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    SSR ISSue PaPeRSN. 9 Jn 2012

    Fr Prit Scrit t PbicG: Rgting th PritScrit Instr in HitiGff Brt

    Haiti

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    Copyright 2012 by The Centre for International Governance Innovation.

    Research for this report was funded by a special project grant fromthe Canadian Department of National Defences Security and DefenceForum (SDF).

    The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and donot necessarily reect the views of The Centre for International GovernanceInnovation or its Operating Board of Directors or International Board ofGovernors.

    This work was carried out with the support of the Centre for InternationalGovernance Innovation (CIGI), Waterloo, Ontario, Canada (www.cigionline.org). This work is licensed under a Creative CommonsAribution Non-commercial No Derivatives License. To view thislicense, visit (www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice.

    Cover photo: A Haitian security guard eyes the entrance of a warehouse asworkers unload bags containing our in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, followingthe earthquake on January 12, 2010. (AP Photo/Francois Mori)

    About the SSr ISSue

    pAperS

    The Security Sector Reorm (SSR) Issue Papers,

    produced by The Centre or InternationalGovernance Innovation (CIGI), are a product

    o CIGIs Security Sector Governance project.

    Authored by prominent practitioners in the

    eld, policy makers, academics and inormed

    observers, the papers in this series will contribute

    to ongoing debates and infuence policy on issues

    related to SSR. Combining analysis o current

    problems and challenges, they will examine

    thematic and geographic topics relating to the

    most pressing SSR issues.

    Series Editor: Mark Sedra

    Series Coordinator: Michael Lawrence

    SummAry

    Haiti, like many countries, relies heavily on private

    security companies to protect people and property

    However, while the private security industry has a

    vital role to play in stabilizing the country, it has long

    unctioned without eective government oversight

    Haitis security sector reorm (SSR) process has begun

    to address this shortcoming. The paper analyzes the

    current state o the private security industry in Hait

    and the legal ramework under which it operates, and

    makes recommendations or how a reormed legal

    and regulatory regime can guide the next phase o

    its development, based on interviews with owners

    and agents o private security companies, industry

    associations, senior Haitian police personnel, United

    Nations (UN) planners and parliamentary leaders

    The paper concludes that genuine consultation and

    partnership between the government, industry and

    civil society is required, i SSR programs in Haiti and

    elsewhere are to successully marshal private resources

    towards the public good.

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    IntroductIon

    Heavy reliance on private security companies (PSCs) to

    protect people and property is a global phenomenon,

    reshaping security provision in societies around the

    world. In many developed countries, such as the United

    States, the United Kingdom and Israel, the budgets o

    PSCs and the number o personnel they employ exceed

    those o public law enorcement agencies (Richards and

    Smith, 2007), with some major North American cities

    reaching a ratio o private security to police greater than

    seven to one (Lalonde, 2010). In states undergoing SSR

    it is common or the size o the private security industry

    to exceed that o the public police orce, sometimes by a

    wide margin. A recent study estimated that more people

    are employed globally as civilian private security agents

    than as police ocers (Van Dijk, 2008: 215). In Latin

    America and the Caribbean, the ratio o private security

    to police ranges rom less than 1:1 in Ecuador to 4.9:1 in

    Honduras (Small Arms Survey, 2011). Unsurprisingly

    PSCs are oten among the largest groups o armed actors

    in a country. The SSR model emphasizes democratic

    civilian control over all orms o armed orce both

    public and private rendering the legal structure

    licensing and regulation o the private security industry

    an important consideration or reorm.

    In well-unctioning systems, proper regulation helps

    to ensure that, in the course o serving their particular

    private interests, PSCs and their agents contribute to

    public saety and security by providing a deterrent to

    property crime and securing public spaces. They are alsoimportant partners in community policing strategies

    reporting suspicious behaviour and relaying security

    concerns to the police. In the absence o eective public

    regulation, PSCs will naturally prioritise the needs o

    owners and shareholders over those o the public at large

    (Richards and Smith, 2007: 11). In the process, they may

    be co-opted by political groups and become involved

    AcronymS And

    AbbrevIAtIonS

    APAS Association Proessionnelle des Agences de

    Scurit

    DCPA Direction Centrale de la PoliceAdministratrive (Central Directorate o

    Administrative Police)

    DDR disarmament, demobilization and

    reintegration

    FAdH Forces Armes dHati (Haitian Armed

    Forces)

    FLACSO Latin American Faculty o Social Sciences

    HNP Haitian National Police

    ICOC International Code o Conduct or Private

    Security Providers

    MICT Ministre de lIntrieur et des Collectivits

    Territoriales (Ministry o Interior and

    Collective Territories)

    MINUSTAH UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti

    OAS Organization o American States

    OECD DAC Organisation or Economic Co-operation

    and Developments Development Assistance

    Committee

    OPC Oce de la Protection du Citoyen (Oce o

    Citizen Protection)

    PSCs private security companies

    PSRA Private Security Regulation Authority

    (Jamaica)

    SSR security sector reorm

    UN United Nations

    UNDP United Nations Development Programme

    UNICEF United Nations Childrens Fund

    UNSG UN Secretary-General

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    in criminal activity and in so doing, represent a source

    o intimidation and insecurity or the public. The value

    o a regulatory regime is largely based on its ability to

    provide oversight and accountability, and deter abuses.

    This requires, at a minimum, a set o laws stipulating the

    roles that PSCs are allowed to assume; strict guidelinesgoverning the licensing and storage o rearms; a clear

    procedure to issue and revoke operating licences; and

    mechanisms allowing the state to oversee the industry,

    establish benchmarks or training, perorm background

    checks on agents and sanction companies that ail to meet

    standards. In many developed countries, the relationship

    between the state and private security extends ar

    beyond the notion o control, to include public-private

    partnerships and community policing strategies intended

    to maximize the industrys contribution to public security.

    In Haiti, the private security industry has long unctioned

    without eective state regulation. The industry currently

    operates under a series o presidential decrees. The rst

    two, passed in 1988 and 1989, provide general guidelines

    on the role o PSCs, the requirements they must meet to

    be authorized and the kinds o weapons they may use. A

    third decree, passed in 1994, gives the Haitian National

    Police (HNP) the legal authority to enorce regulations

    governing the industry.1 These three decrees provide a

    basic breakdown o roles and responsibilities, but they

    are insuciently detailed and should have been ollowed

    by a set o laws to address legal voids that provide a

    clear, more complete system o oversight and regulation.

    Political strie, natural disasters and ongoing instability,

    however, directed the attention o Haitian authoritieselsewhere. As the Haitian government struggled to

    conront other pressing priorities, a more detailed set o

    laws was never passed.

    1 This authority had previously been vested with the armed orces.When President Jean-Bertrande Aristide disbanded the armed orcesin an attempt to halt a cycle o military coups, their responsibilitieswere passed to the HNP by decree.

    Haitis current government and its international partners

    in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) are

    aware o these shortcomings in regulation and oversight

    and are taking concrete steps to address them. A process led

    by the Ministry o Justice and Public Security is underway

    to drat new legislation to replace the presidential decreesas the legal ramework governing the industry. The

    ministry must decide whether the legislation will merely

    close gaps in the existing structure or create an entirely

    new regulatory regime. Any new regulatory ramework

    must be accompanied by a renewed commitment to

    actively enorce its requirements. An encouraging early

    sign is that, unlike the previous HNP Reorm Plan or

    20062011, the HNP development plan or 20122016

    includes provisions to create and sta a specialized unit

    in the Direction Centrale de la Police Administratrive

    (DCPA) tasked with oversight o the industry.2 Taken

    together, these two initiatives are a strong signal that the

    Haitian government has decided to conront this issue

    Even considering the current regulatory weakness, in the

    past, the Haitian government has shown little resolve to

    use the powers at its disposal to regulate the industry.

