212 5180 70 ibid.79 Tel Sheva 36 RTT-4795 5196 41 Yael Abadi-Reiss pers. comm.

    80 Tel Sheva 36 RTT-4796 5314 41 ibid.81 Tel Sheva 36 RT-4797 5153 65 ibid.82 Rasm Harbush RT-1866 4810 90 Carmi and Segal 1998:Tables 12

    83 Rasm Harbush RT-1862 4945 65 ibid.84 Rasm Harbush RT-1863 5130 70 ibid.85 Rasm Harbush RT-525 5270 140 ibid.86 Silo Site RT-718 5540 110 ibid.

    87 Daliyyot RT-1864 5565 60 ibid.

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    342 Transitions in Prehistory

    the assemblages from other Besor sites such as

    A, B, D, and M (Figure 15.1) (Macdonald 1932;

    Roshwalb 1981). After the taxon Besorian

    Phase had been introduced, a number of schol-ars found it difficult to accept the independent

    status of this cultural entity (e.g., Garfinkel

    1999:198199). New sites and radiocarbon

    dates obtained since the early 1990s support

    the suggestion that the Besorian is indeed an

    independent entity, Post-Qatifian and Pre-

    Ghassulian. The Besorian has been discussed at

    some length in a number of recent papers

    (Gilead in press; Gilead and Fabian in press),

    and it is not our intention to examine the details

    here. Besorian sites differ from Ghassulian sitesin major aspects, and there is stratigraphic and

    radiometric evidence to support the argument

    that the Besorian is the precursor of the

    Ghassulian.

    The sites of Ramot Nof and Ramot 3 in Beer

    Sheva are located ca. 4 km north of Nahal Beer

    Sheva (Figure 15.1). Ramot Nof was discovered

    and excavated in 1991 by Nahshoni et al. (2002).

    Ramot 3, located several hundreds of meters

    north of Ramot Nof, was excavated in late

    1997early 1998 by Fabian et al. (2004). The

    nature of these sites, their artifact assemblages,

    and the radiometric date of Ramot Nof demon-

    strate that they are significantly different from

    the group of Ghassulian sites along Nahal Beer

    Sheva: Abu Matar, Safadi, Horvat Beter, and Tel

    Sheva (Figure 15.1).

    The pottery assemblages of the two groups

    of sites illustrate both the typological and the

    petrographic differences. Neither churns nor

    typical V-shaped bowls, so common in theGhassulian sites, has been discovered at the

    Ramot sites. The extensive use of red pigment

    for decorating numerous vessels in the

    Ghassulian sites is almost completely missing

    from the Ramot sites. The typical and dominant

    vessels of the Ramot sites, jars and holemouth

    jars with large loop handles the Beth Pelet

    jars (Gilead and Alon 1988:127*) are absent atthe sites along the Nahal. Moreover, Gorens pet-

    rographic study shows that an important com-

    ponent of the Ramot pottery is made of Motza

    marl or clay with crushed calcite, a petrograph-

    ic profile that is extremely rare in the Beer Sheva

    Ghassulian assemblages (Nahshoni et al.

    2002:9*12*).

    Beyond the pottery assemblages, the Ramot

    sites differ from the other group of Beer Sheva

    sites in the absence of many attributes that are

    hallmarks of the latter. The Ramot sites aremuch smaller than the sites near the Nahal, and

    while the former seem to be isolated hamlets,

    the latter are actually villages. Another obvious

    difference is the absence at the Ramot sites of

    underground structures, another hallmark of

    the Beer Sheva Ghassulian.

    All the sites along the Nahal produced evi-

    dence of metallurgical activities such as copper

    ores, slag, crucibles, and copper implements. At

    the Ramot sites, there is no evidence of any met-

    allurgical activities or use of copper artifacts.

    Ivory carving, another feature of the Beer Sheva

    Ghassulian, is also entirely missing from the

    Ramot sites. The nature of the Ramot sites and

    the broad spectrum of pottery and flint artifact

    types negate the option that they are specialized

    activity loci of people coming for specific tasks

    from the large Ghassulian sites of Beer Sheva.

