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SSR ISSue PaPeRSN. 9 Jn 2012
Fr Prit Scrit t PbicG: Rgting th PritScrit Instr in HitiGff Brt
Haiti
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THe CeNTRe FoR INTeRNaTIoNal GoveRNaNCe INNovaTIoN SSR ISSue PaPeRS: No. 9
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Copyright 2012 by The Centre for International Governance Innovation.
Research for this report was funded by a special project grant fromthe Canadian Department of National Defences Security and DefenceForum (SDF).
The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and donot necessarily reect the views of The Centre for International GovernanceInnovation or its Operating Board of Directors or International Board ofGovernors.
This work was carried out with the support of the Centre for InternationalGovernance Innovation (CIGI), Waterloo, Ontario, Canada (www.cigionline.org). This work is licensed under a Creative CommonsAribution Non-commercial No Derivatives License. To view thislicense, visit (www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice.
Cover photo: A Haitian security guard eyes the entrance of a warehouse asworkers unload bags containing our in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, followingthe earthquake on January 12, 2010. (AP Photo/Francois Mori)
About the SSr ISSue
pAperS
The Security Sector Reorm (SSR) Issue Papers,
produced by The Centre or InternationalGovernance Innovation (CIGI), are a product
o CIGIs Security Sector Governance project.
Authored by prominent practitioners in the
eld, policy makers, academics and inormed
observers, the papers in this series will contribute
to ongoing debates and infuence policy on issues
related to SSR. Combining analysis o current
problems and challenges, they will examine
thematic and geographic topics relating to the
most pressing SSR issues.
Series Editor: Mark Sedra
Series Coordinator: Michael Lawrence
SummAry
Haiti, like many countries, relies heavily on private
security companies to protect people and property
However, while the private security industry has a
vital role to play in stabilizing the country, it has long
unctioned without eective government oversight
Haitis security sector reorm (SSR) process has begun
to address this shortcoming. The paper analyzes the
current state o the private security industry in Hait
and the legal ramework under which it operates, and
makes recommendations or how a reormed legal
and regulatory regime can guide the next phase o
its development, based on interviews with owners
and agents o private security companies, industry
associations, senior Haitian police personnel, United
Nations (UN) planners and parliamentary leaders
The paper concludes that genuine consultation and
partnership between the government, industry and
civil society is required, i SSR programs in Haiti and
elsewhere are to successully marshal private resources
towards the public good.
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IntroductIon
Heavy reliance on private security companies (PSCs) to
protect people and property is a global phenomenon,
reshaping security provision in societies around the
world. In many developed countries, such as the United
States, the United Kingdom and Israel, the budgets o
PSCs and the number o personnel they employ exceed
those o public law enorcement agencies (Richards and
Smith, 2007), with some major North American cities
reaching a ratio o private security to police greater than
seven to one (Lalonde, 2010). In states undergoing SSR
it is common or the size o the private security industry
to exceed that o the public police orce, sometimes by a
wide margin. A recent study estimated that more people
are employed globally as civilian private security agents
than as police ocers (Van Dijk, 2008: 215). In Latin
America and the Caribbean, the ratio o private security
to police ranges rom less than 1:1 in Ecuador to 4.9:1 in
Honduras (Small Arms Survey, 2011). Unsurprisingly
PSCs are oten among the largest groups o armed actors
in a country. The SSR model emphasizes democratic
civilian control over all orms o armed orce both
public and private rendering the legal structure
licensing and regulation o the private security industry
an important consideration or reorm.
In well-unctioning systems, proper regulation helps
to ensure that, in the course o serving their particular
private interests, PSCs and their agents contribute to
public saety and security by providing a deterrent to
property crime and securing public spaces. They are alsoimportant partners in community policing strategies
reporting suspicious behaviour and relaying security
concerns to the police. In the absence o eective public
regulation, PSCs will naturally prioritise the needs o
owners and shareholders over those o the public at large
(Richards and Smith, 2007: 11). In the process, they may
be co-opted by political groups and become involved
AcronymS And
AbbrevIAtIonS
APAS Association Proessionnelle des Agences de
Scurit
DCPA Direction Centrale de la PoliceAdministratrive (Central Directorate o
Administrative Police)
DDR disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration
FAdH Forces Armes dHati (Haitian Armed
Forces)
FLACSO Latin American Faculty o Social Sciences
HNP Haitian National Police
ICOC International Code o Conduct or Private
Security Providers
MICT Ministre de lIntrieur et des Collectivits
Territoriales (Ministry o Interior and
Collective Territories)
MINUSTAH UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti
OAS Organization o American States
OECD DAC Organisation or Economic Co-operation
and Developments Development Assistance
Committee
OPC Oce de la Protection du Citoyen (Oce o
Citizen Protection)
PSCs private security companies
PSRA Private Security Regulation Authority
(Jamaica)
SSR security sector reorm
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNICEF United Nations Childrens Fund
UNSG UN Secretary-General
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in criminal activity and in so doing, represent a source
o intimidation and insecurity or the public. The value
o a regulatory regime is largely based on its ability to
provide oversight and accountability, and deter abuses.
This requires, at a minimum, a set o laws stipulating the
roles that PSCs are allowed to assume; strict guidelinesgoverning the licensing and storage o rearms; a clear
procedure to issue and revoke operating licences; and
mechanisms allowing the state to oversee the industry,
establish benchmarks or training, perorm background
checks on agents and sanction companies that ail to meet
standards. In many developed countries, the relationship
between the state and private security extends ar
beyond the notion o control, to include public-private
partnerships and community policing strategies intended
to maximize the industrys contribution to public security.
In Haiti, the private security industry has long unctioned
without eective state regulation. The industry currently
operates under a series o presidential decrees. The rst
two, passed in 1988 and 1989, provide general guidelines
on the role o PSCs, the requirements they must meet to
be authorized and the kinds o weapons they may use. A
third decree, passed in 1994, gives the Haitian National
Police (HNP) the legal authority to enorce regulations
governing the industry.1 These three decrees provide a
basic breakdown o roles and responsibilities, but they
are insuciently detailed and should have been ollowed
by a set o laws to address legal voids that provide a
clear, more complete system o oversight and regulation.
Political strie, natural disasters and ongoing instability,
however, directed the attention o Haitian authoritieselsewhere. As the Haitian government struggled to
conront other pressing priorities, a more detailed set o
laws was never passed.
1 This authority had previously been vested with the armed orces.When President Jean-Bertrande Aristide disbanded the armed orcesin an attempt to halt a cycle o military coups, their responsibilitieswere passed to the HNP by decree.
Haitis current government and its international partners
in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) are
aware o these shortcomings in regulation and oversight
and are taking concrete steps to address them. A process led
by the Ministry o Justice and Public Security is underway
to drat new legislation to replace the presidential decreesas the legal ramework governing the industry. The
ministry must decide whether the legislation will merely
close gaps in the existing structure or create an entirely
new regulatory regime. Any new regulatory ramework
must be accompanied by a renewed commitment to
actively enorce its requirements. An encouraging early
sign is that, unlike the previous HNP Reorm Plan or
20062011, the HNP development plan or 20122016
includes provisions to create and sta a specialized unit
in the Direction Centrale de la Police Administratrive
(DCPA) tasked with oversight o the industry.2 Taken
together, these two initiatives are a strong signal that the
Haitian government has decided to conront this issue
Even considering the current regulatory weakness, in the
past, the Haitian government has shown little resolve to
use the powers at its disposal to regulate the industry.
