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FIDC Asia-Pacific Regional Forum 2-3 July 2011 * UP Diliman, Quezon City

I. CONCEPT NOTE II. PROGRAM III. WORKSHOPS’ RESULTS IV. OVERALL ASSESSMENT V. OUTCOME DOCUMENT VI. DIRECTORY OF PARTICIPANTS

Annexes Speakers’ Presentations Official Photos

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I. CONCEPT NOTE Introduction

In June 27-30, 2010, the World Forum Alternatives (WFA) and the V Foro Internacional Democracia y Cooperacion (FIDC by its acronyms in Spanish) were simultaneously held in Cáceres, Spain. The meeting involved more than 300 people coming from both Spain, as well as representatives of civil society organizations in Latin America, Africa, Asia, Europe and international platforms.

The meeting analyzed the multiple crises and posited this as a crisis of world capitalism and compounded by environmental and climate crisis, energy, food, and weighed upon by increasing militarism and wars. The meeting also gave special attention to how these crises impacted on women, indigenous peoples, immigrant communities, peasants, Afro-descendants, workers and pensioners who have seen a reduction in social rights won through historical struggle.

The meeting provided the space for a critical reflection not just on the linkages between these crises, but also to revisit the dominant development paradigm, and to rethink the practice of international development cooperation, having in mind the transformative role of social movements, grassroots organizations and civil society as a whole. Rationale

The V International Forum on Democracy and Cooperation speaks of building synergies and solidarity beyond geographical and regional borders as a way forward in finding alternatives. It asserts the need to promote active citizenship to give life to a truly participatory democracy that strives to transform the institutional and structural causes of violence, exclusion, domination and exploitation that marginalized peoples suffer from throughout the world.

There is a need to amplify the critical voices from Asia, to contribute to the dialogue that is ongoing in the other global regions, particularly in Africa and Latin America.

The proposal to convene the FIDC Asia Regional Forum is being put forward not just to replicate

the international process, but also to bring the conversations with an Asian regional perspective. The FIDC Regional Forum will be organized with the following objectives in mind:

(a) To share and discuss the analysis and studies made by the networks, organizations and individuals about the effects, causes and mechanisms used by the different structures of political power, economic and ideological to face the crisis and its direct or induced effects against popular majorities in the region;

(b) To analyze and specify the conscious reaction of popular social movements to the impacts of crisis and the contradictory solutions imposed against their needs, aspirations, rights and loyalties;

(c) To discuss:

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Social impact on organizations, networks and social movements with a participatory and active pedagogy.

Strategic guidelines necessary for the effective political incidence, in this case, towards decision-making centers of political and economic power at different levels.

(d) To explore ways of working in mutual convergence of thought and action, without losing our

respective identities and find more solid ways to internationalize the joint action.

The FIDC Asia Regional Forum is conceived to facilitate the establishment of a Regional Platform for Asia, which will subsequently discuss mechanisms of coordination and preparation for the VI FIDC in 2012. Description of the Activity

The FIDC Asia Regional Forum is envisaged to be a 2-day activity to be held on July 2-3, 2011 in Manila, Philippines. This meeting will involve around thirty (30) representatives of networks and organizations of workers, women, migrants, indigenous people, peasants and fisherfolk, as well as others from civil society in Asia.

The FIDC Regional Forum will consist of panel presentations and study circles that will attempt to address different topics and issues along the following proposed themes: trade, human rights, gender, environment, democracy and cooperation.

There will also be space to explore on ways of cooperation and coordination, with the idea of bringing together a regional plan of action.

Some questions that may be explored during the FIDC Asia Regional Forum include:

What are cross-cutting issues on democracy in Asia?

In the period of rapid growth, what are the challenges to human rights in Asia?

What are the issues for the democracy in the context of war and conflict?

And others

The proposed venue for the meeting is at the Balay Kalinaw, UP Diliman, Quezon City.