    As a new legal ramework is established and the police

    orce dedicates the necessary resources to build up

    its oversight capacity, a clear picture o the state o the

    industry and the challenges it aces in complementing

    public SSR initiatives is needed. The rst section o this

    paper examines the growing signicance o private

    security in SSR theory and practice. Next, the paper

    describes the current state o the private security industry

    in Haiti and the shortcomings o the legal rameworkunder which it presently operates. The paper then

    makes recommendations or how a reormed lega

    and regulatory regime can guide the next phase o its

    2 The HNP Reorm Plan was the strategic document that guidedMINUSTAHs assistance to Haitis police rom 2006 to 2011. A newplan, which will guide the next phase o cooperation rom 2011 to2016, is currently being nalized. Interview with senior MINUSTAHpersonnel, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

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    development, based on interviews with owners o PSCs

    in Haiti, private security agents, industry associations,

    senior HNP personnel, MINUSTAH planners and

    parliamentary leaders. Haitis experience with private

    security demonstrates that genuine consultation and

    partnership between the government, industry and civil

    society is required i SSR programs are to successully

    marshal private resources towards the public good.

    prIvAte SecurIty AndSSr

    SSR seeks to guarantee the eective, accountable and

    rights-respecting provision o security and justice in

    countries recovering rom confict or transitioning

    rom authoritarianism. A chie innovation o the SSR

    concept is the belie that both too much and too little

    security can threaten individual security. Refecting the

    understanding that overbearing and predatory security

    regimes are oten the principal threat acing a society,

    SSRs emphasis on democratic oversight and control is a

    key eature distinguishing it rom earlier orms o security

    assistance that were narrowly ocused on improving the

    eectiveness o security orces. The SSR model is based

    on a paradigm shit in security thinking, rom state-

    centred to people-centred approaches, represented by the

    term human security. One o SSRs core concerns is to

    control the eect o violence both organized (political

    violence, organized crime) and disorganized (individual

    opportunistic crime and predation) on the population

    The mainstream SSR model views a public monopoly

    over security and justice provision, operating under

    the oversight and control o democratic leadership, as

    the bedrock o a stable domestic political order. This is

    why a key element o post-confict SSR is to disassemble

    non-state armed groups, either by integrating them

    into state structures or back into the civilian economy

    Unsurprisingly, proponents o the SSR model have

    characteristically reacted with suspicion towards thegrowth o the global private security industry, refexively

    branding it as a negative and disruptive orce. Mainstream

    theory and practice has tended to view private security

    provision as external to the SSR process, despite the

    act that the states regulatory role and attendant

    interest in ensuring that the pursuit o private interests

    serves, rather than undermines, the public good is a

    critical dimension o SSR. This orientation means that

    SSR ocuses almost exclusively on public security orces

    neglecting the extent to which people in the developing

    world have come to rely on private providers or their

    day-to-day security needs (Abrahamsen and Williams

    2006; see also Baker, 2010). As donors have struggled to

    tailor SSR programs to increasingly challenging contexts

    an emerging criticism is that the model largely excludes

    the actors who actually provide security in developing

    countries, and is consequently poorly adapted tosocieties where multiple actors apart rom the state

    including PSCs provide state-like security and justice

    unctions to citizens. The history o many liberal societies

    involves the state consolidating a single public peace

    out o a multiplicity o relatively autonomous private

    peaces, as it asserts an exclusive right to determine who

    can legitimately wield orce. This trend should not be

    About the Author

    Geo Burt is vice president o the Security

    Governance Group, a private research and

    consulting rm ocused on the security

    dimensions o state building, peace building

    and post-confict reconstruction, based in

    Waterloo, Canada. Prior to joining the Security

    Governance Group, he was a research ocer

    at The Centre or International Governance

    Innovation (CIGI).

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    understood as universal to all societies and as Shearing

    and Stenning (1987) note, it should not be assumed

    that the move rom private to public responsibility

    or maintaining public order is linear and irreversible

    (1987: 12).

    The concept o policing has evolved to refect this new

    understanding o the state as just one o several actors

    in the security realm. Policing is best dened in terms

    o its objectives, which include saety, the security o

    people and property, and predictable public order. Law

    enorcement is merely one aspect o policing, though it

    is so closely associated with the public police orce that

    the two terms are oten used interchangeably. In act,

    the public police employ a wide range o other policingstrategies, including surveillance (patrol), intelligence

    gathering, investigation and environmental design.3 The

    model o policing has changed rom a public police orce

    concerned primarily with enorcing and upholding the

    laws o the state, to a more plural model that denes both

    PSCs and other non-state actors who uphold public order

    as legitimate providers o policing; as two prominent

    scholars noted more than 15 years ago, the police and

    policing have become increasingly distinct (Bayley and

    Shearing, 1996).

    As the concept o policing expands rom a narrow

    mandate o enorcing the law and apprehending

    oenders to a broader goal o public order and security,

    civilian private security personnel can be increasingly

    regarded as providing aspects o a police service, while

    remaining separate rom the public police (Lalonde,

    2010: 8). The plural policing model urnishes the state with

    a dual role as an important provider o policing, but also

    the regulator o the policing industry. As one researcher

    put it: This has given rise to the notions o rowing and

    3 These non-law enorcement tasks are shared by the private sector.PSCs concerned with protecting persons and property, minimizingrisk and identiying perpetrators oten use some or all o thesestrategies.

    steering with regard to security, or the ability o central

    governments to steer or determine overall rameworks

    and standards while entrusting the rowing the actual

    security provision activities to other actors such as

    corporate entities supplied by the market (Caparini,

    2006). Regulation, oversight and the enorcement o basiclaws protecting citizens, and specic laws governing the

    industry are the means by which the state authority can

    maintain a harmonious relationship between private

    security interests and the broader public peace.

    Though both public police and private security agents

    may provide policing services, some undamental

    distinctions remain. The public police are, by necessity,

    more reactive to crime, largely because they are called in torespond when a crime has occurred. The private security

    industry, on the other hand, is more preventive, uture-

    oriented and ocused on risk mitigation. The public police

    are unded by the state and should, at least in theory, be

    distributed equitably among citizens. Private security

    is expressly distributed in terms o a clients ability and

    desire to pay. This does not mean, however, that private

    security cannot benet the public at large. In societies

    undergoing SSR, private security can buttress weak or

    ineective public security institutions.4 In act, a well-

    regulated private security sector can in cooperation with

    the police act as a orce multiplier, increasing the overall

    sense o security (Abrahamsen and Williams, 2006)

    Private security agents may provide an added level o

    both ormal and inormal surveillance o private and

    public spaces, enabling personnel to alert public police

    and other emergency responders to events that negativelyimpact public saety and security (Lalonde, 2010)

    Moreover, PSCs can contribute to community policing

    4 The private security industry can similarly make contributionsto states undergoing processes o disarmament, demobilization andreintegration (DDR). The private security industry oten providesemployment or ormer combatants or decommissioned publicsecurity personnel, as was the case in Haiti, where many personnelrom the decommissioned Haitian armed orces ound employmentin the private security sector.

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    strategies by providing visibility and interacting with the

    civilian population. Studies have indicated that private

    security personnel are naturally predisposed to work

    with police (Nalla and Hummer, 1999).

    In order or these benets to accrue and to ensure the

    population is protected rom abuses o power, states must

    maintain a reasonable degree o control over the industry.

    Though domestic governments are the most signicant

    actors in the regulation o the private security industry,

    oversight can be exercised by several other groups,

    including the donor community, international legal

    actors, the private security industry itsel and civil society

    (see Table 1). It is important to note that not all o these

    mechanisms o control government oversight, market

    orces, contract law, sel-regulation, citizen reporting and

    international law are subject to democratic or evencivilian control. These categories can be urther divided

    into: preventive measures that endeavour to create an

    environment where abuses are less likely to occur; and

    punitive measures that sanction PSCs and their agents

    when abuse has taken place.

    tal 1: t os f Pa S

    Actor Mechanism o Oversight Preventive Punitive

    Government Government oversight regulation;

    clear legal ramework governingindustry;

    regular reporting rom PSCs;

    resources to investigate abuses;

    mandatory training /education orprivate security agents; and

    licensing or PSCs and agents.

    enorcement o basic laws;

    enorcement o specic laws governing theindustry;

    imposing nes/penalties on non-compliantcompanies; and

    criminal sanction o oending agents.