As a new legal ramework is established and the police
orce dedicates the necessary resources to build up
its oversight capacity, a clear picture o the state o the
industry and the challenges it aces in complementing
public SSR initiatives is needed. The rst section o this
paper examines the growing signicance o private
security in SSR theory and practice. Next, the paper
describes the current state o the private security industry
in Haiti and the shortcomings o the legal rameworkunder which it presently operates. The paper then
makes recommendations or how a reormed lega
and regulatory regime can guide the next phase o its
2 The HNP Reorm Plan was the strategic document that guidedMINUSTAHs assistance to Haitis police rom 2006 to 2011. A newplan, which will guide the next phase o cooperation rom 2011 to2016, is currently being nalized. Interview with senior MINUSTAHpersonnel, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
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development, based on interviews with owners o PSCs
in Haiti, private security agents, industry associations,
senior HNP personnel, MINUSTAH planners and
parliamentary leaders. Haitis experience with private
security demonstrates that genuine consultation and
partnership between the government, industry and civil
society is required i SSR programs are to successully
marshal private resources towards the public good.
prIvAte SecurIty AndSSr
SSR seeks to guarantee the eective, accountable and
rights-respecting provision o security and justice in
countries recovering rom confict or transitioning
rom authoritarianism. A chie innovation o the SSR
concept is the belie that both too much and too little
security can threaten individual security. Refecting the
understanding that overbearing and predatory security
regimes are oten the principal threat acing a society,
SSRs emphasis on democratic oversight and control is a
key eature distinguishing it rom earlier orms o security
assistance that were narrowly ocused on improving the
eectiveness o security orces. The SSR model is based
on a paradigm shit in security thinking, rom state-
centred to people-centred approaches, represented by the
term human security. One o SSRs core concerns is to
control the eect o violence both organized (political
violence, organized crime) and disorganized (individual
opportunistic crime and predation) on the population
The mainstream SSR model views a public monopoly
over security and justice provision, operating under
the oversight and control o democratic leadership, as
the bedrock o a stable domestic political order. This is
why a key element o post-confict SSR is to disassemble
non-state armed groups, either by integrating them
into state structures or back into the civilian economy
Unsurprisingly, proponents o the SSR model have
characteristically reacted with suspicion towards thegrowth o the global private security industry, refexively
branding it as a negative and disruptive orce. Mainstream
theory and practice has tended to view private security
provision as external to the SSR process, despite the
act that the states regulatory role and attendant
interest in ensuring that the pursuit o private interests
serves, rather than undermines, the public good is a
critical dimension o SSR. This orientation means that
SSR ocuses almost exclusively on public security orces
neglecting the extent to which people in the developing
world have come to rely on private providers or their
day-to-day security needs (Abrahamsen and Williams
2006; see also Baker, 2010). As donors have struggled to
tailor SSR programs to increasingly challenging contexts
an emerging criticism is that the model largely excludes
the actors who actually provide security in developing
countries, and is consequently poorly adapted tosocieties where multiple actors apart rom the state
including PSCs provide state-like security and justice
unctions to citizens. The history o many liberal societies
involves the state consolidating a single public peace
out o a multiplicity o relatively autonomous private
peaces, as it asserts an exclusive right to determine who
can legitimately wield orce. This trend should not be
About the Author
Geo Burt is vice president o the Security
Governance Group, a private research and
consulting rm ocused on the security
dimensions o state building, peace building
and post-confict reconstruction, based in
Waterloo, Canada. Prior to joining the Security
Governance Group, he was a research ocer
at The Centre or International Governance
Innovation (CIGI).
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understood as universal to all societies and as Shearing
and Stenning (1987) note, it should not be assumed
that the move rom private to public responsibility
or maintaining public order is linear and irreversible
(1987: 12).
The concept o policing has evolved to refect this new
understanding o the state as just one o several actors
in the security realm. Policing is best dened in terms
o its objectives, which include saety, the security o
people and property, and predictable public order. Law
enorcement is merely one aspect o policing, though it
is so closely associated with the public police orce that
the two terms are oten used interchangeably. In act,
the public police employ a wide range o other policingstrategies, including surveillance (patrol), intelligence
gathering, investigation and environmental design.3 The
model o policing has changed rom a public police orce
concerned primarily with enorcing and upholding the
laws o the state, to a more plural model that denes both
PSCs and other non-state actors who uphold public order
as legitimate providers o policing; as two prominent
scholars noted more than 15 years ago, the police and
policing have become increasingly distinct (Bayley and
Shearing, 1996).
As the concept o policing expands rom a narrow
mandate o enorcing the law and apprehending
oenders to a broader goal o public order and security,
civilian private security personnel can be increasingly
regarded as providing aspects o a police service, while
remaining separate rom the public police (Lalonde,
2010: 8). The plural policing model urnishes the state with
a dual role as an important provider o policing, but also
the regulator o the policing industry. As one researcher
put it: This has given rise to the notions o rowing and
3 These non-law enorcement tasks are shared by the private sector.PSCs concerned with protecting persons and property, minimizingrisk and identiying perpetrators oten use some or all o thesestrategies.
steering with regard to security, or the ability o central
governments to steer or determine overall rameworks
and standards while entrusting the rowing the actual
security provision activities to other actors such as
corporate entities supplied by the market (Caparini,
2006). Regulation, oversight and the enorcement o basiclaws protecting citizens, and specic laws governing the
industry are the means by which the state authority can
maintain a harmonious relationship between private
security interests and the broader public peace.
Though both public police and private security agents
may provide policing services, some undamental
distinctions remain. The public police are, by necessity,
more reactive to crime, largely because they are called in torespond when a crime has occurred. The private security
industry, on the other hand, is more preventive, uture-
oriented and ocused on risk mitigation. The public police
are unded by the state and should, at least in theory, be
distributed equitably among citizens. Private security
is expressly distributed in terms o a clients ability and
desire to pay. This does not mean, however, that private
security cannot benet the public at large. In societies
undergoing SSR, private security can buttress weak or
ineective public security institutions.4 In act, a well-
regulated private security sector can in cooperation with
the police act as a orce multiplier, increasing the overall
sense o security (Abrahamsen and Williams, 2006)
Private security agents may provide an added level o
both ormal and inormal surveillance o private and
public spaces, enabling personnel to alert public police
and other emergency responders to events that negativelyimpact public saety and security (Lalonde, 2010)
Moreover, PSCs can contribute to community policing
4 The private security industry can similarly make contributionsto states undergoing processes o disarmament, demobilization andreintegration (DDR). The private security industry oten providesemployment or ormer combatants or decommissioned publicsecurity personnel, as was the case in Haiti, where many personnelrom the decommissioned Haitian armed orces ound employmentin the private security sector.
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strategies by providing visibility and interacting with the
civilian population. Studies have indicated that private
security personnel are naturally predisposed to work
with police (Nalla and Hummer, 1999).
In order or these benets to accrue and to ensure the
population is protected rom abuses o power, states must
maintain a reasonable degree o control over the industry.
Though domestic governments are the most signicant
actors in the regulation o the private security industry,
oversight can be exercised by several other groups,
including the donor community, international legal
actors, the private security industry itsel and civil society
(see Table 1). It is important to note that not all o these
mechanisms o control government oversight, market
orces, contract law, sel-regulation, citizen reporting and
international law are subject to democratic or evencivilian control. These categories can be urther divided
into: preventive measures that endeavour to create an
environment where abuses are less likely to occur; and
punitive measures that sanction PSCs and their agents
when abuse has taken place.
tal 1: t os f Pa S
Actor Mechanism o Oversight Preventive Punitive
Government Government oversight regulation;
clear legal ramework governingindustry;
regular reporting rom PSCs;
resources to investigate abuses;
mandatory training /education orprivate security agents; and
licensing or PSCs and agents.
enorcement o basic laws;
enorcement o specic laws governing theindustry;
imposing nes/penalties on non-compliantcompanies; and
criminal sanction o oending agents.