    There are 21 radiocarbon determinations

    from the Beer Sheva Ghassulian sites (Table 15.1,

    dates 6181), and since they are generally similar,their combined average was calculated. Their 2

    combined date is ca. 42004000 BC cal. This

    tight cluster of dates, derived from sites of a

    homogenic nature, clearly differs from the date of

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 343

    Ramot Nof (571575 BP) with a 2 calibrated

    range of 47304440 BC cal. (Table 15.1, date

    26). Its probable date is ca. 45504600 BC cal.,

    hundreds of years earlier than the Ghassuliansites along the Nahal. Although there is only one

    date from the Ramot sites, the new radiocarbon

    dates from Teleilat Ghassul and Gilat (see

    below) further support the suggestion that the

    Ramot sites represent an entity that is centuries

    earlier than the other sites.

    Since the Ramot sites are different and earli-

    er than the nearby Ghassulian sites, similar

    assemblages should be sought somewhere else.

    The most diagnostic vessels at Ramot, the Beth

    Pelet jars and holemouth jars with large loophandles, are known from the Besor sites A, B, D,

    and M (Macdonald 1932; Roshwalb 1981). The

    Ramot sites are thus most similar to the Besor

    sites defined as Besorian (Fabian et al. 2004;

    Gilead in press; Gilead and Fabian in press;

    Nahshoni et al. 2002). The petrographic study of

    pottery from site DII, a segment of Macdonalds

    site D (Goren 1988:Appendix 2) revealed that

    the Motza marl or clay, an attribute of the ceram-

    ic industry at Ramot, was used in these sites, too.

    The small size of the Ramot and western Negev

    sites, as well as their meager architectural

    remains (pits and mudbrick features), further

    substantiate the claim that they are Besorian.

    Sometimes Ghassulian and Besorian or

    Besorian-like assemblages are found in the same

    sites. Now that the Gilat excavation report has

    been published (Levy 2006), it seems that Gilat

    is one of these cases (Figure 15.1). It is clear that

    there is a Ghassulian component at Gilat, best

    represented by the figurine of a woman carryinga churn. Goren (2006), however, notes the simi-

    larity of vessel types from Gilat to the Besorian

    types, for example, the Beth Pelet jars. Also

    similar is the use of crushed calcite for pottery

    manufacturing. On this basis, Goren suggests

    that the Besorian is an important element at

    Gilat, a suggestion that can be supported by

    radiocarbon dates.The eight 14C dates from Gilat (Levy and

    Burton 2006) cover a very long time span, from

    the first half of the fifth millennium to the end of

    the fourth millennium BC cal. (Table 15.1, dates

    2734). The third set of dates is earlier, and the

    most probable (95.4 percent) 2averaged range

    is 46904490 BC cal. The range of these dates

    in the late first half of the fifth millennium

    accords with the previously proposed date for

    the Besorian (Gilead 1994).

    The publication of the Teleilat Ghassulstratigraphy and pottery assemblages (Lovell

    2001) is an important contribution towards a

    better understanding of Ghassulian and Pre-

    Ghassulian entities (Gilead 2003). The pottery

    of the earliest phases at Teleilat Ghassul is

    defined by Lovell (2001:49) as Late Neolithic.

    The layers of these phases are best preserved in

    section AXI, where a complex depositional his-

    tory of the Late Neolithic phases JH can be

    observed. Lovell (2001:49) concludes that [t]he

    lowest levels of Teleilat Ghassul . . . might be

    associated, in part, with the Besorian.

    Teleilat Ghassul also furnished a set of

    dates relevant to the Besorian. At present, after

    the problematic too-early dates (SUA 732739)

    have been declared as erroneous (Bourke et al.

    2001:1219) and there are new dates for the

    deepest levels of the site, its chronology can be

    better reconstructed. The three dates from the

    earliest phases (H, J) are similar, and their most

    probable (95.4 percent) 2

    calibrated range is48404580 BC cal. (Table 15.1, dates 3537).

    These dates accord well with the date of the

    Besorian site Ramot Nof and the dates of Gilat

    discussed above.

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    344 Transitions in Prehistory

    To conclude, it is clear that Besorian assem-

    blages immediately predate the Ghassulian. The

    Besorian is known from parts of northeastern

    Sinai, the Nahal Besor, Gilat, Qiryat Gat (P.Nahshoni and E. Aladjem, personal communica-

    tion), Beer Sheva, and Teleilat Ghassul. These are

    parts of the southern Levant, where the most typ-

    ical and developed manifestations of the

    Ghassulian were subsequently established.