    Donor Community Market

    Contract law

    conditionality o aid/assistance inwhich PSCs have a role; and

    encourage PSCs to adopt voluntarycode o conduct.

    establish standards or training, salaryand conduct in the contracts.

    boycotts o non-compliant PSCs.

    enorcement o contract stipulations.

    Private Security Industry Sel-regulation voluntary codes o conduct andstandards or training.

    expulsion rom the industry association ornon-compliant PSCs.

    Civil Society Citizen reporting raise citizens awareness o their rightswith respect to private security agents.

    ombudsmen elding complaints o abuseby PSC agents and reerring to governmentregulator or police.

    International Legal Actors International law* clariying o legal responsibilities otransnational PSCs.

    legal sanctions against companies and agentsviolating international law.

    * International humanitarian law places constraints on private military and security companies operating in zones o confict and does not always apply to civilian private security,in particular companies that are domestically owned and operated.

    Source: Author.

    SSR programming can useully target any o these

    actors, though the bulk o unding and attention will be

    invariably ocused at the government level. A more rigid

    and restrictive set o regulations is not necessarily the best

    way to achieve the ultimate SSR goal o contributing to

    the human security o citizens. The test or SSR programs

    is to oster productive partnerships, while simultaneously

    limiting the scope or private-sector abuses that imperil

    public security. Regulatory regimes must have a dual

    mandate: to be a competent and responsible state

    authority capable o investigating PSCs abuses o

    power and authorized to sanction oenders; while at the

    same time, not being exclusively oriented towards state

    control. It is important to note that state actions may or

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    may not be motivated by the public good; state actors are

    not necessarily or by denition serving some politically

    neutral notion o the public good, although this is oten

    assumed to be the case (Caparini, 2006: 269). To achieve

    the greatest public benet, reorms must reinorce

    partnership and cooperation between private securityactors and public law enorcement agencies; maintain

    some orm o accountability to the donor community

    (oten signicant clients); and maintain accountability to

    the communities in which PSCs operate, in particular.

    cASe Study: hAItI

    hAitiS PrivAte Security induStry

    According to the most recent inormation provided by

    Haitis interior ministry (Ministre de lIntrieur et des

    Collectivits Territoriales [MICT]), there are 41 PSCs

    licensed to operate in the country. The size o these rms

    varies rom approximately 2,000 agents to less than 50.5

    The number o agents working or licensed PSCs in the

    country is approximately 12,000,6 slightly larger than

    the current HNP orce o 10,000 ocers. It is also larger

    than the gure o 6,000 cited in a 2005 report and recently

    quoted by MINUSTAH ocials.7 This gure should

    represent nearly all private security personnel in the

    country, as none o the directors, agents or government

    ocials interviewed were aware o any unlicensed

    security agencies operating in Haiti, and Haitian law bars

    international citizens or rms rom owning or operating

    5 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.6 The Association Proessionnelle des Agences de Scurit (APAS)was established in 2004 and includes 10 o the largest PSCs in thecountry. According to interviews, the total number o agents in thisorganization is 9,000; additionally, there are limited cases o agents

    being hired directly by clients, rather than through a PSC, or instance,at the US embassy, although interview subjects reported that thesecases are limited. It is estimated, thereore, that the total number oagents operating in the country is approximately 12,000. Interviewswith PSC directors, senior government ocials, Port-au-Prince,October 2011.

    7 See Muggah (2005). Interview with senior MINUSTAHpersonnel, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    PSCs within Haitis territory. The demand or private

    security has been growing, in particular since the January

    2010 earthquake and subsequent spike in international

    engagement, and PSCs report that they are training more

    agents8 and increasing the size o their rosters to keep up

    with this demand.9

    Haitis market or private security islikely to grow at least as rapidly as the global rate o seven

    to eight percent annually (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 103)

    Nonetheless, taking its population into consideration

    Haiti has a low proportion o both police and private

    security agents compared to other countries in the region

    Specically, it has both the lowest ratio o private security

    to police and the ewest private security agents per capita

    o all the countries listed in Table 2. Haitis critical lacko public police personnel compared to other countries

    in the region heightens the need or the private security

    industry to complement the public security orces, rather

    than act as a source o insecurity.

    8 The training reported by agents and owners varies widelywith some (mostly owners) claiming that 12 weeks o training wereprovided and others (mostly agents) claiming that agents wereroutinely deployed with as little as one week o training. There areno codied standards or the training o personnel, but all agentsinterviewed reported that they received training in rearms usecompany procedures, non-lethal combat techniques and theirresponsibilities under Haitian law.

    9 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

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    tal 2: Pa S a Pl: Sl cs

    CountryPopulation(2011)

    Number oPolice Ofcers

    Number o PrivateSecurity Agents

    Ratio o PrivateSecurity to Police

    Ratio o Police toPopulation

    Ratio o Private Securityto Population

    Haiti 10,000,000 10,000 12,000 1.2 1 to 1,000 1 to 833

    Barbados 343,000 1,005 1,455 1.45 1 to 341 1 to 236

    Costa Rica 4,660,000 13,000 19,558 1.50 1 to 358 1 to 238

    El Salvador 6,060,000 16,000 21,146 1.32 1 to 379 1 to 287

    Guyana 755,000 2,970 5,398 1.82 1 to 254 1 to 140

    Honduras 6,900,000 12,300 60,000 4.88 1 to 561 1 to 115

    Jamaica 2,700,000 8,441 15,778 1.87 1 to 320 1 to 171

    Nicaragua 5,790,000 11,613 19,710 1.70 1 to 499 1 to 293

    Trinidad and Tobago 1,340,000 6,415 13,610 2.12 1 to 209 1 to 98

    Sources: Hill (2011), Small Arms Survey (2011), Pachico (2011), US Department o State (2012).

    PSCs in Haiti mainly provide guard services protecting

    a dened private property, though several companies

    provide personal protection services. PSC industryleaders conrm that international organizations are

    the largest clients o PSCs in Haiti chie among

    them MINUSTAH, the UNDP, UNICEF and various

    government embassies.10 Several PSC directors indicated

    that international clients account or approximately

    50 percent o their business.11 Other large client groups

    include banks, non-governmental organizations, schools

    and private businesses and residences. Approximately

    80 percent o business comes rom Port-au-Prince.12

    In some countries, robust growth in the private security

    industry is seen as a threat to the development o public

    law enorcement, either by luring qualied candidates or

    tempting o-duty police ocers to moonlight as private

    security agents. Other countries have experienced

    problems with o-duty police providing private

    security services, sometimes using police equipment

    and weapons. This practice, however, is not permitted in

    Haiti. Deections to the private sector are also unlikely,

    as nearly all private security agents are paid at or near

    10 Interviews with senior MINUSTAH personnel, PSCs owners,Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    11 Interview with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    12 Unsurprisingly, the headquarters o all PSCs operating in Haitiare located there. Interview with PSC director, Port-au-Prince, October2011.

    the minimum wage.13 Although average wages in the

    industry were considerably lower beore 2009, when

    Haiti passed a minimum wage law,14

    at approximatelyUS$150 per month, agents salaries remain ar lower

    than the starting salary o over $400 or an HNP ocer

    (Charles, 2008). Moreover, agents report that some o the

    stipulations o their contracts are routinely ignored by

    some companies, such as overtime pay or shits longer

    than eight hours and the requirement to provide them

    with meals.15 Entry-level positions in private security are

    considered low-skill jobs that require ew qualications

    beyond basic literacy, physical health and a clean crimina

    record. Employment in the industry entails long hours

    low pay and risk. Nonetheless, owing to Haitis generally

    dismal employment prospects, PSCs report a ready

    supply o willing young men and women a act that is

    likely to keep the average salary near the minimum wage

    or the oreseeable uture.16

    13 Interviews with private security agents, PSC directors, SSRanalyst, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    14 PSCs and their clients reported that the price o security servicesrose sharply ater the minimum wage law was passed, as PSCs passedon some o the costs to their clients urther evidence that mostguards had previously been paid less than the new minimum wage.