Donor Community Market
Contract law
conditionality o aid/assistance inwhich PSCs have a role; and
encourage PSCs to adopt voluntarycode o conduct.
establish standards or training, salaryand conduct in the contracts.
boycotts o non-compliant PSCs.
enorcement o contract stipulations.
Private Security Industry Sel-regulation voluntary codes o conduct andstandards or training.
expulsion rom the industry association ornon-compliant PSCs.
Civil Society Citizen reporting raise citizens awareness o their rightswith respect to private security agents.
ombudsmen elding complaints o abuseby PSC agents and reerring to governmentregulator or police.
International Legal Actors International law* clariying o legal responsibilities otransnational PSCs.
legal sanctions against companies and agentsviolating international law.
* International humanitarian law places constraints on private military and security companies operating in zones o confict and does not always apply to civilian private security,in particular companies that are domestically owned and operated.
Source: Author.
SSR programming can useully target any o these
actors, though the bulk o unding and attention will be
invariably ocused at the government level. A more rigid
and restrictive set o regulations is not necessarily the best
way to achieve the ultimate SSR goal o contributing to
the human security o citizens. The test or SSR programs
is to oster productive partnerships, while simultaneously
limiting the scope or private-sector abuses that imperil
public security. Regulatory regimes must have a dual
mandate: to be a competent and responsible state
authority capable o investigating PSCs abuses o
power and authorized to sanction oenders; while at the
same time, not being exclusively oriented towards state
control. It is important to note that state actions may or
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may not be motivated by the public good; state actors are
not necessarily or by denition serving some politically
neutral notion o the public good, although this is oten
assumed to be the case (Caparini, 2006: 269). To achieve
the greatest public benet, reorms must reinorce
partnership and cooperation between private securityactors and public law enorcement agencies; maintain
some orm o accountability to the donor community
(oten signicant clients); and maintain accountability to
the communities in which PSCs operate, in particular.
cASe Study: hAItI
hAitiS PrivAte Security induStry
According to the most recent inormation provided by
Haitis interior ministry (Ministre de lIntrieur et des
Collectivits Territoriales [MICT]), there are 41 PSCs
licensed to operate in the country. The size o these rms
varies rom approximately 2,000 agents to less than 50.5
The number o agents working or licensed PSCs in the
country is approximately 12,000,6 slightly larger than
the current HNP orce o 10,000 ocers. It is also larger
than the gure o 6,000 cited in a 2005 report and recently
quoted by MINUSTAH ocials.7 This gure should
represent nearly all private security personnel in the
country, as none o the directors, agents or government
ocials interviewed were aware o any unlicensed
security agencies operating in Haiti, and Haitian law bars
international citizens or rms rom owning or operating
5 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.6 The Association Proessionnelle des Agences de Scurit (APAS)was established in 2004 and includes 10 o the largest PSCs in thecountry. According to interviews, the total number o agents in thisorganization is 9,000; additionally, there are limited cases o agents
being hired directly by clients, rather than through a PSC, or instance,at the US embassy, although interview subjects reported that thesecases are limited. It is estimated, thereore, that the total number oagents operating in the country is approximately 12,000. Interviewswith PSC directors, senior government ocials, Port-au-Prince,October 2011.
7 See Muggah (2005). Interview with senior MINUSTAHpersonnel, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
PSCs within Haitis territory. The demand or private
security has been growing, in particular since the January
2010 earthquake and subsequent spike in international
engagement, and PSCs report that they are training more
agents8 and increasing the size o their rosters to keep up
with this demand.9
Haitis market or private security islikely to grow at least as rapidly as the global rate o seven
to eight percent annually (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 103)
Nonetheless, taking its population into consideration
Haiti has a low proportion o both police and private
security agents compared to other countries in the region
Specically, it has both the lowest ratio o private security
to police and the ewest private security agents per capita
o all the countries listed in Table 2. Haitis critical lacko public police personnel compared to other countries
in the region heightens the need or the private security
industry to complement the public security orces, rather
than act as a source o insecurity.
8 The training reported by agents and owners varies widelywith some (mostly owners) claiming that 12 weeks o training wereprovided and others (mostly agents) claiming that agents wereroutinely deployed with as little as one week o training. There areno codied standards or the training o personnel, but all agentsinterviewed reported that they received training in rearms usecompany procedures, non-lethal combat techniques and theirresponsibilities under Haitian law.
9 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
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tal 2: Pa S a Pl: Sl cs
CountryPopulation(2011)
Number oPolice Ofcers
Number o PrivateSecurity Agents
Ratio o PrivateSecurity to Police
Ratio o Police toPopulation
Ratio o Private Securityto Population
Haiti 10,000,000 10,000 12,000 1.2 1 to 1,000 1 to 833
Barbados 343,000 1,005 1,455 1.45 1 to 341 1 to 236
Costa Rica 4,660,000 13,000 19,558 1.50 1 to 358 1 to 238
El Salvador 6,060,000 16,000 21,146 1.32 1 to 379 1 to 287
Guyana 755,000 2,970 5,398 1.82 1 to 254 1 to 140
Honduras 6,900,000 12,300 60,000 4.88 1 to 561 1 to 115
Jamaica 2,700,000 8,441 15,778 1.87 1 to 320 1 to 171
Nicaragua 5,790,000 11,613 19,710 1.70 1 to 499 1 to 293
Trinidad and Tobago 1,340,000 6,415 13,610 2.12 1 to 209 1 to 98
Sources: Hill (2011), Small Arms Survey (2011), Pachico (2011), US Department o State (2012).
PSCs in Haiti mainly provide guard services protecting
a dened private property, though several companies
provide personal protection services. PSC industryleaders conrm that international organizations are
the largest clients o PSCs in Haiti chie among
them MINUSTAH, the UNDP, UNICEF and various
government embassies.10 Several PSC directors indicated
that international clients account or approximately
50 percent o their business.11 Other large client groups
include banks, non-governmental organizations, schools
and private businesses and residences. Approximately
80 percent o business comes rom Port-au-Prince.12
In some countries, robust growth in the private security
industry is seen as a threat to the development o public
law enorcement, either by luring qualied candidates or
tempting o-duty police ocers to moonlight as private
security agents. Other countries have experienced
problems with o-duty police providing private
security services, sometimes using police equipment
and weapons. This practice, however, is not permitted in
Haiti. Deections to the private sector are also unlikely,
as nearly all private security agents are paid at or near
10 Interviews with senior MINUSTAH personnel, PSCs owners,Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
11 Interview with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
12 Unsurprisingly, the headquarters o all PSCs operating in Haitiare located there. Interview with PSC director, Port-au-Prince, October2011.
the minimum wage.13 Although average wages in the
industry were considerably lower beore 2009, when
Haiti passed a minimum wage law,14
at approximatelyUS$150 per month, agents salaries remain ar lower
than the starting salary o over $400 or an HNP ocer
(Charles, 2008). Moreover, agents report that some o the
stipulations o their contracts are routinely ignored by
some companies, such as overtime pay or shits longer
than eight hours and the requirement to provide them
with meals.15 Entry-level positions in private security are
considered low-skill jobs that require ew qualications
beyond basic literacy, physical health and a clean crimina
record. Employment in the industry entails long hours
low pay and risk. Nonetheless, owing to Haitis generally
dismal employment prospects, PSCs report a ready
supply o willing young men and women a act that is
likely to keep the average salary near the minimum wage
or the oreseeable uture.16
13 Interviews with private security agents, PSC directors, SSRanalyst, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
14 PSCs and their clients reported that the price o security servicesrose sharply ater the minimum wage law was passed, as PSCs passedon some o the costs to their clients urther evidence that mostguards had previously been paid less than the new minimum wage.