    The formal status of the Besorian, in terms

    of Clarkes hierarchy of entities, is not easily

    determined. Currently, with more assemblages

    and a better chronological control, it seems that

    the possibility of the Besorian being a culture

    cannot be excluded. Continuity between theBesorian and the Ghassulian can be seen in the

    flint assemblages as well as in a few types of pot-

    tery. However, the richness in shapes and types

    of decoration in the Ghassulian pottery assem-

    blages gives the impression of a profound tech-

    nological, typological, and aesthetic change that

    occurred after the Besorian. The small size of

    the Besorian sites, the less intensive construc-

    tion activities, and the limited repertoire of

    industries, raw materials, and ritual manifesta-

    tions set it further apart from the Ghassulian

    and support the division of these entities into

    independent cultures.

    Other Pre-Ghassulian Entities

    The possible geographical distribution of the

    Besorian north to the BesorGhassul line is

    unclear. However, the work carried out since the

    1990s in northern Israel suggests that Post-Wadi

    Rabah and Pre-Ghassulian entities were present

    there, too. The site of Natzur 4 (Figure 15.1)excavated by Yannay (forthcoming) represents

    most probably a cultural entity in the northern

    half of Israel that is contemporaneous with the

    Besorian. Yannay suggests that the assemblages

    at the site form a cultural entity he terms Natzur

    4 Culture. The pottery, flint, and stone vessels

    suggest to Yannay that the Natzur 4 Culture is

    Post-Wadi Rabah and Pre-Ghassulian.Typologically and chronologically, it is regarded

    by him as a northern counterpart of the

    Besorian. At the site of Horvat Uza in western

    Galilee (Figure 15.1), excavated by Getzov (forth-

    coming), a sequence of Pre-Ghassulian layers has

    been uncovered between layer 20 (Wadi Rabah)

    and layer 15 (Ghassulian). It is probable that

    layer 16 is contemporaneous with Natzur 4.

    Unfortunately, there are no radiometric dates for

    these sites; therefore, their exact chronological

    position cannot be ascertained.The Besorian covers the second quarter of

    the fifth millennium cal., in the later part of the

    period referred to by Garfinkel (1999:309310)

    as Middle Chalcolithic, which started, in his

    opinion, at about 5300 BC cal. Layer Ib at Tel Ali

    (Figure 15.1) yielded four radiocarbon dates that

    cover the second quarter of the fifth millennium

    BC cal. (Table 15.1, dates 5760). It is therefore

    contemporary with the Besorian, although no cul-

    tural attribution is mentioned beyond the fact

    that the ware common in the pottery assemblage

    is the Beth Shean ware. With more sites and

    radiometric dates, cultural attribution of sites

    such as Tel Ali 1b will hopefully become possible.

    Tel Tsaf in the Jordan Valley (Figure 15.1)

    was first excavated by Gophna and Sadeh

    (1989). The site yielded a pottery assemblage

    that includes numerous fragments decorated in a

    style known as Tel Tsaf: painting of black or red

    geometric patterns on white wash. Garfinkels

    renewed excavations at the site (20042006)yielded an exotic fragment, probably from north-

    ern Syria, with a Late Ubaid decoration style.

    New radiocarbon dates from Tel Tsaf suggest that

    the Tsafian assemblages, here and at a number of

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 345

    adjacent sites, are to be dated to the second quar-

    ter of the fifth millennium BC cal., about one

    thousand years later than the previous 14C date

    suggested (Garfinkel, personal communication).The unique Tel Tsaf decoration is limited to sev-

    eral sites in the central Jordan Valley (Garfinkel

    1999:186188). It represents, therefore, an enti-

    ty that is contemporary with the adjacent Tel Ali

    Ib and the distant Besorian sites in the south, but

    it is clearly distinct culturally.

    The Ghassulian Culture

    The Ghassulian Culture, the most prominent

    entity of the Chalcolithic period, consists of

    assemblages broadly similar to those uncoveredin the upper levels of Teleilat Ghassul (North

    1959). Temporal boundaries of the Ghassulian

    are relatively well established on the basis of14C

    dates (ca. 45003900 BC cal.) and it is distrib-

    uted in the northern Negev, the Dead Sea basin,

    the southern and central coastal plain, the

    Shephella, and the Jordan valley. One can attrib-

    ute to the Ghassulian Culture assemblages that

    yielded all or many characteristic artifact types

    such as V-shaped bowls, churns, cornets, vessels

    with lug handles and/or red painted bands, nar-

    row-backed sickle blades, microliths, clay

    ossuaries, basalt bowls, copper artifacts, broad

    room architecture, and primary burials in habi-

    tation sites and secondary burials in off-settle-

    ment community cemeteries.