    15 Interviews with private security agents, Port-au-Prince, Octobe2011.

    16 Interviews with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

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    hAitiS current LegAL FrAmework

    Private security is a relatively recent phenomenon in

    Haiti, as PSCs were not permitted during the Duvalier

    dictatorship. The post-Duvalier Constitution o 1987 has

    no provisions on private security. In act, Articles 263 and

    263.1 o the Constitution speciy that the armed orces

    and the police are the only armed groups allowed to

    operate in the country (Republic o Haiti, 1987). It was

    not until a 1988 decree issued by President Prosper Avril

    that PSCs were legalized in Haiti.17 An amended decree

    in 1989 remains the principal legal ramework under

    which PSCs operate in Haiti. The main articles o the

    presidential decrees are outlined in Table 3.

    17 The provision o private security in Haiti actually began in 1987when Corvington Courier and Security Service were awarded acontract to guard the US embassy, but its legality was not addresseduntil the ollowing year.

    tal 3: k Als 1988/1989 Psal ds

    Article(s) Eect

    13 Authorize PSCs to operate, provided they: have been authorized by the MICT are working under a written contract; and use orce toprotect persons and property within Haiti.

    4 Stipulates that PSCs must be exclusively Haitian-owned and operated and cannot have an aliation with outside countries.

    5 Describes the process needed to obtain authorization, which includes submitting ounding statutes registered at the Ministry o Commerceand Industry; a copy o internal regulations; a guaranteed deposit o 50,000 Goudes; a list o personnel and their qualications; Certicatsde Bonnes Vies et Moeurs (background checks) and certicates o aptitude in the management o rearms or the directors and or each othe personnel; and inormation about the uniorms, logos and insignias and communications equipment used by the company.

    6a, 6b Clariy the kinds o weapons permitted to PSC personnel: 0.38, 9 mm and 7.62 mm weapons are permitted, while heavier weapons andexplosives are excluded (Muggah, 2005).

    6c Limits rearms licences to hal the number o personnel in the company or one rearm or every two agents.

    10 Requires PSCs to send quarterly reports to the MICT, outlining their activities or that quarter.

    12 States that all violations o the decree will result in an immediate suspension o three to 12 months, along with a temporary conscation othe companys arms by the Forces Armes dHati (FAdH) (Haitian Armed Forces).

    Source: Author.

    As a legal ramework regulating an industry with theright to bear arms, detain suspects and even use deadly

    orce, the 1988 and 1989 decrees contain an insucient

    level o detail to cover many likely eventualities. For

    instance, there is clearly conusion about the allowable

    use o orce. Article 3 o the presidential decree entitles

    PSCs to Prevent any act likely to cause harm to persons

    and property under their supervision; at the same time,

    Article 8 states that security agencies must comply

    with the principles and saety regulations in orce in the

    Republic and Article 9 that security agencies should

    in all [their] activities comply with all civil and criminal

    legal provisions. It is not clear, however, how much orce

    may be used and under what circumstances. As a urther

    deciency in detail, the decrees state that apprehended

    suspects must be immediately turned over to law

    enorcement authorities to ace legal consequences, butdo not dene how much orce can be used to detain

    suspects. Can they be restrained? Beaten i they attempt

    to escape? Shot? Does it depend on the level o the oence

    committed?

    The 1989 decree does contain certain provisions that, i

    enorced, would acilitate some measure o oversight

    Article 10 stipulates regular reporting rom the PSCs to

    the MICT, although exactly what these reports shouldinclude is not clearly stated. Article 12 lays out a limited

    range o potential punishments, but it includes no detail

    about which sanctions apply to which violations. The

    decree does not go into detail about the process or

    modiying or dissolving operating licences, except or

    the possibility o suspension. Article 69 o the 1994 decree

    states that the HNP is responsible or the enorcement

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    o laws issued by the Ministry o Justice and Public

    Security concerning the creation, regulation, training and

    operation o private security agencies.18 O course, these

    laws were never passed in Parliament.

    In addition to the legal rameworks lack o clarity, a

    major gap in governance was created in 1995, when the

    FAdH was disbanded by President Aristide. The armed

    orces role in regulating the industry passed to the HNP,

    again by presidential decree. The Ministry o Interior and

    National Deence became the MICT, but retained its role

    in licensing and oversight o PSCs. Article 8 o the 1994

    decree gives the police the responsibility to control all

    activities o private security companies.19 The control

    and registration o rearms is regulated by the DCPA(Muggah, 2005) under Article 28.5, which gives that

    18 Republic o Haiti (1994). 1994 HNP Act.

    19 Ibid.

    department the responsibility to maintain a nationa

    register o rearms permits.20 According to a senior

    MINUSTAH ocial, the current Martelly governments

    plan to reinstate the FAdH creates some legal uncertainty

    Do the armed orces retain their authority over the

    industry as stipulated in the 1988 and 1999 decrees, or arethose superseded by the 1994 decree that gave the HNP

    legal authority?21 It is an issue that must be addressed.

    The problem with the current regulatory regime is not

    that mechanisms to oversee and regulate the industry do

    not exist at all, but that the regulations lack specicity

    As a urther complication, responsibility or oversight is

    divided among several institutions, each o which has

    other pressing priorities (Table 4).

    20 Ibid.

    21 Interview with senior MINUSTAH ocial, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.

    tal 4: A Fa os r

    Area o Responsibility MICT HNP/DCPA Neither/unclear

    Authorizing PSCs to operate X

    Receiving inormation on directors and agents, including background checks X

    Receiving certicates o aptitude in the management o rearms or agents at the time the company is registered XGranting rearms licences (annually) X

    Receiving quarterly reporting on PSCs activities X

    Overseeing the purchase o weapons and maintaining rearms registry X

    Carrying out process to suspend PSCs or dissolve operating licences X

    Conscating arms in the event o a violation o 1989 decree X

    Inspection o PSCs rearms depots X

    Regular background checks o agents X

    Licensing individual agents X

    Enorcing training standards X

    Implementing standards or stockpile management,* inspection and record-keeping X

    Mechanism or receiving complaints about industry X

    Reviewing operating licences on a regular basis, according to set criteria X

    * According to a report by the Small Arms Survey, National legislation rarely provides details on how PSCs should secure rearm stockpiles rom thetIn practice, the specics omanaging and securing PSCs stockpiles are usually let to the companies themselves (2011: 121).

    Source: Author.

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    With responsibility divided among several institutions,

    none with a clear priority, the challenge remains not

    only how to resolve outstanding legal issues, but how to

    convince institutions to dedicate the resources necessary

    to improve the sporadic and inconsistent oversight

    they currently provide. The authorities have, up to thispoint, lacked the willingness or ability to coordinate

    responsibilities, enorce rules and provide consistent

    oversight.

    the need For AccountAbiLity And

    reguLAtion

    Given the persistent state o crisis that the country

    has aced in recent years, it is understandable that theregulation o private security was not immediately

    addressed by the Haitian government or its international

    partners. Other urgent SSR priorities, such as re-

    establishing the HNP, engaged the majority o government

    and donor attention. In all SSR contexts, the regulation

    o private sector actors must be realistically prioritized

    alongside other reorm needs (Bryden, 2006). This is

    especially true in Haiti, where the need or regulation

    must be balanced among other needs and must refect

    available scal and institutional resources. Even with this

    caveat, however, there are critical shortcomings in the

    present regulatory and oversight regime that can and

    should be addressed.

    La f os

    As the institution responsible or issuing licences to

    PSCs and considering applications or rearms permits,

    the MICT should have detailed inormation about each

    company, its directors and agents, and ready access to

    the agents background checks. In May 2007, however,

    Haitian newspaper Le Matin reported that, when reached

    or comment, the MICT was unaware o the number o

    registered PSCs, and could not conrm whether there

    were any unregistered PSCs operating in the country (Le

    Matin, 2007a).