15 Interviews with private security agents, Port-au-Prince, Octobe2011.
16 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
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hAitiS current LegAL FrAmework
Private security is a relatively recent phenomenon in
Haiti, as PSCs were not permitted during the Duvalier
dictatorship. The post-Duvalier Constitution o 1987 has
no provisions on private security. In act, Articles 263 and
263.1 o the Constitution speciy that the armed orces
and the police are the only armed groups allowed to
operate in the country (Republic o Haiti, 1987). It was
not until a 1988 decree issued by President Prosper Avril
that PSCs were legalized in Haiti.17 An amended decree
in 1989 remains the principal legal ramework under
which PSCs operate in Haiti. The main articles o the
presidential decrees are outlined in Table 3.
17 The provision o private security in Haiti actually began in 1987when Corvington Courier and Security Service were awarded acontract to guard the US embassy, but its legality was not addresseduntil the ollowing year.
tal 3: k Als 1988/1989 Psal ds
Article(s) Eect
13 Authorize PSCs to operate, provided they: have been authorized by the MICT are working under a written contract; and use orce toprotect persons and property within Haiti.
4 Stipulates that PSCs must be exclusively Haitian-owned and operated and cannot have an aliation with outside countries.
5 Describes the process needed to obtain authorization, which includes submitting ounding statutes registered at the Ministry o Commerceand Industry; a copy o internal regulations; a guaranteed deposit o 50,000 Goudes; a list o personnel and their qualications; Certicatsde Bonnes Vies et Moeurs (background checks) and certicates o aptitude in the management o rearms or the directors and or each othe personnel; and inormation about the uniorms, logos and insignias and communications equipment used by the company.
6a, 6b Clariy the kinds o weapons permitted to PSC personnel: 0.38, 9 mm and 7.62 mm weapons are permitted, while heavier weapons andexplosives are excluded (Muggah, 2005).
6c Limits rearms licences to hal the number o personnel in the company or one rearm or every two agents.
10 Requires PSCs to send quarterly reports to the MICT, outlining their activities or that quarter.
12 States that all violations o the decree will result in an immediate suspension o three to 12 months, along with a temporary conscation othe companys arms by the Forces Armes dHati (FAdH) (Haitian Armed Forces).
Source: Author.
As a legal ramework regulating an industry with theright to bear arms, detain suspects and even use deadly
orce, the 1988 and 1989 decrees contain an insucient
level o detail to cover many likely eventualities. For
instance, there is clearly conusion about the allowable
use o orce. Article 3 o the presidential decree entitles
PSCs to Prevent any act likely to cause harm to persons
and property under their supervision; at the same time,
Article 8 states that security agencies must comply
with the principles and saety regulations in orce in the
Republic and Article 9 that security agencies should
in all [their] activities comply with all civil and criminal
legal provisions. It is not clear, however, how much orce
may be used and under what circumstances. As a urther
deciency in detail, the decrees state that apprehended
suspects must be immediately turned over to law
enorcement authorities to ace legal consequences, butdo not dene how much orce can be used to detain
suspects. Can they be restrained? Beaten i they attempt
to escape? Shot? Does it depend on the level o the oence
committed?
The 1989 decree does contain certain provisions that, i
enorced, would acilitate some measure o oversight
Article 10 stipulates regular reporting rom the PSCs to
the MICT, although exactly what these reports shouldinclude is not clearly stated. Article 12 lays out a limited
range o potential punishments, but it includes no detail
about which sanctions apply to which violations. The
decree does not go into detail about the process or
modiying or dissolving operating licences, except or
the possibility o suspension. Article 69 o the 1994 decree
states that the HNP is responsible or the enorcement
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o laws issued by the Ministry o Justice and Public
Security concerning the creation, regulation, training and
operation o private security agencies.18 O course, these
laws were never passed in Parliament.
In addition to the legal rameworks lack o clarity, a
major gap in governance was created in 1995, when the
FAdH was disbanded by President Aristide. The armed
orces role in regulating the industry passed to the HNP,
again by presidential decree. The Ministry o Interior and
National Deence became the MICT, but retained its role
in licensing and oversight o PSCs. Article 8 o the 1994
decree gives the police the responsibility to control all
activities o private security companies.19 The control
and registration o rearms is regulated by the DCPA(Muggah, 2005) under Article 28.5, which gives that
18 Republic o Haiti (1994). 1994 HNP Act.
19 Ibid.
department the responsibility to maintain a nationa
register o rearms permits.20 According to a senior
MINUSTAH ocial, the current Martelly governments
plan to reinstate the FAdH creates some legal uncertainty
Do the armed orces retain their authority over the
industry as stipulated in the 1988 and 1999 decrees, or arethose superseded by the 1994 decree that gave the HNP
legal authority?21 It is an issue that must be addressed.
The problem with the current regulatory regime is not
that mechanisms to oversee and regulate the industry do
not exist at all, but that the regulations lack specicity
As a urther complication, responsibility or oversight is
divided among several institutions, each o which has
other pressing priorities (Table 4).
20 Ibid.
21 Interview with senior MINUSTAH ocial, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.
tal 4: A Fa os r
Area o Responsibility MICT HNP/DCPA Neither/unclear
Authorizing PSCs to operate X
Receiving inormation on directors and agents, including background checks X
Receiving certicates o aptitude in the management o rearms or agents at the time the company is registered XGranting rearms licences (annually) X
Receiving quarterly reporting on PSCs activities X
Overseeing the purchase o weapons and maintaining rearms registry X
Carrying out process to suspend PSCs or dissolve operating licences X
Conscating arms in the event o a violation o 1989 decree X
Inspection o PSCs rearms depots X
Regular background checks o agents X
Licensing individual agents X
Enorcing training standards X
Implementing standards or stockpile management,* inspection and record-keeping X
Mechanism or receiving complaints about industry X
Reviewing operating licences on a regular basis, according to set criteria X
* According to a report by the Small Arms Survey, National legislation rarely provides details on how PSCs should secure rearm stockpiles rom thetIn practice, the specics omanaging and securing PSCs stockpiles are usually let to the companies themselves (2011: 121).
Source: Author.
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With responsibility divided among several institutions,
none with a clear priority, the challenge remains not
only how to resolve outstanding legal issues, but how to
convince institutions to dedicate the resources necessary
to improve the sporadic and inconsistent oversight
they currently provide. The authorities have, up to thispoint, lacked the willingness or ability to coordinate
responsibilities, enorce rules and provide consistent
oversight.
the need For AccountAbiLity And
reguLAtion
Given the persistent state o crisis that the country
has aced in recent years, it is understandable that theregulation o private security was not immediately
addressed by the Haitian government or its international
partners. Other urgent SSR priorities, such as re-
establishing the HNP, engaged the majority o government
and donor attention. In all SSR contexts, the regulation
o private sector actors must be realistically prioritized
alongside other reorm needs (Bryden, 2006). This is
especially true in Haiti, where the need or regulation
must be balanced among other needs and must refect
available scal and institutional resources. Even with this
caveat, however, there are critical shortcomings in the
present regulatory and oversight regime that can and
should be addressed.