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II. PROGRAM

FIDC Asia Regional Forum Balay Kalinaw, UP Diliman, Quezon City

2-3 July 2011

July 1 Arrival and check-in at Fersal Inn

July 2

9.00 – 9.15 Registration at Balay Kalinaw

9.15 – 9.30 Welcome + video message Carmelo

Odilia Abreu IEPALA

Introductions

9.30 – 10.00 Multiple Crises, Multiple burdens: Opportunities and Threats for Global Solidarity Response and Action

Tony Tujan IBON Demba Moussa Dembele Forum for African Alternatives

10.00-10.15 Open Forum

10.15 – 10.30 Coffee/Tea break

10.30 – 12.00 Moderator: Hsia (TASAT)

Panel 1: Looking at the crisis from the lens of the economy

The economic crisis and workers

Crisis and migrant workers The economic crisis from a gender perspective The economic crisis and Indigenous Peoples Q & A

Paul Quintos RESIST PK Murthy World Forum for Alternatives Chennaiah Poguri Asian Peasant Coalition Eni Lestari International Migrants’ Alliance Liza Masa International Women’s Alliance Jiten Yumnam Forum for Indigenous Peoples and Action

12.00– 1.00 Lunch break

1.00 – 2.30

Panel 2: Political challenges for Asia

Hon. Rafael Mariano Anakpawis Partylist

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Moderator: Anannya Bhatacharjee

Democratization or Decentralization? Increasing militarism, US bases Q & A

PK Murthy World Forum for Alternatives Rita Baua Bagong Alyansang Makabayan

2.30 - 330 Moderator: Len Cooper

Panel 3: War and Conflict Occupation and subversion of people’s will Counterinsurgency and human rights violations Indigenous peoples’ struggles Q & A

Yousef Habash Palestine NGO Network Fr. Allan Arzebuche OFM Tadz Ifurung Karapatan Joanna Carino Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL)

3.30 - 430 Break out groups

4.00 – 4.30 Coffee/tea break

4.30 – 5.30 Plenary and report back Wrap-up of Day 1

July 3

9.00 – 10.00 Moderator: Gert Libang

Panel 4: Responses of peoples movements and problems faced Migrants Peasants Youth Rural Women Women Workers Q & A

Irene Fernandez Eni Lestari Ka Daning Ramos JP Lapid Sarojeni Rengam Gertrudes Libang Elmer Labog

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10.00 – 11.00 Break out groups Problems and issues faced by peoples movements and possible solutions

11.00 – 11.15 Coffee/tea break

11.15 – 12.15 Presentation of results of break out groups

12.15 – 1.15 Lunch break

1.15 – 2.30

Break out groups Key messages of FIDC Asia Foro Mechanisms of coordination Activities, etc. plans

2.30 – 3.30 Presentation and deliberation on FIDC Asia Foro Unity Statement

Closing

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III. WORKSHOPS’ RESULTS

Day 1 Workshop Question: In your respective sub-region, what challenges (from the external environment) and issues brought about by these do you think should be addressed through and by civil society and social movements?

Australia

Southeast Asia (Group 1)

Southeast Asia (Group 2)

South Asia

Economic Crisis: Impact on Australia Cost of living, outstripping wages Profit share, growing workers share dropping Job security; concerns over home mortgage payments High individual debt Low unemployment historically (4% therefore demand for overseas labor) Attack on workers’ rights, the union movement Imperialist War/Aggression US Bases and facilities/Joint military exercises Australian forces off-shore Equipment and arms tied to US; huge expenditure per annum (22 billion per year) Anti-democratic law because of the US War on Terror Large level of US ownership of extracting industries *Clean Coal Technology*