    The Ghassulian is a homogeneous entity in

    terms of artifact types, but variations are appar-

    ent and they probably signify geographic subcul-

    tures, to use Clarkes (1978:249261) terminolo-

    gy. The existence of two different subcultures ismost apparent in the northern Negev, where the

    Beer Sheva cluster and the Besor-Grar (Figure

    15.1) cluster have already been described

    (Gilead 1989:390392; 1995:473476). The

    chronological relation between the two subcul-

    tures is a complex issue, but recent dates from

    Gilat and Teleilat Ghassul suggest that the Besor-

    Grar cluster is earlier (Gilead in press). It seemstherefore that the Ghassulian of Teleilat Ghassul-

    Besor-Grar is about 44004300 BC cal. (Table

    15.1, dates 2931, 3854), a century or two ear-

    lier than the Ghassulian of the Beer Sheva area

    (Gilead in press). However, it is probable that

    Teleilat Ghassul was also occupied later, during

    the centuries when the Beer Sheva sites were set-

    tled. The set of dates from Shiqmim, the most-

    dated Ghassulian site (Burton and Levy

    2001:12341237), is not discussed here since

    the pottery assemblages of the different phaseshave not yet been published in detail.

    Non-Ghassulian Chalcolithic Entities

    The Chalcolithic sites of the Golan Heights

    (Epstein 1998) lack many of the Ghassulian arti-

    fact types, have a markedly different ceramic

    repertoire, and feature distinct architecture and

    settlement pattern. Ceramic difference between

    the Ghassulian and the Golan sites are well illus-

    trated by Garfinkel (1999:276290), who distin-

    guishes between Ghassulian ware and Golan

    ware. Epstein (1998:334) is very explicit about

    the unique nature of the Golan sites and consis-

    tently labels them as the Golan Chalcolithic.

    She separates the Golan Chalcolithic, or The

    Golanian Culture (Gilead 2006), from Ghassul-

    Beer Sheba, a taxon she regards as too extensive-

    ly used and not appropriate in conjunction with

    the Golan assemblages. The Golanian 14C dates,

    most of them from Rasm Harbush (Figure 15.1),

    fall within the second half of the fifth millennium,and it is therefore contemporary with the

    Ghassulian (Table 15.1, dates 8287). Two of the

    six available dates fall in the second quarter of the

    fourth millennium (Table 15.1, dates 8283), but

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    346 Transitions in Prehistory

    since the validity of one of them is questioned

    (Carmi and Segal 1998:343), the likelihood of

    such late dates is minimal.

    Another geographically distinctive culturalentity is the Timnian Culture, located mainly

    in the southern Negev, the Aravah, and the east-

    ern Sinai (Henry 1995). The 14C dates indicate

    that it is broadly contemporary not only with the

    Ghassulian but also with the Besorian, and it

    lasts until the Early Bronze Age. While it is pos-

    sible to outline cultural transformations in the

    Beer Sheva area and northward, the Timnian

    seems to represent a relatively stable cultural

    system, in terms of both the artifact types and

    the nature of its sites, which is very differentfrom both the Besorian and the Ghassulian.

    The NeolithicChalcolithic Transition

    Kaplan (1958, 1969) regards the Wadi Rabah

    Culture as an Early Chalcolithic entity, a precur-

    sor of the Ghassulian. Since the late 1960s, the

    consensus has been, contrary to Kaplans peri-

    odization, that the Wadi Rabah Culture is an

    archaeological entity of the Late Neolithic

    (Pottery Neolithic) period. Garfinkels

    (1999:Table 1) survey of the literature shows

    that between 1969 and 1993, all ten main pro-

    posals (his term) for the periodization of the

    Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods treated Wadi

    Rabah Culture as a Late Neolithic entity.

    Garfinkel, contrary to this consensus, returns to

    Kaplans periodization and regards now the

    Wadi Rabah Culture as the earliest manifesta-

    tion of the Chalcolithic period.