La f os
As the institution responsible or issuing licences to
PSCs and considering applications or rearms permits,
the MICT should have detailed inormation about each
company, its directors and agents, and ready access to
the agents background checks. In May 2007, however,
Haitian newspaper Le Matin reported that, when reached
or comment, the MICT was unaware o the number o
registered PSCs, and could not conrm whether there
were any unregistered PSCs operating in the country (Le
Matin, 2007a).
In 2008, the MICT required all operating PSCs to provide
detailed accounting or all o their rearms as well as
inormation and background checks or each o their
agents.22 The PSCs reported that there was no ollow-up
to their submissions, and urther, that the MICT has not
requested this inormation since this rst request in 2008
According to ocials at some o the PSCs, historically
any requests or updated inormation have tended to
correspond with changes in government, rather than
a regular schedule.23 This lack o basic inormation
gathering was evident in the list o accredited security
agencies supplied to the author by the ministry: o the 41companies included, more than three-quarters contained
incorrect or out-o-date phone numbers and/or oce
addresses. It is indicative o the ministrys poor oversight
that it would nd itsel unable to contact many o these
companies i it needed to. The HNPs DCPA, the other
institution with oversight responsibilities, has ared no
better. Until this point the HNP has not assigned any
ocers to this le.24 The combined eect is an industry
operating with little eective state oversight.
t ills f Pl o
Rates o homicide and violent crime have greatly
diminished in Haiti since 2004 (Daniel, 2011), and
Haitis crime rates compare avourably with its more
developed neighbour, the Dominican Republic, and
with other countries in the region. Nonetheless, actors
such as Haitis extreme economic inequality and earso kidnapping or ransom have let wealthy Haitians
anxious to protect their property and their homes. The
presence o armed security personnel in the streets
22 Based on submission rom PSCs obtained by author.
23 Interviews with PSC ocials, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
24 Interview with senior MINUSTAH personnel, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.
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whether public or private may give some citizens a
greater sense o security and order. At the same time, the
most vulnerable populations those living in reugee
camps do not benet equally rom private security
provision. One o SSRs core assumptions is that poorly
trained, corrupt and unaccountable security personnel rom the public and private sector can become sources
o insecurity or citizens.
While the deployment o private security may deter
property crimes, it can also add to the volatility o
challenging public order situations. Haitis stability
is tested more by moments o acute crisis, such as
humanitarian disasters and political disorder, than by
unusually high rates o daily crime. Ater the January2010 earthquake, or example, several security incidents
involving private security agents contributed to public
insecurity. On January 28, in an attempt to protect his
clients property, a Proessional Security Services private
security agent killed one looter and was about to shoot
another when US soldiers intervened (Espinosa, 2010).
On February 4, another private security agent accidentally
shot an agent during a bank looting. According to a
statement by the Organization o American States (OAS)
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: In
light o inormation received concerning the conduct o
private security orces, the Inter-American Commission
calls or the Haitian government and the international
community to enhance eorts to control the conduct o
these orces and ensure that human rights are respected
at all times (Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, 2010). As several private security agents attestedto in interviews, the less training an agent receives, the
more likely he is to use his rearm.25
25 Interviews with private security agents, Port-au-Prince, October2011.
Sall As a L waps
One o MINUSTAHs overarching concerns about PSCs
is controlling the number o weapons held by companies
in the industry.26 The existing legal and regulatory
ramework should theoretically provide some control
over access to arms, but in practice, this is not always the
case. According to the 1989 presidential decree, PSCs are
limited to obtaining rearms licences or 50 percent o
their personnel in other words, the ratio o licensed
rearms to personnel is not greater than one gun or
every two agents (Republic o Haiti, 1989). This ratio is in
line with reported ratios in other countries in the region
which range rom 0.34 in Nicaragua to 0.45 in Costa Rica
to 0.86 in El Salvador (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 113)All rearms licence applications in Haiti must be made
in writing to the MICT, and are assigned to the agencies
themselves, not the individual agents.27 The HNP is
then responsible or delivering and accounting or all
rearms via the DCPA-controlled registry. In practice
however, Haitis system o rearms registration does not
unction properly. According to one study, PSCs in Hait
held over 9,300 rearms as o October 2009 (Commission
Episcopale Nationale Justice et Paix, 2010), while, based
on the estimated size o the industry, they should hold
approximately 6,000 rearms.
During the period o heightened insecurity rom 2004 to
2006, PSCs in Haiti are thought to have held thousands
o unregistered weapons, including illegal automatic
weapons (PSCs are only permitted to carry pistols and
shotguns).28 In August 2007, in an attempt to reassert
control over the industry, the MICT reportedly told
all PSCs to ensure that they met licensing rules or
26 MINUSTAH has pursued DDR and community violencereduction strategies in Haiti since 2004.
27 Interviews with private security agents and PSC owners, Portau-Prince, October 2011.
28 In a 2004 report on Haiti, the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) notedthat unregulated private security companies urther contributed toan unprecedented nation-wide prolieration and tracking o smalarms (2004).
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rearms and personnel, or they would be shut down (Le
Matin, 2007b). A number o smaller rms closed down
permanently, perhaps to avoid scrutiny.29 The MICT
appears to be making some progress with weapons
control, whether directly or indirectly. When asked
about unlicensed rearms in 2011, those PSC directorswho were interviewed declared that violating the rules
by having too many rearms was not only not worth
the risk but unnecessary, since companies only needed
one rearm or each post, not or each agent. The agents
universally reported sharing rearms with other agents
assigned to a post either three agents per weapon in
the case o eight-hour shits, or two agents per weapon
with companies using 12-hour shits. Moreover, many o
the companies surveyed appear to have sound internal
procedures or keeping track o rearms. Agents are not
permitted to take rearms home with them at the end o a
shit, instead, they give them to the agent relieving them,
or store the weapon in a central depot.30 Most agents
interviewed reported signing a log sheet or the rearm
at the beginning o each shit, though this was done more
to satisy internal corporate regulations than to comply
with national standards. Assuming that PSCs currentlyoperate according to these guidelines, however, it is not
clear what happened to the unregistered weapons.31
Several PSCs reported occasional visits rom the HNP
to audit their weapons depots, but these visits were
irregular and had not taken place at all or several years.
Plal Afflas
A clear issue or Haitis private security industry is the
ownership and management o PSCs by current and
ormer members o the government and security orces,
including ormer FADH personnel, current HNP trainers
29 Interview with a PSC director, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
30 Interviews with PSC agents, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
31 In an interview, one director said he suspected other PSCs ohaving stores o unregistered rearms and exceeding the allowedratio o one rearm per two agents.
and Youri Latortue, the head o the Senate Committee on
Justice and Public Saety.32 In an ideal situation, persons
with close current aliations to government would not
be allowed to own and operate PSCs, but the current lega
ramework does not include such provisions. It is easy to
imagine the dilemma a police ocer assigned to overseethe industry would ace in reporting a violation by a PSC
owned by a senior government or even police ocial
Moreover, a PSC that had committed an oence could use
its connections within the orce to derail investigations
o abuse. Though the problem is acknowledged by
senior MINUSTAH ocials, it is generally agreed
that it cannot be addressed at this stage because these
current and ormer ocials have not violated any law
or regulation. It would be neither practical nor easible
to implement such provisions now, given the extent o
insider ownership that already exists. Nevertheless
the extensive connections between current HNP ocials
and the private security industry raise questions about
the HNPs central role in overseeing the industry. The
act that part o the root o the problem political
aliations and conficts o interest cannot easily be
addressed makes the general oversight and regulation othe industry even more important.
hAitiS reForm PrioritieS
The Haitian government and its international partners
have committed to a series o legal and administrative
reorms to improve the regulation o the industry
According to several interviews, the shooting o o-duty
HNP ocer Yacinthe Hudson in September 2011 by a
32 This situation is not unusual in the region. In Guatemala, oinstance, 75 percent o PSCs are either directed or managed by ormermilitary personnel; the remaining 25 percent are managed by ormepolice personnel (Dammert, 2008: 24). Some countries have includedprovisions in their private security legislation to limit these kindso associations. El Salvadors Private Security Services Law o 2001precludes active members o the national police, senior ministryocials and their close relatives rom being owners, shareholders orcontractors o PSCs while they hold the post and or a period o threeyears ater (Dammert, 2008: 19).