1. Repressive governments and inter-governmental units – Southeast Asian governments are repressive, corrupt, pro-business, serving monopoly cap, anti-people. They pretend to respect HR and use HR to open up the region to the world market. They commit HRVs, COIN. They enact repressive laws and refuse to recognize the human rights of migrants and other sectors. They don’t do social impact assessment. There are also Islamic fundamentalists that in the government that are causing a lot of harm on the people. As to intergovernmental bodies, UN and ASEAN are ineffective. 2. TNCs, IFIs – they are getting more and more powerful and influential, they control the government and impose their own idea of development 3. lack of national industries 4. land monopoly 5. privatization >> what social movements should do: 1. struggle and at the same time push for the building of national industries 2. fight for land reform 3. maximize ASEAN ministerial meetings (not just the meetings of the heads of states) 4. make allies with parliamentarians 5. build unity/solidarity with other sectors 6. organize and educate the masses 7. need to identify whom to seek help from; need to build support

1) Food crisis 2) Labor flux 3) Migration 4) Free trade 5) Military intervention/ War on terror resulting in massive Human Rights Violations 6) Climate Change 7) Neo-colonial government 8) Special eco-zones 9) Mining 10) Land-use conversion to land grabbing

*Corporate Driven Media – which have become voice of corporates – now there is no media coverage of workers’ rights/social movements *Unregulated corporate working for profits in natural resource rich based areas/communities supported by states and multilateral institutions *More inequality – wages going down and profits going up *Human rights violations by states and private agencies *Derecognition of people/labor forces, people (workers) not seen as citizens/participants of democracy *Violence against women/dalits and other marginalized group *Suppression of democratic voices and rights/ infringement of fundamental rights *Overcoming culture of consumerism – propagated by imperialist countries *Denial of workers, including migrant workers’ rights *Brain drain *Non-recognition of indigenous people’s rights, including right to self determination *Caste based discrimination *Shrinking of democratic spaces and corruption of democratic structures and processes *Discussion goes beyond challenges’ identification *How to address issues as social movement

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system 8. pressure and shame the UN and national governments through different means

Day 2 I. From the list of issues/challenges identified yesterday, identify three (3) campaigns that, as FIDC Asia, we can take on in the next three years. (optional) II. As FIDC Asia, what will be our key messages, in terms of:

a) priorities? b) analyses? c) challenges? d) solutions?

III. How do we work together? What will be the mechanisms for coordination? IV. What will be the activities in the run-up to the 6th FIDC?

Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 Group 5

Question 1: Three (3) Campaigns for FIDC Asia

>Food crisis >Non-recognition of the rights of IPs and national minorities rights to self-determination >Human rights violation by states and private agencies

>Land grabbing >Self-determination and militarization >Development aggression and militarization (violation of self-determination) >Recognition of rights of migrants and roots of forced migration

>Labor and migrant issues >Agrarian sector >Indigenous peoples >Women issues >Role of the state in terms of state policies and programs >Repression by state-national policies, policies on migration, land reform, programs for trade union >Attack of TNCs – development policies

>USA Foreign bases out of Asia >Fight against increasing attacks of neoliberalism on peasants and workers >Fight for democratic rights

>Civil liberties and war on terror >Land grabbing >Flexible labor and decent wages

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Question 2: Key Messages as FIDC Asia (optional)

None None None None >Building alliance and collective actions for a new Asia for the people - Anti-Imperialist - Democracy - Repressive Elite governments - Human rights based development vs. corporate led growth

Question 3: Mechanisms for Coordination

>Formation of FIDC-Asia in coordinating our issues >Setting up of Secretariat (who will be in-charge of communication and coordination of activities to other regions) >Appointment of focal person/organization per sub-region >Exchange programs

>There is a need for the coordinating body to represent the different sectors (e.g. peasants, IPs, youth, workers, women, etc). >A second level of coordination based on territorial representation is also needed (i.e. subregional groupings). >Formation of a coordinating body for FIDC Asia >Link with movements in Latin America, propose to IEPALA a people-to-people-solidarity exchange (e.g. meeting with other Latin American indigenous groups)