    In general, Garfinkel (1999:6) sees a grad-

    ual change over 5,000 years, from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A to the Ghassulian Late

    Chalcolithic in his terminology. He therefore

    states that placing Wadi Rabah in either Late

    Neolithic or Chalcolithic is largely a question of

    semantics. However, since he thinks that the

    Wadi Rabah ware resembles more what he

    regards as subsequent Chalcolithic ware, he

    attributes it to his Early Chalcolithic period.In the terminology of Bar-Yosef (2003:265)

    mentioned in the introduction above, Garfinkel

    seems to belongs to gradualists who would

    interpret the most dramatic cultural and socio-

    economic changes as slow incremental process-

    es lasting hundreds or even thousands of years.

    For supporters of this approach, drawing divid-

    ing lines between periods when the incremental

    processes was slow is an arbitrary decision that

    amounts to nothing more than a question of

    semantics.I think that periodization has a major role in

    the study of transitions, and it is not merely a

    question of semantics. The beginning of a period,

    be it Upper Paleolithic or Chalcolithic, must sig-

    nify a noticeable change, revolutionary or not,

    rapid or slow. In cases of revolutionary transi-

    tions, it is easier to determine the beginning of a

    new period. In cases of gradual cumulative

    changes, it is practically impossible to trace the

    starting point. However, even in such cases,

    changes become apparent in the cultural assem-

    blages at a certain stage. The least we can say is

    that when such changes become archaeological-

    ly visible, we witness a new period, although it

    could start at an earlier point in time.

    To illustrate this approach, the Natufian

    Culture will be used again as an example. It is

    abundantly clear that the entire array of Natufian

    artifact assemblages, and not just the lithic

    industry, is dramatically different from that of the

    earlier cultural entities such as the GeometricKebaran or Ramonian. The Natufian signifies the

    beginning of a new era in the prehistory of the

    Near East and the world in general. The question

    is, When did this change start? At this point,

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 347

    scholars should begin to negotiate period bound-

    aries. If the change was rapid and took a century

    or two, then the new period corresponds to the

    earliest Natufian, as I see it. If the process ofchange started a millennium or more earlier, in

    the Geometric Kebaran, Ramonian, or even ear-

    lier, as gradualists may see it, the lower boundary

    of the period is to be pushed back accordingly.

    Most syntheses dealing with the beginning

    of agriculture start with the Natufian, notably

    those of Bar-Yosef (e.g., 1998:146147). He

    encapsulates one of the far-reaching events in

    human history in the heading From sedentary

    foragers [Natufian] to farming communities

    (Bar-Yosef 1998:146). The Natufian Culture sig-nifies for him a major shift in subsistence and

    social behavior, probably a reaction to an abrupt

    environmental change. The current consensus,

    however, is that the Natufian is an entity of the

    Epipaleolithic period, the last in a long chain of

    entities that started about 10,000 years earlier.

    The major shift and the beginning of a new era

    are not reflected in discussions of period bound-

    aries, and to most authorities, the Natufian signi-

    fies the beginning of the Late Epipaleolithic.

    Moving from the Late Pleistocene back to

    the mid-Holocene, the questions are, When did

    the Chalcolithic period start? and What is the

    nature of the NeolithicChalcolithic transition? It

    is accepted that the three major and distinctive

    cultural entities that existed between the begin-

    ning of the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age are

    the Yarmukian Culture, the Wadi Rabah Culture,

    and the Ghassulian Culture. In addition, it is

    unanimously agreed that the Yarmukian is a

    Neolithic entity and the Ghassulian isChalcolithic. The status of the Wadi Rabah

    Culture is disputed since, as indicated above,

    some scholars regard it as Neolithic and others as

    Chalcolithic.

    In his introductory book to the archaeology

    of the land of the Bible, Mazar writes: In the his-

    tory of archaeological research in Palestine, vari-

    ous cultures have been named Chalcolithic,confusing its designation. In this book, we shall

    not use ambiguous terms such as Early

    Chalcolithic or Late Chalcolithic. The main

    culture of the Chalcolithic period is the

    Ghassulian Culture; this latter term will be used

    here in its most comprehensive framework

    including regional variants (Mazar 1990:59).

    This statement epitomizes the essence of

    the Chalcolithic period by practically equating

    the period with its most typical cultural entity.