    In 2008, the MICT required all operating PSCs to provide

    detailed accounting or all o their rearms as well as

    inormation and background checks or each o their

    agents.22 The PSCs reported that there was no ollow-up

    to their submissions, and urther, that the MICT has not

    requested this inormation since this rst request in 2008

    According to ocials at some o the PSCs, historically

    any requests or updated inormation have tended to

    correspond with changes in government, rather than

    a regular schedule.23 This lack o basic inormation

    gathering was evident in the list o accredited security

    agencies supplied to the author by the ministry: o the 41companies included, more than three-quarters contained

    incorrect or out-o-date phone numbers and/or oce

    addresses. It is indicative o the ministrys poor oversight

    that it would nd itsel unable to contact many o these

    companies i it needed to. The HNPs DCPA, the other

    institution with oversight responsibilities, has ared no

    better. Until this point the HNP has not assigned any

    ocers to this le.24 The combined eect is an industry

    operating with little eective state oversight.

    t ills f Pl o

    Rates o homicide and violent crime have greatly

    diminished in Haiti since 2004 (Daniel, 2011), and

    Haitis crime rates compare avourably with its more

    developed neighbour, the Dominican Republic, and

    with other countries in the region. Nonetheless, actors

    such as Haitis extreme economic inequality and earso kidnapping or ransom have let wealthy Haitians

    anxious to protect their property and their homes. The

    presence o armed security personnel in the streets

    22 Based on submission rom PSCs obtained by author.

    23 Interviews with PSC ocials, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    24 Interview with senior MINUSTAH personnel, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.

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    whether public or private may give some citizens a

    greater sense o security and order. At the same time, the

    most vulnerable populations those living in reugee

    camps do not benet equally rom private security

    provision. One o SSRs core assumptions is that poorly

    trained, corrupt and unaccountable security personnel rom the public and private sector can become sources

    o insecurity or citizens.

    While the deployment o private security may deter

    property crimes, it can also add to the volatility o

    challenging public order situations. Haitis stability

    is tested more by moments o acute crisis, such as

    humanitarian disasters and political disorder, than by

    unusually high rates o daily crime. Ater the January2010 earthquake, or example, several security incidents

    involving private security agents contributed to public

    insecurity. On January 28, in an attempt to protect his

    clients property, a Proessional Security Services private

    security agent killed one looter and was about to shoot

    another when US soldiers intervened (Espinosa, 2010).

    On February 4, another private security agent accidentally

    shot an agent during a bank looting. According to a

    statement by the Organization o American States (OAS)

    Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: In

    light o inormation received concerning the conduct o

    private security orces, the Inter-American Commission

    calls or the Haitian government and the international

    community to enhance eorts to control the conduct o

    these orces and ensure that human rights are respected

    at all times (Inter-American Commission on Human

    Rights, 2010). As several private security agents attestedto in interviews, the less training an agent receives, the

    more likely he is to use his rearm.25

    25 Interviews with private security agents, Port-au-Prince, October2011.

    Sall As a L waps

    One o MINUSTAHs overarching concerns about PSCs

    is controlling the number o weapons held by companies

    in the industry.26 The existing legal and regulatory

    ramework should theoretically provide some control

    over access to arms, but in practice, this is not always the

    case. According to the 1989 presidential decree, PSCs are

    limited to obtaining rearms licences or 50 percent o

    their personnel in other words, the ratio o licensed

    rearms to personnel is not greater than one gun or

    every two agents (Republic o Haiti, 1989). This ratio is in

    line with reported ratios in other countries in the region

    which range rom 0.34 in Nicaragua to 0.45 in Costa Rica

    to 0.86 in El Salvador (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 113)All rearms licence applications in Haiti must be made

    in writing to the MICT, and are assigned to the agencies

    themselves, not the individual agents.27 The HNP is

    then responsible or delivering and accounting or all

    rearms via the DCPA-controlled registry. In practice

    however, Haitis system o rearms registration does not

    unction properly. According to one study, PSCs in Hait

    held over 9,300 rearms as o October 2009 (Commission

    Episcopale Nationale Justice et Paix, 2010), while, based

    on the estimated size o the industry, they should hold

    approximately 6,000 rearms.

    During the period o heightened insecurity rom 2004 to

    2006, PSCs in Haiti are thought to have held thousands

    o unregistered weapons, including illegal automatic

    weapons (PSCs are only permitted to carry pistols and

    shotguns).28 In August 2007, in an attempt to reassert

    control over the industry, the MICT reportedly told

    all PSCs to ensure that they met licensing rules or

    26 MINUSTAH has pursued DDR and community violencereduction strategies in Haiti since 2004.

    27 Interviews with private security agents and PSC owners, Portau-Prince, October 2011.

    28 In a 2004 report on Haiti, the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) notedthat unregulated private security companies urther contributed toan unprecedented nation-wide prolieration and tracking o smalarms (2004).

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    rearms and personnel, or they would be shut down (Le

    Matin, 2007b). A number o smaller rms closed down

    permanently, perhaps to avoid scrutiny.29 The MICT

    appears to be making some progress with weapons

    control, whether directly or indirectly. When asked

    about unlicensed rearms in 2011, those PSC directorswho were interviewed declared that violating the rules

    by having too many rearms was not only not worth

    the risk but unnecessary, since companies only needed

    one rearm or each post, not or each agent. The agents

    universally reported sharing rearms with other agents

    assigned to a post either three agents per weapon in

    the case o eight-hour shits, or two agents per weapon

    with companies using 12-hour shits. Moreover, many o

    the companies surveyed appear to have sound internal

    procedures or keeping track o rearms. Agents are not

    permitted to take rearms home with them at the end o a

    shit, instead, they give them to the agent relieving them,

    or store the weapon in a central depot.30 Most agents

    interviewed reported signing a log sheet or the rearm

    at the beginning o each shit, though this was done more

    to satisy internal corporate regulations than to comply

    with national standards. Assuming that PSCs currentlyoperate according to these guidelines, however, it is not

    clear what happened to the unregistered weapons.31

    Several PSCs reported occasional visits rom the HNP

    to audit their weapons depots, but these visits were

    irregular and had not taken place at all or several years.

    Plal Afflas

    A clear issue or Haitis private security industry is the

    ownership and management o PSCs by current and

    ormer members o the government and security orces,

    including ormer FADH personnel, current HNP trainers

    29 Interview with a PSC director, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    30 Interviews with PSC agents, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    31 In an interview, one director said he suspected other PSCs ohaving stores o unregistered rearms and exceeding the allowedratio o one rearm per two agents.

    and Youri Latortue, the head o the Senate Committee on

    Justice and Public Saety.32 In an ideal situation, persons

    with close current aliations to government would not

    be allowed to own and operate PSCs, but the current lega

    ramework does not include such provisions. It is easy to

    imagine the dilemma a police ocer assigned to overseethe industry would ace in reporting a violation by a PSC

    owned by a senior government or even police ocial

    Moreover, a PSC that had committed an oence could use

    its connections within the orce to derail investigations

    o abuse. Though the problem is acknowledged by

    senior MINUSTAH ocials, it is generally agreed

    that it cannot be addressed at this stage because these

    current and ormer ocials have not violated any law

    or regulation. It would be neither practical nor easible

    to implement such provisions now, given the extent o

    insider ownership that already exists. Nevertheless

    the extensive connections between current HNP ocials

    and the private security industry raise questions about

    the HNPs central role in overseeing the industry. The

    act that part o the root o the problem political

    aliations and conficts o interest cannot easily be

    addressed makes the general oversight and regulation othe industry even more important.

    hAitiS reForm PrioritieS

    The Haitian government and its international partners

    have committed to a series o legal and administrative

    reorms to improve the regulation o the industry

    According to several interviews, the shooting o o-duty

    HNP ocer Yacinthe Hudson in September 2011 by a

    32 This situation is not unusual in the region. In Guatemala, oinstance, 75 percent o PSCs are either directed or managed by ormermilitary personnel; the remaining 25 percent are managed by ormepolice personnel (Dammert, 2008: 24). Some countries have includedprovisions in their private security legislation to limit these kindso associations. El Salvadors Private Security Services Law o 2001precludes active members o the national police, senior ministryocials and their close relatives rom being owners, shareholders orcontractors o PSCs while they hold the post and or a period o threeyears ater (Dammert, 2008: 19).