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private security agent ollowing an altercation outside o
a bank (Deend Haiti, 2011) and the PSCs subsequent
inability to assist in the investigation served as a
catalyst or the government and the international donor
community to prioritize better mechanisms o control.
The next section examines how SSR programmingcan help the Haitian government and civil society, the
international donor community and the private security
industry itsel to strengthen oversight o the industry.
g os
Provide Legal Clarity through New Legislation
The Ministry o Justice and Public Security is currently
considering proposals or a new law on private security
to ll the legal vacuum in which the industry currently
operates. Senator Youri Latortue, chair o the senate
committee on justice and public security, sent a proposal
to the Ministry o Justice or consideration, as did APAS
representatives. The ministry is now working to reconcile
these two proposals and come up with a single law or
Parliament to consider. This legislation should attempt to
accomplish our primary goals:
Eective legislation must establish a regulatory
regime with clear roles and responsibilities or the
actors overseeing the industry. The reinstatement
o the armed orces, however, creates some legal
uncertainty here, and whether the reconstituted
armed orces retain their original powers o
oversight over the PSC industry, or i these powers
are overridden by the 1994 decree granting thatauthority to the HNP, must be determined. The HNP
has a better understanding o, and experience with,
public saety and internal security, and legislation
should conrm that they are granted the legal
authority to oversee the industry.
The laws must provide more clarity on the
operational side o the industry, dening what
agents are permitted and not permitted to do under
certain circumstances. This will help to clariy
legal issues surrounding private security and the
use o orce and detention, and dene the scopeo criminal liability or abuses o power by private
security agents. The new legislation should more
explicitly lay out principles on the use o orce
based on international standards o conduct like the
International Code o Conduct or Private Security
Providers (ICOC).33 Agents should be required
to use the minimum amount o orce necessary in
all situations, always issuing a challenge beore
opening re. There needs to be a consensus on the
level o threat required to use the rearm, as well
as whether PSCs can use deadly orce to protect
property under their supervision or only to protect
persons at risk o injury. International standards
mandate that deadly orce should be authorized
only i an intruder is committing or about to commit
an act likely to endanger the agents lie or that o
another person.34
The legislation should establish the process by
which citizens can lodge complaints against private
security agents. The Oce de la Protection du
Citoyen (OPC) (Oce o Citizen Protection) is the
appropriate institution to eld such complaints
and should be directed to reer cases o abuse to
the relevant police and ministerial authorities to
investigate and sanction companies. This processshould be clearly laid out in the legislation.
The new legislation should anticipate uture
developments in the industry by considering the
33 See the ICOC, released in 2010. The ull text is available atwww.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/sede/dv/sede150311audcodeoconduct_/sede150311audcodeoconduct_en.pd.
34 See, or instance, ICOC (2010).
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use o private security in areas where they are
commonly deployed in other countries, including
prison surveillance, immigration control and airport
security.
In interviews, private security agents reported conusion
over the exact stipulations o the current law, a problem
owing at least partly to the lack o clear guidelines
provided to the industry. As a result o this uncertainty,
some agents are reluctant to involve the police in security
problems, and several PSC agents reported that taking
the blame or a security incident was a constant ear on
the job. This lack o clarity perhaps also explains the
unanimous, unwritten policy among PSCs that agents
rst call the company when an incident occurs, to allowthe PSC to decide whether, or how, to report the incident
to the police.35 Under such circumstances, the decision to
inorm the police o an incident is likely to be motivated
more by the private interests o the company, its agents
and its clients than by the needs o public saety. This lack
o legal clarity and associated uncertainty limits what
could potentially be a signicant contribution to public
saety the ability o PSC agents to report any suspicious
or criminal behaviour that they witness; under ideal
circumstances, private security agents would consider it
a responsibility to report all such behaviour to the police.
Explore Different Models of Regulation
The current regulatory regime divides responsibility or
the oversight o the industry between the MICT and the
HNP. Senior MINUSTAH ocials expressed concern
that, under the current model, PSCs are not clearlycontrolled by the MICT which is only responsible
or registering the companies and does not actively
oversee or enorce regulations. To register a PSC under
the 1989 Presidential Decree, directors must submit
35 One PSC director stated that the standard protocol was or theagent to call the company and the company to report the incident tothe police i it is more than they can handle. Interviews with privatesecurity agents and PSCs directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
documentation as described in Table 3; once a company
has been registered, the primary ongoing reporting
responsibility is to renew rearms licences annually and
pay the associated ees. The responsibility or enorcement
rests with the HNP, although given that the DCPA has
devoted no sta to the task, it is hardly surprising thatoversight o the industry has been minimal. According
to MINUSTAH ocials, the regulation o PSCs has not
been a priority in the past.
The HNP development plan or 20122016 will
attempt to address this issue. The plan proposes
creating a special unit within the DCPA that will have
primary responsibility or the ongoing enorcement o
regulations.36
Ensuring that the HNP devotes resourcesand personnel to the regulation o private security is
necessary i Haitis current model is to succeed in asserting
control over the industry. The HNP development plan
should, thereore, be seen as a meaningul and credible
step in the right direction.
This course o reorm is best described as an attempt to
improve the unctioning o the current system. It would
see the MICT retain its role in licensing PSCs, receivingregular reports and granting rearms licences, while
the specialized unit in the DCPA would continue to
oversee the rearms registry, inspect rearms stores
and investigate abuses o power. It may be possible to
operate within the current general model o regulation by
clariying roles and responsibilities, and improving the
enorcement o regulations. This presupposes, however
retaining a model o regulation that is really only one
among several options available to Haiti, and one that
has considerable downsides. The HNP, or example, is
attempting to meet its commitments under the current
system, but there appears to have been little system-wide
consultation about how the regulatory regime could
36 Interview with senior MINUSTAH ocials, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.
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or should work. In interviews, parliamentary leaders
involved in drating the new legislation suggested
that current discussions involve making incremental
improvements on the existing model, rather than
establishing a new one. The legal reorm plan, backed
by Senator Youri Latortue, envisions the HNP retainingresponsibility or oversight and enorcement o the
industry.37 The proposed changes under this plan include
measures to acilitate the purchase o rearms by PSCs,
by allowing private business to sell rearms to them
under the supervision o the HNP. Another proposed
change would see the government relaxing domestic
ownership requirements to allow up to 25 percent
oreign ownership/investment in PSCs, presumably
to give PSCs a source o capital needed to expand their
operations.38
Chile has had success with a model in which the
Carabineros (the national police orce) are the chie
supervisory authority, operating a subdirectorate or
private security that issues permits or armed and
unarmed personnel and perorms audits o PSCs,
including periodic site visits (Dammert, 2008: 12). In
Haiti, one o the primary challenges o retaining this kind
o model is that it relies on two institutions, the MICT
and the HNP, to commit resources to the oversight o the
PSC industry when they have other pressing priorities. It
is common across the region that, in countries where the
police are strapped or manpower, the work o regulating
and training private personnel is oten neglected in order
to ocus resources on crime prevention and control (OAS,
2008). Models vesting extensive authority in the policehave not proven eective in other Caribbean contexts,
largely because they add responsibilities to an already
overstretched police orce. Under these conditions, the
regulation o private security will invariably be a low
37 Interview with Senator Youri Latortue, Port-au-Prince, October2011.
38 Ibid.
priority. The act that high-ranking HNP ocials own
PSCs creates signicant scope or conficts o interest
and possible regulatory capture.39 As a study o private
security regulation in Bulgaria warns, because the
majority o PSCs are either staed or run by ormer
police ocers, assigning the oversight o PSCs solely tothe police leaves signicant room or inormal relations
between PSCs and their regulators (Gounev, 2006).
