N. Weeratunge, O. Joffre, S. Senaratne Sellamuttu, B. Bouahom, A. KeophoxayMekong Forum on Water, Food & EnergyHanoi, 21 November 2013

MK1: Gender, Livelihoods & Decision-making

A qualitative study in a hydropower resettlement site in Lao PDR

Key MessagesA person’s livelihood decision-making is about

choosing one option over othersThese choices are shaped by his/her socio-cultural

values, norms and attitudes, as much as by economic and political factors

Decision-making is often gendered as livelihood activities and tasks differ according to gender roles, norms and values

Livelihood trajectories, social network maps and perceptions of wellbeing help to uncover these values, norms and attitudes◦ material, relational and subjective domains

Decisions result in benefits or costs◦ these are social (relational), cultural (relational/subjective),

emotional (subjective) as well as economic (material)

Objectives of the studyTo validate results on

decision-making in the MK1 Household Livelihoods Survey in Lao PDR◦A relatively small number of

respondents answered questions on decision-making and control of income in Lao upstream and headpond sites

◦A large-scale HH survey cannot go into the complexities of decision-making

The complexity of decision-makingDecisions relate to a range of livelihood activities,

◦ farming, fishing, provisioning, childcare within HHEven within one livelihood activity (e.g. farming),

decisions for a range of tasks can be made by different individuals within HH◦ purchase of inputs, hiring labor, cooking for labor, land

preparation, sowing, weeding, fertilizing, pest control, harvesting, processing, sale, use of income

Decision-making is both a task and a process◦ While an ultimate decision might be made by one

person, others might contribute to or influence the decision-making process

Difficult to capture and understand the implications of this complexity in a large-scale survey or economic study/modeling using limited variables

Conceptual approach on decision-making builds on:Social wellbeing approach

(McGregor 2008)◦What a person/HH considers a “good

life” to be and what livelihood strategies s/he would pursue to achieve this “good life”

Social relations approach to gender analysis (Kabeer 1994, 1996, 2001)◦Focus on “agency”: “the ability to define

one’s goals and act upon them”

Conceptual framework: Social wellbeing

a material dimension which focuses on what (resources) a person has and the extent to which the needs of the person are met

a relational or social dimension which considers the social relationships in which a person engages to pursue wellbeing ◦ E.g. relations which give access to resources

and markets, or shape behaviour through institutions/social structures

a subjective or cognitive dimension which takes account of a person’s level of satisfaction/ sense of security with the quality of life he or she achieves

Gender analysis: Social relations approach

social relations (based on norms and practices) determine gender roles, rights, responsibilities and claims over others

institutions (market, state, community, family) key to producing and maintaining gender inequalities

◦ characterized by rules, resources, people, activities, power

women’s empowerment a process of acquiring the ability to make strategic life choices by those who have been denied this ability

◦ Made up of three interlinked dimensions which shape individual choices Resources (material, human, social enable choices;

current access + future claims) Agency “the ability to define one’s goals and act

upon them” (decision-making; also negotiation, persuasion,

deception, manipulation) Achievements (“well-being outcomes”of previous

choices - related to survival, security and autonomy)

Key methods/tools (Ethnographic)Focus group gender-disaggregated tool

to assess a complex range of decisions and gendered norms underlying livelihood decision-making

Individual livelihood trajectories to assess decision-making over time and to uncover values, norms and attitudes influencing this decision-making

Individual social network maps to assess persons and organizations outside the HH influencing decision-making of HH members

Perceptions of wellbeing

Study context Theun Himboun dam – upstream

resettlement site in Bolikhamxay Province

181 HHs resettled from four villages Phonkeo, Sansi, Thambing, Sopchat

Main ethnic groups: Tai Maen, Tai Yor

Focus groups (F/M) Individual qualitative interviews

centered on livelihood trajectory and social network maps ◦ 9 F/9M from all former villages; Tai