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    private security agent ollowing an altercation outside o

    a bank (Deend Haiti, 2011) and the PSCs subsequent

    inability to assist in the investigation served as a

    catalyst or the government and the international donor

    community to prioritize better mechanisms o control.

    The next section examines how SSR programmingcan help the Haitian government and civil society, the

    international donor community and the private security

    industry itsel to strengthen oversight o the industry.

    g os

    Provide Legal Clarity through New Legislation

    The Ministry o Justice and Public Security is currently

    considering proposals or a new law on private security

    to ll the legal vacuum in which the industry currently

    operates. Senator Youri Latortue, chair o the senate

    committee on justice and public security, sent a proposal

    to the Ministry o Justice or consideration, as did APAS

    representatives. The ministry is now working to reconcile

    these two proposals and come up with a single law or

    Parliament to consider. This legislation should attempt to

    accomplish our primary goals:

    Eective legislation must establish a regulatory

    regime with clear roles and responsibilities or the

    actors overseeing the industry. The reinstatement

    o the armed orces, however, creates some legal

    uncertainty here, and whether the reconstituted

    armed orces retain their original powers o

    oversight over the PSC industry, or i these powers

    are overridden by the 1994 decree granting thatauthority to the HNP, must be determined. The HNP

    has a better understanding o, and experience with,

    public saety and internal security, and legislation

    should conrm that they are granted the legal

    authority to oversee the industry.

    The laws must provide more clarity on the

    operational side o the industry, dening what

    agents are permitted and not permitted to do under

    certain circumstances. This will help to clariy

    legal issues surrounding private security and the

    use o orce and detention, and dene the scopeo criminal liability or abuses o power by private

    security agents. The new legislation should more

    explicitly lay out principles on the use o orce

    based on international standards o conduct like the

    International Code o Conduct or Private Security

    Providers (ICOC).33 Agents should be required

    to use the minimum amount o orce necessary in

    all situations, always issuing a challenge beore

    opening re. There needs to be a consensus on the

    level o threat required to use the rearm, as well

    as whether PSCs can use deadly orce to protect

    property under their supervision or only to protect

    persons at risk o injury. International standards

    mandate that deadly orce should be authorized

    only i an intruder is committing or about to commit

    an act likely to endanger the agents lie or that o

    another person.34

    The legislation should establish the process by

    which citizens can lodge complaints against private

    security agents. The Oce de la Protection du

    Citoyen (OPC) (Oce o Citizen Protection) is the

    appropriate institution to eld such complaints

    and should be directed to reer cases o abuse to

    the relevant police and ministerial authorities to

    investigate and sanction companies. This processshould be clearly laid out in the legislation.

    The new legislation should anticipate uture

    developments in the industry by considering the

    33 See the ICOC, released in 2010. The ull text is available atwww.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/sede/dv/sede150311audcodeoconduct_/sede150311audcodeoconduct_en.pd.

    34 See, or instance, ICOC (2010).

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    use o private security in areas where they are

    commonly deployed in other countries, including

    prison surveillance, immigration control and airport

    security.

    In interviews, private security agents reported conusion

    over the exact stipulations o the current law, a problem

    owing at least partly to the lack o clear guidelines

    provided to the industry. As a result o this uncertainty,

    some agents are reluctant to involve the police in security

    problems, and several PSC agents reported that taking

    the blame or a security incident was a constant ear on

    the job. This lack o clarity perhaps also explains the

    unanimous, unwritten policy among PSCs that agents

    rst call the company when an incident occurs, to allowthe PSC to decide whether, or how, to report the incident

    to the police.35 Under such circumstances, the decision to

    inorm the police o an incident is likely to be motivated

    more by the private interests o the company, its agents

    and its clients than by the needs o public saety. This lack

    o legal clarity and associated uncertainty limits what

    could potentially be a signicant contribution to public

    saety the ability o PSC agents to report any suspicious

    or criminal behaviour that they witness; under ideal

    circumstances, private security agents would consider it

    a responsibility to report all such behaviour to the police.

    Explore Different Models of Regulation

    The current regulatory regime divides responsibility or

    the oversight o the industry between the MICT and the

    HNP. Senior MINUSTAH ocials expressed concern

    that, under the current model, PSCs are not clearlycontrolled by the MICT which is only responsible

    or registering the companies and does not actively

    oversee or enorce regulations. To register a PSC under

    the 1989 Presidential Decree, directors must submit

    35 One PSC director stated that the standard protocol was or theagent to call the company and the company to report the incident tothe police i it is more than they can handle. Interviews with privatesecurity agents and PSCs directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    documentation as described in Table 3; once a company

    has been registered, the primary ongoing reporting

    responsibility is to renew rearms licences annually and

    pay the associated ees. The responsibility or enorcement

    rests with the HNP, although given that the DCPA has

    devoted no sta to the task, it is hardly surprising thatoversight o the industry has been minimal. According

    to MINUSTAH ocials, the regulation o PSCs has not

    been a priority in the past.

    The HNP development plan or 20122016 will

    attempt to address this issue. The plan proposes

    creating a special unit within the DCPA that will have

    primary responsibility or the ongoing enorcement o

    regulations.36

    Ensuring that the HNP devotes resourcesand personnel to the regulation o private security is

    necessary i Haitis current model is to succeed in asserting

    control over the industry. The HNP development plan

    should, thereore, be seen as a meaningul and credible

    step in the right direction.

    This course o reorm is best described as an attempt to

    improve the unctioning o the current system. It would

    see the MICT retain its role in licensing PSCs, receivingregular reports and granting rearms licences, while

    the specialized unit in the DCPA would continue to

    oversee the rearms registry, inspect rearms stores

    and investigate abuses o power. It may be possible to

    operate within the current general model o regulation by

    clariying roles and responsibilities, and improving the

    enorcement o regulations. This presupposes, however

    retaining a model o regulation that is really only one

    among several options available to Haiti, and one that

    has considerable downsides. The HNP, or example, is

    attempting to meet its commitments under the current

    system, but there appears to have been little system-wide

    consultation about how the regulatory regime could

    36 Interview with senior MINUSTAH ocials, Port-au-PrinceOctober 2011.

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    or should work. In interviews, parliamentary leaders

    involved in drating the new legislation suggested

    that current discussions involve making incremental

    improvements on the existing model, rather than

    establishing a new one. The legal reorm plan, backed

    by Senator Youri Latortue, envisions the HNP retainingresponsibility or oversight and enorcement o the

    industry.37 The proposed changes under this plan include

    measures to acilitate the purchase o rearms by PSCs,

    by allowing private business to sell rearms to them

    under the supervision o the HNP. Another proposed

    change would see the government relaxing domestic

    ownership requirements to allow up to 25 percent

    oreign ownership/investment in PSCs, presumably

    to give PSCs a source o capital needed to expand their

    operations.38

    Chile has had success with a model in which the

    Carabineros (the national police orce) are the chie

    supervisory authority, operating a subdirectorate or

    private security that issues permits or armed and

    unarmed personnel and perorms audits o PSCs,

    including periodic site visits (Dammert, 2008: 12). In

    Haiti, one o the primary challenges o retaining this kind

    o model is that it relies on two institutions, the MICT

    and the HNP, to commit resources to the oversight o the

    PSC industry when they have other pressing priorities. It

    is common across the region that, in countries where the

    police are strapped or manpower, the work o regulating

    and training private personnel is oten neglected in order

    to ocus resources on crime prevention and control (OAS,

    2008). Models vesting extensive authority in the policehave not proven eective in other Caribbean contexts,

    largely because they add responsibilities to an already

    overstretched police orce. Under these conditions, the

    regulation o private security will invariably be a low

    37 Interview with Senator Youri Latortue, Port-au-Prince, October2011.

    38 Ibid.

    priority. The act that high-ranking HNP ocials own

    PSCs creates signicant scope or conficts o interest

    and possible regulatory capture.39 As a study o private

    security regulation in Bulgaria warns, because the

    majority o PSCs are either staed or run by ormer

    police ocers, assigning the oversight o PSCs solely tothe police leaves signicant room or inormal relations

    between PSCs and their regulators (Gounev, 2006).