Another regulatory model adopted by severa
Caribbean countries40 is establishing boards or
committees to oversee the industry, usually comprised
o ocials rom various backgrounds including
law enorcement, justice and the private security
industry. The obvious drawback o this approach isthat, like the police themselves, committee members
have other responsibilities that require the majority o
their attention.41 The result has been that the boards are
rarely convened and when they are, they have diculty
ollowing through with the decisions that are made.4
In St. Lucia, or instance, legislation was passed in 2006
calling or the creation o a board to oversee the private
security industry, but almost six years later, that board has
still ailed to materialize.43 Again, the key consideration is
not so much the model itsel, but ensuring that ocials
devote the resources required to oversee the private
security industry (Hill, 2011).
39 Regulatory capture is dened as collusion between theregulated and the regulator as a result o shared experiences in themarketplace, shared ideologies, and circulation o members betweenthe industry and the government bodies designated as controllers
(Manning, 1987).40 The OAS has conducted research in Latin America and theCaribbean exploring dierent models or the regulation o the privatesecurity industry. These models to assert public control over theprivate security industry range rom establishing statutory agenciesresponsible or the oversight o the industry, to more permissivemodels that contain little more than a mechanism to grant operationsand rearms licenses.
41 Interview with Sheridon Hill, analyst and consultant at the OASNovember 2011.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
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In each o the models discussed above, the
responsibility or oversight is divided between the
police and government ministries. In its SSR handbook,
the Organisation or Economic Co-operation and
Developments Development Assistance Committee
(OECD DAC) identies the lack o a single regulatoryauthority or oversight mechanism as a challenge to
eective reorm (2007: 217), while a 2007 report rom
the Latin American Faculty o Social Sciences (FLACSO)
recommended the creation o independent regulatory
bodies to oversee the industry in Latin America and
the Caribbean (Dammert, 2007). Thus, a third option
or Haiti is to replace the current regime with a separate
statutory body housed in the MICT that would assume
responsibilities that are currently divided between the
MICT and HNP, including the authorization to control
the licensing o companies and agents, ensure regular
reporting rom the industry, inspect rearms stores
and report violations to police authorities. A model or
such an option in Haiti is Jamaica, which has one o
the best-regulated industries in the region. Jamaicas
private security industry has been overseen since 1992by the Private Security Regulation Authority (PSRA), a
statutory body under the Ministry o National Security
This independent body is headed by a nine-member
board, with a secretariat o 29 sta members. Critically
the oversight o the industry is the sole responsibility o
the PSRAs directors and sta. This structure allows it
to assert much more control over the industry than the
current Haitian model.44
44 As an example o the departments better control over theindustry, the Jamaican PSRA regularly publishes and updates a listo PSCs licensed to operate, along with the number o agents and thedate o expiry o each companys licence on its website.
tal 5: rla mls Sl caa cs
Level Country Model
1 Jamaica Separate statutory body overseeing the industry
In 1992, Jamaica passed the PSRA Act, establishing a statutory body under the Ministry o National Security, whose sole unction is to regulate and monitorprivate security agents and companies. This independent body is headed by a nine-member board with a secretariat o 29 sta members. The PSRA receives
unding and stang rom the state and has the authority to: grant, reuse, suspend or cancel licences or registration cards issued to the private securityindustry; consider and determine applications made under the PSRA Act or registration and licensing and the renewal licences. Jamaica is unique in the regionin having an independent oversight body with permanent sta, legal authority and a guaranteed budget. Critically, the oversight o the industry is the sole taskand responsibility o agencys directors and sta.
2 Barbados and St. Lucia Board/committee oversight
Another model adopted by several Caribbean countries is to establish boards and committees to oversee and perorm regulatory unctions over the industrythat are made up o ocials rom various backgrounds, including law enorcement, justice and the private security industry. Without permanent sta devotedsolely to monitoring the industry, the boards typically do not take advantage o whatever powers o oversight or control are available to them. In St. Lucia,or example, legislation creating a board to oversee the private security industry was passed in 2006, but almost six years later, that board has still not beenestablished.*
3 Belize Oversight by individual ocials
This model is similar to the level 2 model, except that the responsibility or regulation rests with a single entity or individual, usually the minister o nationalsecurity or the police commissioner. The oversight o the private security industry is usually a very low priority to these senior ocials.
4 Dominica and Grenada No specic laws governing industry
Dominica and Grenada are examples o the lowest level o regulation in the region. Neither country has specic laws regarding the private security industry.The only means or oversight are general legislation, which covers the establishment o corporations, and rearms legislation, which covers the steps to obtaina rearms licence.
* Interview with Sheridon Hill, November 2011.
Source: Hill (2011)
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Haiti should select a model appropriate or its context.
Simply increasing the volume o regulation and oversight
is not a suitable context-specic strategy.45 The new rules
and regulations must not be unnecessarily burdensome
to either the companies or the state that has to enorce
them. One benet o the separate regulatory body isthat it rees up police resources that would otherwise
have been consumed perorming regulatory unctions.
In terms o nancial resources, the Jamaican model calls
or the regulatory body to be partially unded by the
dues and ees it collects rom the PSCs. This has the dual
benet o reducing the unding burden on the state46 and
giving the oversight body an incentive to ensure that all
companies are licensed and ees collected.47 Whatever
ramework is eventually adopted, it must: establish a
process or issuing and revoking operating licences or
PSCs and set out the criteria that will be used to evaluate
applications; ensure that licences or companies and
rearms are temporary and subject to re-evaluation on a
regular basis; perorm regular and random inspections o
PSC arms depots to ensure that weapons and ammunition
are stored in secure conditions and adequate accounting
mechanisms are in place (South Eastern and EasternEurope Clearinghouse or the Control o Small Arms
and Light Weapons [SEESAC], 2006a); and include clear
requirements or quarterly or semi-annual reporting to
the regulatory authority.
45 It should be noted that ull regulation is a recent phenomenon in
many developed countries (or example, the UK legislation was onlyormulated in 2001 and regulations and licensing only implementedin 2004 with the deadline or registration o guards only on 20 March2006) (Minnaar, 2007).
46 The Jamaican PSRA was described as a sel-sustainingoperation by one expert. Interviews with the ormer chie o policeand current owner o PSC in Jamaica conducted by Sheridon Hill,obtained by author.
47 None o the models developed in the region have been withoutproblems. One complaint about the Jamaican model is that it resultedin an increase in bureaucracy aced by company directors. Interviewswith ormer chie o police and current owner o PSC in Jamaicaconducted by Sheridon Hill, obtained by author.
Commit the Necessary Resources
An OAS report on private security in the Caribbean ound
that, although most countries have passed legislation on
private security, there is a lack o eective ollow-up
mechanisms to ensure compliance with the provisions o
the legislation (OAS, 2008).For instance, several models
require that a supervisory council or board be designated
to monitor activities in the security industry, but in
most cases, this has not happened (OAS, 2008: 42-43)
Refecting these shortcomings, an OAS report on private
security in Latin America has identied as a constant
the lack o mechanisms to carry out the tasks and apply
the instruments provided by law (Dammert, 2008).