>Establish secretariat >Strengthen links between Africa, Latin America and Asia >Communication platform

>1 person to

take care of

collecting the

documents for

sending to

IEPALA and

other members

of the network

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Question 4: Activities in the run-up to VI FIDC

>To have thematic conference (or sectoral conference) e.g. women, peasant, growth, workers, env in preparation for the 6th FIDC

>Sharing experiences, struggles and victories to strengthen all our struggles >Lobbying UN >Proposal for global coordination >Greater representation of Asia at next FIDC globally >Agree on key issues in Asia to propose at next FIDC and coming up with a campaign >Propose fact finding solidarity mission and express our concerns >Identify a day of action or campaign (e.g. international, indigenous peoples and coordinate globally, or day of World Food Day)

> online information exchange -common website -information sharing- success stories >coordinated/ simultaneous actions put pressure in governments and international organizations regarding the four issues - picket or rallies to get media attention -something to work on for 1-2 years >information campaign and educational discussions -pamphlets to be distributed locally -educational discussion (ED) in particular a. educate regional issues- members of one subregion can conduct ED about situation in another region b. educate migrant workers on their rights c. educate workers, indigenous peoples, farmers, women on the four issues >integration and exposure programs >information dissemination -regular publication >organize an activity (forum) to reach-out to other parts of Asia like Central Asia

>To promote and support international demonstrations and public global resistance to the actual economic system and the international financial organisms. >Join the Arabs and European people’s struggles and movements on October 15th: International mobilization to fight for people’s rights.

>Present a collective analysis (sharper and comprehensive) to VI FIDC in Spain based on country researches on the three campaign issues >WEBINAR (e.g. discussion on new strategies being used by the imperialists) >Independent, coordinated actions >Forum >Raise funds for 1 to 4

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IV. OVERALL ASSESSMENT

At the FIDC Asia-Pacific Regional Forum, representatives of workers, peasants, indigenous peoples, minority nationalities, migrants, women, youth and other social movements in the Asia-Pacific region, gathered at the University of the Philippines Diliman in Quezon City, Philippines on 2-3 July 2011, to discuss the economic and political crises confronting the region, and identify common measures to address them.

During the first day of the Forum, the economic and political crises were discussed from the viewpoints of multiple sectors. After which, the participants were divided according to Asian sub-regional groupings to identify issues and challenges in their respective sub-region that they think should be addressed through and by civil society and social movements.

In the second day, the break-out groups selected three key campaigns from the long list of issues that will be taken on as FIDC Asia-Pacific, identified mechanisms for coordination and proposed a list of activities in the run-up to the VI FIDC.

The crucial outcomes of the Regional Forum are the signing of the FIDC Asia-Pacific Unity Statement and launching of the FIDC-Asia Pacific as an open platform for civil society and social movements in the region to strengthen international solidarity, people-to-people exchange, promote mutual learning, coordinate actions, conduct common campaigns and reach out to more people’s organizations and social movements throughout Asia and the Pacific.

Other important outcomes are the establishment of an Asia Follow-up Committee, composing of IBON, APRN, FMA, Gabriela/International Women’s Alliance, Migrante/International Migrants Alliance, and the appointment of IBON as the focal point and secretariat that will coordinate all regional and national initiatives including campaigning, information exchange, and other plans that will allow FIDC-AP to move forward.

The task of organizing the FIDC Forum clearly became easily plausible as it was held back-to-back with the International Festival for Peoples’ Rights and Struggles (IFPRS) and International League for Peoples’ Struggles (ILPS). Many of the participants have come to Manila on their own expense because of the IFPRS and ILPS, so this allowed IBON to cut on costs and logistical preparations for the FIDC Meeting. The IFPRS and ILPS presented an opportunity for IBON to smoothly organize an FIDC Regional Forum for Asia-Pacific without having to depend heavily on funding.