    Another regulatory model adopted by severa

    Caribbean countries40 is establishing boards or

    committees to oversee the industry, usually comprised

    o ocials rom various backgrounds including

    law enorcement, justice and the private security

    industry. The obvious drawback o this approach isthat, like the police themselves, committee members

    have other responsibilities that require the majority o

    their attention.41 The result has been that the boards are

    rarely convened and when they are, they have diculty

    ollowing through with the decisions that are made.4

    In St. Lucia, or instance, legislation was passed in 2006

    calling or the creation o a board to oversee the private

    security industry, but almost six years later, that board has

    still ailed to materialize.43 Again, the key consideration is

    not so much the model itsel, but ensuring that ocials

    devote the resources required to oversee the private

    security industry (Hill, 2011).

    39 Regulatory capture is dened as collusion between theregulated and the regulator as a result o shared experiences in themarketplace, shared ideologies, and circulation o members betweenthe industry and the government bodies designated as controllers

    (Manning, 1987).40 The OAS has conducted research in Latin America and theCaribbean exploring dierent models or the regulation o the privatesecurity industry. These models to assert public control over theprivate security industry range rom establishing statutory agenciesresponsible or the oversight o the industry, to more permissivemodels that contain little more than a mechanism to grant operationsand rearms licenses.

    41 Interview with Sheridon Hill, analyst and consultant at the OASNovember 2011.

    42 Ibid.

    43 Ibid.

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    In each o the models discussed above, the

    responsibility or oversight is divided between the

    police and government ministries. In its SSR handbook,

    the Organisation or Economic Co-operation and

    Developments Development Assistance Committee

    (OECD DAC) identies the lack o a single regulatoryauthority or oversight mechanism as a challenge to

    eective reorm (2007: 217), while a 2007 report rom

    the Latin American Faculty o Social Sciences (FLACSO)

    recommended the creation o independent regulatory

    bodies to oversee the industry in Latin America and

    the Caribbean (Dammert, 2007). Thus, a third option

    or Haiti is to replace the current regime with a separate

    statutory body housed in the MICT that would assume

    responsibilities that are currently divided between the

    MICT and HNP, including the authorization to control

    the licensing o companies and agents, ensure regular

    reporting rom the industry, inspect rearms stores

    and report violations to police authorities. A model or

    such an option in Haiti is Jamaica, which has one o

    the best-regulated industries in the region. Jamaicas

    private security industry has been overseen since 1992by the Private Security Regulation Authority (PSRA), a

    statutory body under the Ministry o National Security

    This independent body is headed by a nine-member

    board, with a secretariat o 29 sta members. Critically

    the oversight o the industry is the sole responsibility o

    the PSRAs directors and sta. This structure allows it

    to assert much more control over the industry than the

    current Haitian model.44

    44 As an example o the departments better control over theindustry, the Jamaican PSRA regularly publishes and updates a listo PSCs licensed to operate, along with the number o agents and thedate o expiry o each companys licence on its website.

    tal 5: rla mls Sl caa cs

    Level Country Model

    1 Jamaica Separate statutory body overseeing the industry

    In 1992, Jamaica passed the PSRA Act, establishing a statutory body under the Ministry o National Security, whose sole unction is to regulate and monitorprivate security agents and companies. This independent body is headed by a nine-member board with a secretariat o 29 sta members. The PSRA receives

    unding and stang rom the state and has the authority to: grant, reuse, suspend or cancel licences or registration cards issued to the private securityindustry; consider and determine applications made under the PSRA Act or registration and licensing and the renewal licences. Jamaica is unique in the regionin having an independent oversight body with permanent sta, legal authority and a guaranteed budget. Critically, the oversight o the industry is the sole taskand responsibility o agencys directors and sta.

    2 Barbados and St. Lucia Board/committee oversight

    Another model adopted by several Caribbean countries is to establish boards and committees to oversee and perorm regulatory unctions over the industrythat are made up o ocials rom various backgrounds, including law enorcement, justice and the private security industry. Without permanent sta devotedsolely to monitoring the industry, the boards typically do not take advantage o whatever powers o oversight or control are available to them. In St. Lucia,or example, legislation creating a board to oversee the private security industry was passed in 2006, but almost six years later, that board has still not beenestablished.*

    3 Belize Oversight by individual ocials

    This model is similar to the level 2 model, except that the responsibility or regulation rests with a single entity or individual, usually the minister o nationalsecurity or the police commissioner. The oversight o the private security industry is usually a very low priority to these senior ocials.

    4 Dominica and Grenada No specic laws governing industry

    Dominica and Grenada are examples o the lowest level o regulation in the region. Neither country has specic laws regarding the private security industry.The only means or oversight are general legislation, which covers the establishment o corporations, and rearms legislation, which covers the steps to obtaina rearms licence.

    * Interview with Sheridon Hill, November 2011.

    Source: Hill (2011)

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    Haiti should select a model appropriate or its context.

    Simply increasing the volume o regulation and oversight

    is not a suitable context-specic strategy.45 The new rules

    and regulations must not be unnecessarily burdensome

    to either the companies or the state that has to enorce

    them. One benet o the separate regulatory body isthat it rees up police resources that would otherwise

    have been consumed perorming regulatory unctions.

    In terms o nancial resources, the Jamaican model calls

    or the regulatory body to be partially unded by the

    dues and ees it collects rom the PSCs. This has the dual

    benet o reducing the unding burden on the state46 and

    giving the oversight body an incentive to ensure that all

    companies are licensed and ees collected.47 Whatever

    ramework is eventually adopted, it must: establish a

    process or issuing and revoking operating licences or

    PSCs and set out the criteria that will be used to evaluate

    applications; ensure that licences or companies and

    rearms are temporary and subject to re-evaluation on a

    regular basis; perorm regular and random inspections o

    PSC arms depots to ensure that weapons and ammunition

    are stored in secure conditions and adequate accounting

    mechanisms are in place (South Eastern and EasternEurope Clearinghouse or the Control o Small Arms

    and Light Weapons [SEESAC], 2006a); and include clear

    requirements or quarterly or semi-annual reporting to

    the regulatory authority.

    45 It should be noted that ull regulation is a recent phenomenon in

    many developed countries (or example, the UK legislation was onlyormulated in 2001 and regulations and licensing only implementedin 2004 with the deadline or registration o guards only on 20 March2006) (Minnaar, 2007).

    46 The Jamaican PSRA was described as a sel-sustainingoperation by one expert. Interviews with the ormer chie o policeand current owner o PSC in Jamaica conducted by Sheridon Hill,obtained by author.

    47 None o the models developed in the region have been withoutproblems. One complaint about the Jamaican model is that it resultedin an increase in bureaucracy aced by company directors. Interviewswith ormer chie o police and current owner o PSC in Jamaicaconducted by Sheridon Hill, obtained by author.

    Commit the Necessary Resources

    An OAS report on private security in the Caribbean ound

    that, although most countries have passed legislation on

    private security, there is a lack o eective ollow-up

    mechanisms to ensure compliance with the provisions o

    the legislation (OAS, 2008).For instance, several models

    require that a supervisory council or board be designated

    to monitor activities in the security industry, but in

    most cases, this has not happened (OAS, 2008: 42-43)

    Refecting these shortcomings, an OAS report on private

    security in Latin America has identied as a constant

    the lack o mechanisms to carry out the tasks and apply

    the instruments provided by law (Dammert, 2008).