The implementation o new legislation in Haiti must
be matched by a commitment to actively implemen
and enorce its provisions. Whatever model is adopted
in Haiti, the will to establish rm systems o oversight
is the most important prerequisite or success. The
HNP development plan or 20122016, which includes
creating and stang a special unit within the DCPA
responsible or oversight, is an encouraging rst step
As long as the current model remains in place, the MICTshould immediately resume the requirement or PSCs to
submit detailed reports o their operations, including
background checks or their personnel, accurate
accountings o their rearms and associated licences.48
I the government plans to collect this kind o detailed
inormation, it should rst determine what inormation
it needs, how it will be collected, how it will be stored
and how it can be accessed i needed. Industry leadersraised the concern that, in 2008, the ministry demanded
detailed inormation rom PSCs but did not seem to
48 The government should gather the inormation in a standardizedway, but more technology is not necessarily the best answer. Althougha database would provide some clear benets, the ministry would beable to improve its data management structure simply by issuinga standardized orm requesting specic inormation rom eachcompany about its security agents and rearms licences. This wouldmake it much easier or regulators to nd inormation about eachcompany.
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use or even review the inormation.49 One area where
inormation gathering should be improved is with
respect to individual agents. While the current regulatory
system requires each company to periodically submit
background checks or its security agents, in practice
it is enorced inrequently and irregularly. Inractionsinvolving personnel usually only come to light ater an
incident involving the police.
ma Fs a Slf-la
The state is not the only actor with the power to improve
accountability; opportunities exist or successul public-
private partnerships. An achievable rst step in this
direction would be to encourage industry leaders to
establish a voluntary code o conduct, based on the
developing international standards laid out in documents
such as the Sarajevo Code o Conduct or Private Security
Companies and the International Code o Conduct or Private
Security.50 The ounding statutes o APAS do not include
a code o conduct, but they do require members to have
solid internal legal structures and to be legally constituted
and recognized by the MICT.51 The MICT, the HNP and
industry leaders should agree on the basic parameters othe code, including a baseline requirement o personnel
training, standards o conduct or interacting with the
population and mechanisms or interacing with the
police.
To be successul, industry associations must provide
membership benets that exceed its perceived costs. The
principal benet that member PSCs derive rom private
security industry associations is reputational, that is, theperceived standards o conduct and proessionalism
vested in the association give the PSCs clientele
condence in their proessionalism. As De Nevers notes,
adhering to standards can be costly, and monitoring
49 Interview with APAS ocial, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
50 For more inormation, see: SEESAC (2006a) and ICOC (2010).
51 The APAS ounding statutes obtained by author.
costs associated with sel-regulation are generally
covered by industry members. Companies are only
likely to pay these costs i there is a signicant market
payo (2010: 224). At present, joining APAS only costs
PSCs the registration dues associated with membership
Whatever standards the Haitian government and APASagree upon, the main sanction or non-compliance will
likely be expulsion rom the association, which will only
be costly to PSCs as long as the reputational benet o the
association is high.
This is an area where the international community, as
the industrys largest set o clients, has a responsibility to
improve the governance o the private security industry
by making use o the tools at their disposal. By providingmarket incentives, the international donor community
may be able to tip the balance in avour o greater PSC
sel-regulation. Interviews with PSC ocials indicated
that certain countries are already doing this on an
isolated, ad hoc basis. Canada, or instance, negotiates
clauses stipulating the agents rate o pay and the amount
o training they are required to have into the contracts
awarded to PSCs that are hired protect the Canadian
embassy in Haiti. These arrangements would have a
greater overall impact i they could be generalized into
a donor code o conduct or hiring PSCs. An example
o such a donor code is the Sarajevo Client Guidelines or
the Procurement o Private Security Companies, developed
in tandem with the Sarajevo Code o Conduct or Private
Security Companies mentioned previously. The Sarajevo
client guidelines seek to improve the procurement
practices o public sector institutions, many o whichhad previously awarded contracts on an inormal basis
on the grounds o cost alone (SEESAC, 2006b). In Haiti
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the push-pull o client demands and industry association
commitments would go a long way in establishing
baseline standards o training, accountability and
proessionalism.
An ancillary benet o sel-regulation is that, over time,
it will help to move Haiti rom a sanctions-based regime
where authorities impose penalties ater an event has
occurred, to a compliance-based regime that pre-empts
abuses by ostering a more closely controlled culture
in the industry. There is a tendency under the current
Haitian model to involve the police with the industry
only when something goes wrong.52 A compliance model,
however, seeks to impose conormity with a condition
or state specied in ruleswith the aim o preventingharm (Manning, 1987). A successul compliance regime
can reduce the states burden o oversight i it brings
about change in the way the industry regulates itsel,
or instance by ensuring that reports are submitted on
time and without being prompted, actively investigating
complaints and more thoroughly vetting employees.
cl S
In addition to partnering with the private security
industry, the Haitian government and international
community should engage with community groups
to assess the publics experience with private security.
O particular importance is the OPC, which should be
prepared to eld complaints about the industry and reer
them to the police to investigate.
Along with concerns over the relationship between
the industry and elements o society, the devolution o
public security responsibilities to private actors brings
up undamental questions o airness and justice. While
the same criticism may be levelled at public security
52 Interview with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.
orces, private policing explicitly avours the wealthy.5
Consequently, i public saety is considered a general
responsibility o government, perhaps even a human
right, then increased reliance on commercial private
policing represents a growing injustice (Bayley and
Shearing, 1996: 593). The commoditization o securityimplied by the private security industry arguably results
in the partial privatization o a unction that by its nature
should be essentially public and distributed according
to need. Insecurity is thus an additional actor which
reinorces inequality (OAS, 2008). As Wul argues
zones o asymmetric security have emerged, or rather
zones o insecurity or the poor and zones o relative
security provided or people and their wealth by private
companies (2006: 92).
In most countries, a key objective o SSR programs is
to rebuild the social contract between the state and its
citizens. The Haitian states ractured relationship with
its citizens and its perceived illegitimacy have proven
to be obstacles to providing eective judicial and police
services (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 233). Private security
tends to create and enorce zones o exclusion areas
where certain elements o society are permitted to enter
and others are not. For decades, researchers have noted
the blurring o distinctions between public and private
space, introducing the concept o mass private property
to describe public spaces that are privately owned
(Shearing and Stenning, 1987; Bayley and Shearing, 1996)
Many perceive Haitis instability as part o a broader class
confict that has spanned generations and continues to
ester. I the expansion o private security encourages theprogressive restriction o privately owned space to some
members o the public, PSCs may come to be regarded
as parties to economic and class conficts, charged with
53 Private securitys deterrent eect may be unequally shared awell. Empirical work indicates that the relationship between privatesecurity and crime prevention is not straightorward. While privatesecurity can deter crime by increasing perceived risks, it can alsosimply divert criminals towards other victims. See, or instance, Kooand Png (1994).
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enorcing a social order that is based on the exclusion o
the poor. These actors risk undermining social cohesion
and jeopardizing SSR goals. To adequately resolve these
longer-term issues, partnerships and dialogue between
what Bailes (2006) has called the triangle o security
governance governments, business and civil society must be strengthened and expanded. State regulators
and PSCs should organize a community orum on private
security to hear rom the public about their experiences
with the industry, both positive and negative. This would
help to identiy the areas