Maen ,Tai Yor ethnic groups + 3 from other ethnic groups

Key informant interviews on current status of resettlement process and changes in livelihoods since survey

Results from livelihood trajectories

Women Men

I got married at 17 years and moved to my husband’s house in Thambing village. Our main farming was shifting cultivation of upland rice and tree plantations. We decided on the selection of plots and types of crops together. (P., Female, Tai Maen)

I cultivated upland rice on 2 plots. Both of us decided on the rice varieties together. We cultivated khao mun mixed with khao mong. We grew mixed varieties because we were following the traditional methods, which had been taught by our parents. Our total rice yield was three tons: 1 ton was kept for our own use and the other 2 tons were sold. (A., Male, Tai Maen)

My husband is the one who decided on the upland rice crop and plot each year. (K., Female, Tai Maen) 

I concentrated on fishing and on deciding on the sale of cattle each year. (D., Male, Tai Yor)

I decided to take up weaving again [when we moved] here. I have time to stay at home to take care of my children and also have time to take a rest in the afternoon. I got funding and support for the weaving from the Provincial Women’s Union. Weaving contributes to my household income and I also weave my own skirts. (M., Female, Tai Maen)

My wife is the one who goes to Lak Sao to buy vegetable seeds but we both select the rice plot and rice varieties to plant in the field together. (R., Male, Tai Maen)

All the decisions were taken by my husband as head of the family. He suggested raising livestock, especially poultry and pigs. I was helping my neighbors with upland rice cultivation and they paid me in cash. My husband decided that weaving was not a good option for me because it takes time to complete a skirt and we cannot be sure when it will sold. (S., Female, Tai Yor,)

When I heard about the village resettlement plan from the company and that they would be establishing a new resettlement village, I decided to ask them for an opportunity to work. Then they gave me a chance to work in constructing the houses. At that time, I could earn a lot of money from this job. I got 50,000 kip per day. (B., Male, Tai Maen)

Key results from livelihood trajectories

Most livelihoods decisions are considered to be “joint”Decisions relating to upland rice (including harvest

rituals), fishing, cattle, hunting and education are more influenced/made by men

Decisions relating to riverbank gardens, vegetable gardens, NTFP collection, weaving, childcare and cooking more influenced/made by women

Ethnicity a factor in decision-making, as well as on extent of male influence ◦ Tai Yor more focused on upland rice and fishing, Tai Maen on

multiple livelihoods; Tai Maen decision-making is relatively “joint”, while men have more influence among Tai Yor

Farming decisions of young couples often made by parents –i.e. decision-making beyond husband-wife unit

Factors influencing decision-making: ValuesAll MenFood/rice security (M, S) Upland rice as

tradition/identity (R,S)Soil fertility (M)Fishing as income (M) WomenKinship (R) Riverbank gardens as income

(M)Intergenerational care (R)Conformity (R) Tai MaenRespect (R) Opportunity-seeking (S)House (M,R,S) Innovation (S)Money (M) Tai YorModern services (M) Protection of Pi (Spirit) (R,S)Education (M, R, S) Tai Maen women

Weaving as income and skill (M, S)

I would say that rubber plantation work is not hard as upland rice cultivation but I will continue upland rice cultivation in the resettlement site to make sure that I have enough rice for the household. The agricultural land here is not suitable for rubber in any case. (B., Female, Tai Maen)

Upland rice is most important [for wellbeing] because it is our tradition for generations…In the past several households used to hold harvest rituals together but now our new fields are in different places so each household has to hold its own ritual. (Male Focus Group)

After 20 years [in Thambing] I was invited by a relative to move to Sopchat. After discussing with the family, I decided to move there because the soil was better than in Thambing. And we also lived close to our relatives. (L., Male, Tai Yor)

I got married when I was 17 years old and moved to my husband’s house. I continued with upland rice cultivation and [riverbank] vegetable gardening as before. At that time, chillie was the main crop that I could earn a lot of money from - about 10 million kip per year. (D., Female, Tai Maen)