    The implementation o new legislation in Haiti must

    be matched by a commitment to actively implemen

    and enorce its provisions. Whatever model is adopted

    in Haiti, the will to establish rm systems o oversight

    is the most important prerequisite or success. The

    HNP development plan or 20122016, which includes

    creating and stang a special unit within the DCPA

    responsible or oversight, is an encouraging rst step

    As long as the current model remains in place, the MICTshould immediately resume the requirement or PSCs to

    submit detailed reports o their operations, including

    background checks or their personnel, accurate

    accountings o their rearms and associated licences.48

    I the government plans to collect this kind o detailed

    inormation, it should rst determine what inormation

    it needs, how it will be collected, how it will be stored

    and how it can be accessed i needed. Industry leadersraised the concern that, in 2008, the ministry demanded

    detailed inormation rom PSCs but did not seem to

    48 The government should gather the inormation in a standardizedway, but more technology is not necessarily the best answer. Althougha database would provide some clear benets, the ministry would beable to improve its data management structure simply by issuinga standardized orm requesting specic inormation rom eachcompany about its security agents and rearms licences. This wouldmake it much easier or regulators to nd inormation about eachcompany.

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    use or even review the inormation.49 One area where

    inormation gathering should be improved is with

    respect to individual agents. While the current regulatory

    system requires each company to periodically submit

    background checks or its security agents, in practice

    it is enorced inrequently and irregularly. Inractionsinvolving personnel usually only come to light ater an

    incident involving the police.

    ma Fs a Slf-la

    The state is not the only actor with the power to improve

    accountability; opportunities exist or successul public-

    private partnerships. An achievable rst step in this

    direction would be to encourage industry leaders to

    establish a voluntary code o conduct, based on the

    developing international standards laid out in documents

    such as the Sarajevo Code o Conduct or Private Security

    Companies and the International Code o Conduct or Private

    Security.50 The ounding statutes o APAS do not include

    a code o conduct, but they do require members to have

    solid internal legal structures and to be legally constituted

    and recognized by the MICT.51 The MICT, the HNP and

    industry leaders should agree on the basic parameters othe code, including a baseline requirement o personnel

    training, standards o conduct or interacting with the

    population and mechanisms or interacing with the

    police.

    To be successul, industry associations must provide

    membership benets that exceed its perceived costs. The

    principal benet that member PSCs derive rom private

    security industry associations is reputational, that is, theperceived standards o conduct and proessionalism

    vested in the association give the PSCs clientele

    condence in their proessionalism. As De Nevers notes,

    adhering to standards can be costly, and monitoring

    49 Interview with APAS ocial, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    50 For more inormation, see: SEESAC (2006a) and ICOC (2010).

    51 The APAS ounding statutes obtained by author.

    costs associated with sel-regulation are generally

    covered by industry members. Companies are only

    likely to pay these costs i there is a signicant market

    payo (2010: 224). At present, joining APAS only costs

    PSCs the registration dues associated with membership

    Whatever standards the Haitian government and APASagree upon, the main sanction or non-compliance will

    likely be expulsion rom the association, which will only

    be costly to PSCs as long as the reputational benet o the

    association is high.

    This is an area where the international community, as

    the industrys largest set o clients, has a responsibility to

    improve the governance o the private security industry

    by making use o the tools at their disposal. By providingmarket incentives, the international donor community

    may be able to tip the balance in avour o greater PSC

    sel-regulation. Interviews with PSC ocials indicated

    that certain countries are already doing this on an

    isolated, ad hoc basis. Canada, or instance, negotiates

    clauses stipulating the agents rate o pay and the amount

    o training they are required to have into the contracts

    awarded to PSCs that are hired protect the Canadian

    embassy in Haiti. These arrangements would have a

    greater overall impact i they could be generalized into

    a donor code o conduct or hiring PSCs. An example

    o such a donor code is the Sarajevo Client Guidelines or

    the Procurement o Private Security Companies, developed

    in tandem with the Sarajevo Code o Conduct or Private

    Security Companies mentioned previously. The Sarajevo

    client guidelines seek to improve the procurement

    practices o public sector institutions, many o whichhad previously awarded contracts on an inormal basis

    on the grounds o cost alone (SEESAC, 2006b). In Haiti

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    the push-pull o client demands and industry association

    commitments would go a long way in establishing

    baseline standards o training, accountability and

    proessionalism.

    An ancillary benet o sel-regulation is that, over time,

    it will help to move Haiti rom a sanctions-based regime

    where authorities impose penalties ater an event has

    occurred, to a compliance-based regime that pre-empts

    abuses by ostering a more closely controlled culture

    in the industry. There is a tendency under the current

    Haitian model to involve the police with the industry

    only when something goes wrong.52 A compliance model,

    however, seeks to impose conormity with a condition

    or state specied in ruleswith the aim o preventingharm (Manning, 1987). A successul compliance regime

    can reduce the states burden o oversight i it brings

    about change in the way the industry regulates itsel,

    or instance by ensuring that reports are submitted on

    time and without being prompted, actively investigating

    complaints and more thoroughly vetting employees.

    cl S

    In addition to partnering with the private security

    industry, the Haitian government and international

    community should engage with community groups

    to assess the publics experience with private security.

    O particular importance is the OPC, which should be

    prepared to eld complaints about the industry and reer

    them to the police to investigate.

    Along with concerns over the relationship between

    the industry and elements o society, the devolution o

    public security responsibilities to private actors brings

    up undamental questions o airness and justice. While

    the same criticism may be levelled at public security

    52 Interview with PSC directors, Port-au-Prince, October 2011.

    orces, private policing explicitly avours the wealthy.5

    Consequently, i public saety is considered a general

    responsibility o government, perhaps even a human

    right, then increased reliance on commercial private

    policing represents a growing injustice (Bayley and

    Shearing, 1996: 593). The commoditization o securityimplied by the private security industry arguably results

    in the partial privatization o a unction that by its nature

    should be essentially public and distributed according

    to need. Insecurity is thus an additional actor which

    reinorces inequality (OAS, 2008). As Wul argues

    zones o asymmetric security have emerged, or rather

    zones o insecurity or the poor and zones o relative

    security provided or people and their wealth by private

    companies (2006: 92).

    In most countries, a key objective o SSR programs is

    to rebuild the social contract between the state and its

    citizens. The Haitian states ractured relationship with

    its citizens and its perceived illegitimacy have proven

    to be obstacles to providing eective judicial and police

    services (Small Arms Survey, 2011: 233). Private security

    tends to create and enorce zones o exclusion areas

    where certain elements o society are permitted to enter

    and others are not. For decades, researchers have noted

    the blurring o distinctions between public and private

    space, introducing the concept o mass private property

    to describe public spaces that are privately owned

    (Shearing and Stenning, 1987; Bayley and Shearing, 1996)

    Many perceive Haitis instability as part o a broader class

    confict that has spanned generations and continues to

    ester. I the expansion o private security encourages theprogressive restriction o privately owned space to some

    members o the public, PSCs may come to be regarded

    as parties to economic and class conficts, charged with

    53 Private securitys deterrent eect may be unequally shared awell. Empirical work indicates that the relationship between privatesecurity and crime prevention is not straightorward. While privatesecurity can deter crime by increasing perceived risks, it can alsosimply divert criminals towards other victims. See, or instance, Kooand Png (1994).

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    enorcing a social order that is based on the exclusion o

    the poor. These actors risk undermining social cohesion

    and jeopardizing SSR goals. To adequately resolve these

    longer-term issues, partnerships and dialogue between

    what Bailes (2006) has called the triangle o security

    governance governments, business and civil society must be strengthened and expanded. State regulators

    and PSCs should organize a community orum on private

    security to hear rom the public about their experiences

    with the industry, both positive and negative. This would

    help to identiy the areas