Clearly, there were also apparent drawbacks to this set-up and some shortcomings on the part of the organizers. During Day 2 of the FIDC, the total number of participants was reduced to half because some side meetings were already being held on the same day as part of the IFPRS event (e.g. the opening of the Migrants’ Assembly was held simultaneously with the FIDC in another venue in the university). There were also some logistical problems that arose. The secretariat experienced difficulty in rebooking PK Murthy’s flight that would have extended his stay and enabled him to participate in other international meetings. The unfortunate incident that befell Odilla and Karina of IEPALA is also to be assessed as a lapse in communication and coordination on the part of IBON as secretariat. It was not able to sufficiently coordinate with Gabriela to ensure the safe arrival of the IEPALA delegates to the venue, which could have prevented the incident that caused Odilla and Karina to miss the meeting.

In spite of these minor logistical lapses, however, the FIDC meeting was carried out successfully and received well by over 60 civil society organizations and social movements in Asia-Pacific. More importantly, the FIDC Forum was able to fulfill the all important objective of contributing to the dialogue ongoing in other regions like Africa and Latin America by amplifying the critical voices in Asia. The two-day Forum provided an avenue for CSOs and social movements in Asia-Pacific to discuss the multiple crises besetting them and identify areas for cooperation, and in so doing, facilitate the establishment of FIDC Asia-Pacific as a regional platform for Asia, which will jumpstart the process for better networking and consolidating regional efforts to build democracy, build progress and fight imperialism in this world.

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V. OUTCOME DOCUMENT

FIDC ASIA-PACIFIC DECLARATION FIDC Asia Regional Forum, Manila, 2-3 July2011

1. We representatives of workers, peasants, indigenous peoples, minority nationalities, migrants, women, youth

and other social movements in the Asia-Pacific region, have gathered here at the University of the Philippines Diliman in Quezon City, Philippines on July 2 and 3, 2011 for the Asia Regional Forum of the FIDC, a network of social movements in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Europe. In the past two days, we discussed the burning questions that today affect the world, as well as Asia’s nations and peoples; and the range of collective responses that are available to us. Most importantly we have decided to launch the FIDC for Asia and the Pacific to strengthen international solidarity among peoples and social movements in the region.

2. Through our exchanges and discussions, we have deepened our understanding about the on-going crisis in the global economic and financial system, the crisis in food and energy and capitalist-induced climate change and dispute the claim that Asia is unscathed by the global crisis. In fact we attest to the serious impact of these crises on workers, peasants, indigenous peoples, minority nationalities, migrants, women, and the youth of various countries in Asia – both in the more advanced economies such as in East Asia, and in the underdeveloped countries of Southeast, South, Central, and Southwest Asia as well. We see whole populations and communities affected by these crises in their daily lives, in terms of loss of lands, jobs and livelihood, rising prices, falling wages, shortages of food, fuel and other basic commodities, creeping hunger and disease, deteriorating education, health and other public services.

3. We recognize that these multiple and convergent crises wreaking havoc on our lives are generated by the

global capitalist system which is based on the monopoly control of a few elites of the advanced capitalist countries and within our own countries over the world’s productive resources, exploitation of working peoples, plunder of natural resources and the environment, and violence against the people especially in the South. We decry the fact that under imperialist globalization, Asian countries have been largely consigned to the role of cheap labor sweatshop and source of oil and other raw materials to feed debt-driven consumption in the North. This has only enriched transnational corporations and local corporate and landlord elites but has increased poverty, inequity, oppression and environmental destruction that wreak havoc on the lives of the majority.

4. We recognize that there is also a growing crisis of governance, political legitimacy and conflicts in the region, as many Asian states respond to their people’s demands for right to self-determination, jobs, access and control over land and other productive resources, social services, government accountability and genuine democracy through repression of people’s rights. In some areas, mass unrest and people’s resistance is met with ferocious state repression and counter-insurgency programs often congruent with global counter-insurgency, including the US-led ‘war on terror’. Asia is thus witness to numerous instances of US interventionist attacks and growing military presence in land, sea-lanes, and airspace.