I got married when I was 20 years old and my wife asked me to move to stay with her family because there is no one to take care of her parents. Therefore, I had to follow her decision.(S., Male, Tai Maen)

In 2011 I moved to the resettlement village. My family came before the company built the houses. My husband and I thought it would be a good opportunity to come early to the village because I wanted to build my own grocery shop and hoped there would be good business here. I invested in the shop on my own with my savings without anybody’s support. With the profits from the shop, I bought pigs, feed, a refrigerator and an air compressor [for vehicles]. (A., Female, Tai Maen)

From my experience, education is important for life. I do not mind if my children go for higher education and get married with partners from other districts or provinces. Farming is hard and difficult. I don’t want my children to have to work like me. I will continue to encourage and support my children to get a higher level of education than I have. I don’t care if there is nobody to take care of me here. (K., Male, Tai Maen)

I am unhappy that I had to stop cultivating upland rice and cannot hold the ceremony for Pi (Spirit) after the harvest.. (N., Male, Tai Yor)

Factors influencing decision-making: Norms and practices Gender division of labor

◦ Flexible but with some areas clearly demarcated for women such as weaving, childcare, cooking

Labor relations◦ Husband and wife or hired labor (no exchange labor except

for livestock); high work burden for women; lack of labor in some HHs

Post-marital residence◦ Mostly patrilocal, but also ambilocal/matrilocal/bilocal

Assets/Inheritance◦ Bilateral, dependent on parental care

Capabilities◦ Education level – of women lower than of men; of Tai Yor

lower than of Tai Maen Ostracism

◦ When individual is associated with misfortune, no support from others in making decisions

Factors influencing decision-making: Attitudes/feelingsDependency on/independence from the company

◦ To cultivate or not influenced by rice provided by company and no. family members, as well as soil fertility in new fields and costs to reach old upland fields

◦ Option to return to cultivating upland in former villagesRisk taking/aversion

◦ Adapt to new livelihoods – weaving, fishing, home gardens◦ Not taking credit for livestock

Insecurity◦ Of the future – lack of rice, food, soil fertility, income

Fear◦ Of water - restricts fishing among individuals

Pride/Satisfaction◦ Weaving, enough rice for the HH for the year, house,

electricity, water supply, education

Social network mapping

Social network analysis

Social networks influence decision-makingNetworks of men/rich denser than of

women/poorTai Maen have kin networks beyond villageWomen’s networks comprise both F & M, while

men’s networks are mostly maleLinkages with kin and friends are perceived as

strong, and mostly confined to same ethnic group

Linkages with buyers are considered somewhat strong and are cross-ethnic◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men

Linkages with suppliers, also cross ethnic are perceived to be weak, except by Tai Maen women◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men

Buyers and suppliers are from nearby town (Lak Sao) for both women and men; women also deal with buyers in the village

Social networks (ctd.)Linkages with community-based organizations

are perceived as somewhat strong by women but as weak by men

Linkages to the company, government and temple are considered weak by majority

Reworking livelihoods: wellbeing perceptions and value orientation Wellbeing oriented towards upland rice

(material/subjective) by most Women: identified care by children

(and support of husband) as important for wellbeing (relational)

Tai Maen men: range of perceptions on wellbeing (material)

Gendered changes in decision-making after resettlement: Costs and benefitsUpland rice - men’s control limited by new land use

patterns (material, relational and subjective costs)Fishing – men’s control has increased (material

benefits) Riverbank gardening – women’s control has decreased

(material costs)NTFP – women’s control has decreased (material costs)Weaving – women’s control has increased (material

and subjective benefits)Livestock – women’s control unchanged; men’s control

over cattle decreased (material costs)Education – men’s control unchanged but women have

increased participation in decisions (relational and subjective benefits)

Thank you