    Although this is a sweeping textbook generaliza-tion (but see also Banning 1998:188), the core of

    the statement is adequate: excluding relatively

    few sites that are different due to either geo-

    graphical or temporal circumstances, almost

    everything Chalcolithic is Ghassulian. Not less

    important, the Ghassulian is Chalcolithic in pro-

    ducing and using copper artifacts along with an

    elaborate flint industry, attributes fully compati-

    ble with the copperflint dichotomy embedded

    in the name of the period. Beyond the artifacts,

    the distribution of sites in the landscape and

    aspects of inter- and intrasite variability, such as

    off-settlement community cemeteries, are also

    essential attributes of the Ghassulian, and thus,

    of the Chalcolithic period as a whole. Comparing

    other cultures to the Ghassulian cannot be based

    solely on a number of ceramic attributes but

    should include the entire array of artifact assem-

    blages, petrography, 14C dates, settlement pat-

    terns, and so forth.

    Following the example of the Natufian, it isobvious that the appearance of the Ghassulian

    Culture signifies the fact that the transition was

    over and the Chalcolithic period had already

    started. Now we have to negotiate the period

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    348 Transitions in Prehistory

    boundary, or in other words, determine which

    sites predate the Ghassulian, and define artifact

    assemblages and settlement patterns that feature

    changes that might have led to the Ghassulian.Fortunately, there are relatively numerous radio-

    carbon dates relevant for the study of

    NeolithicChalcolithic transition, although most

    of them derive from sites located to the south

    and east of the southern Levant core area.

    The site that fits best in terms of negotiat-

    ing the boundary of the Chalcolithic period is

    Teleilat Ghassul. This is the only site with a

    recently published, long stratigraphic sequence,

    with rich pottery assemblages that span the

    entire sequence, and a fair number of radiocar-bon dates (Bourke et al. 2001; Bourke et al.

    2004; Gilead 2003; Lovell 2001). The earliest

    Ghassulian appears in either phase G or phase

    F, hence it seems to have started at about 4500

    BC cal. or shortly after. Most of the dates cluster

    in the third quarter of the fifth millennium, sug-

    gesting that this is the major phase of occupa-

    tion at the site. The phases below the

    Ghassulian, mainly the Besorian-like phases

    HJ, are dated to the second quarter of the fifth

    millennium and should therefore be Pre-

    Ghassulian (but see Bourke 1997:405 408).

    The mere fact that the site was preferred by a

    group of people who settled it and were fol-

    lowed by the Ghassulians suggests that the for-

    mer were the people who started the change.

    Their Besorian-like pottery assemblages further

    support this assumption.

    A similar phenomenon is observed in the

    Beer Sheva area. Numerous Ghassulian sites

    along Nahal Beer Sheva are mostly dated to thelast quarter of the fifth millennium. However,

    the Besorian assemblages of Ramot, dated to the

    second quarter of the fifth millennium, are sim-

    ilar both chronologically and culturally to the

    Pre-Ghassulian assemblages of Teleilat Ghassul.

    It has also been demonstrated above that at

    Gilat and at other sites in the Nahal Besor area,

    there is a Besorian phase of occupation, prior tothe Ghassulian. Thus, the changes that led to the

    Ghassulian are not restricted to the pottery and

    flint assemblages but are also apparent in the

    settlement patterns discussed above.

    The Ghassulian Culture started at about

    4500 BC cal. or shortly later and signifies the

    inception of the Chalcolithic period. The

    changes that led from the Neolithic to the

    Chalcolithic period started about two centuries

    earlier, and the time span of ca. 47004500 BC

    cal. should be regarded as the phase of theNeolithicChalcolithic transition. All the assem-

    blages that predate the Besorian, at least in

    southern Israel and Jordan, are, in fact, Neolithic.

    Some of the assemblages referred to by Garfinkel

    as the Beth Shean ware and Middle Chalco-

    lithic probably also belong to the Neolithic

    Chalcolithic transitional phase (Table 15.2). If

    the start and the end of the Chalcolithic period

    are defined in accordance with its principal cul-

    tural entity, terms such as Early, Middle, or

    Late become redundant in the case of the

    Chalcolithic period. Early or Late are terms

    to refer to phases of the Ghassulian, or other con-

    temporary cultures such as the Timnian. This

    accords well with our example above, the

    Natufian: the terms Early and Late Natufian

    are in use and not Early Late Epipaleolithic and

    Late Late Epipaleolithic.

    The transition to the Ghassulian lasted

    most probably one or two centuries. Do a couple

    of centuries signify a sudden event or a revo-lution? No one currently suggests that the

    inception of the Ghassulian is a revolutionary

    event, and it seems to be a justified attitude.

    However, in the terminology of Sherratt (1981,

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 349

    1983), the Chalcolithic period in the Near East

    witnessed what he calls The Secondary

    Products Revolution. This revolution, if the

    term is at all applicable, is a process that lastedfor thousands of years, starting before the south-

    ern Levant Chalcolithic began and continuing

    after it had terminated.

    Conclusions

    Albright (1932:12) in his initial definition of the

    Chalcolithic period, wrote that [t]hanks to this

    rich new body of material for comparison, we

    can now attack the problem of the chronology of

    the Ghassulian culture with confidence. Now,

    75 years later, it is obvious that his statement wassomewhat exaggerated. However, a rich new

    body of material was added during the decades

    that elapsed since, and the coming decades will

    undoubtedly add even more. Nevertheless, it

    seems that controversies surrounding the

    NeolithicChalcolithic transition are not going to

    fade away with additional data. This is due to the

    fact that different opinions are not just based on

    data but also reflect scholars intellectual tenden-

    cies and especially the way they estimate the

    nature and pace of culture change.

    The proper way to attack problems of transi-

    tion is to define cultural entities and incorporate

    them into archaeological periods after both enti-

    ties and periods have been clearly defined.

    These definitions depend on successful dating of

    cultural assemblages, either stratigraphic or,

    preferably, radiometric. The geographic distribu-

    tion of cultural entities is also a major element in

    the study of prehistoric transitions, because it is

    possible for different cultural entities to coexistin different geographic zones, even in relatively

    small areas such as the southern Levant.

    It is suggested that the Chalcolithic period,

    in accordance with the meaning of its name, is

    to be strongly related to the Ghassulian Culture,

    a culture featuring copper metallurgy as one of

    its attributes. The most recent radiometric dat-

    ing, especially from the type site of TeleilatGhassul, indicates that the Ghassulian started at

    about 4500 BC cal. or slightly later. The more

    intensive occupation at that site is relatively

    early, at about 44004300 BC cal., and signifies

    the early phase of the Ghassulian. Gilat and

    other sites in the northwestern Negev were also

    settled during this early phase. The later phase

    of the Ghassulian, ca. 42004000 BC cal, is best

    manifested in the sites around the city of Beer

    Sheva, on the banks of the local Nahal. Cultural

    assemblages of the Golan Heights and theUpper Galilee represent a different entity, the

    Golanian Culture of the Chalcolithic period.

    The transition between the Neolithic and

    the Chalcolithic took place during one or two

    centuries before the Ghassulian started (Table

    15.2). This is best evinced by the lower layers of

    Teleilat Ghassul, below the Ghassulian layers

    and supported by the earlier radiocarbon dates

    from these layers. A similar phenomenon is rep-

    resented in the northern Negev by the Besorian

    sites, as indicated by the dates from Gilat and

    Ramot Nof. This phase, from about 4750 to

    4500 BC cal., should be formally regarded as

    the NeolithicChalcolithic transition or Pre-

    Ghassulian.

    Achnowledgments

    Patrice Kaminski prepared the map. I have bene-

    fited immensely from discussing aspects of the

    issues raised above with Peter Fabian, Steve Rosen,

    Yuval Goren, Hamoudi Khalaily Jaimie Lovell,Yael Abadi-Reiss, and Koby Vardi. Angela

    Davidzon critically read the drafts of the paper,

    and her comments were invaluable. I thank them

    all; the remaining mistakes are my responsibility.

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    350 Transitions in Prehistory

    Table 15.2 The Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic of the southern Levant:

    Periodization and cultural entities

    Southern Levant cultural entities

    Years BC (cal.) Period North and center South and east4000/3900

    Late Ghassulian Late Ghassulian

    Golanian**

    4250 CHALCOLITHIC

    Early Ghassulian Early Ghassulian

    4500

    NEOLITHIC Natzur 4 Besorian

    4700 CHALCOLITHIC Beth Sean Teleilat Ghassul G/HJTRANSITION Tsafian

    5000 Qatifian

    Timnian*

    Wadi Rabah

    LATE NEOLITHIC

    (POTTERY NEOLITHIC)

    5600

    Lodian Lodian

    Yarmukian

    * The Timnian of the southern Negev and Aravah and Eastern Sinai yielded 14C dates that cover the

    Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age periods.

    ** The Golanian yielded 14C dates that cover the second half of the fifth millennium and early fourth

    millennium

    Pre-Gh

    assulian

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    The Neoli thicChalcolithic Transition in the Southern Levant 351

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