5. We see more and more Asian people waking up to the need for urgent collective response to their problems,

and taking a serious look at other development paradigms and alternatives that may provide solutions and show the way out of the crises. We welcome the growing local actions of social movements in the different countries of Asia and other global regions representing the poor and marginalized. We welcome these groups’ and networks’ increased coordination and solidarity on a national, regional and global scale.

6. We realize that the past two decades have shown the bankruptcy of the neoliberal capitalist paradigm and that it is in fact bringing the world’s civilizations into the brink of disaster. We note with optimism, however, that the same period has witnessed the rise or rediscovery of alternative paradigms. We are optimistic that we are in the right direction of building consensus in adopting new strategies for resistance and struggle for social

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change as well as urgent solutions to the crisis that are beneficial to the peoples of Asia, especially the poor and marginalized.

7. Therefore we proudly launch the FIDC Asia-Pacific as an open platform for social movements in the region to strengthen our international solidarity, exchange information, people-to-people exchange, promote mutual learning, coordinate actions, conduct common campaigns and reach out to more people’s organizations and social movements throughout Asia and the Pacific. We believe a strong platform for social movements in Asia will also strengthen international solidarity with peoples and movements in Africa, Latin America as well as in North America and Europe and therefore strengthen people’s resistance against imperialism and for building democratic alternatives for the wellbeing of all.

July 2011 UP Diliman, Quezon City Philippines Signatories:

NAME ORGANIZATION

1. Mary Ann Sapar Gabriela - Davao

2. Virgie Dammay INNABUYOG

3. Aaron Ceradoy ASA/APMM

4. Indra Wanem FEONA - Hong Kong

5. Greg Cabanos Migrante - Melbourne

6. Elmer Labog KMU

7. Bichthuy Pham Asian Women at Work, Inc.

8. Anannya Bhattacharjee Asia Floor Wage Alliance

9. Paul Quintos IBON

10. Anna Leah Escnesa EILER

11. Tadz Ifurung KARAPATAN

12. Roy Anunciacion PCFS

13. Romlah Rosidah PILAR

14. Gert A. R. Libang Gabriela - National

15. Len Cooper ILPS Australia

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16. Joanna K. Carino Cordillera People’s Alliance - IPMSDL

17. Sarah Maramag Migrante International

18. Liza Maza International Women’s Alliance

19. Lina Cabaero Asian Women at Work

20. Romual Basilio KMU-SMR

21. Sivagurupatham PAN-AP

22. Jonus Galoy KASAMMA-KO

23. Mireya Estrada IEPALA

24. Chennaiah Poguri APVVU/NAWF

25. Jiten Yumnam FIPA/CCDD

26. Rev. Jang Chan Weon APWSL

27. Cynthia Deduro Migrante-Panay

28. Sring IMMU-HK

29. Eni Lestari ATKI-HK

30. Hsiao-Chuan Hsia TASAT

31. Hung-Man, Chih TASAT

32. Cheng-Ju Fen TASAT

33. Odilia Abreu IEPALA

34. Karina Sainz Borgo IEPALA

35. Alerce Fernandez Sanchez

IEPALA

36. Gloria D. Hernando KASAMMA-KO

37. Pam Galang KASAMMA-KO

38. April Galang KASAMMA-KO

39. Mac Etienne F. Fohtung PCFS

40. Erna TASAT

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41. JP Lapid LFS

42. Bai Ali Indayla KAWAGIB

43. Kenette Jean Millondaga

WSRC-SMRI

44. Lory Pabunag Lawig Bubai

45. Amalia Panayaman Khadidja-Davao

46. Erin Palomares APRN/IBON

47. Chang Cheng 4-Way Voice

48. Liao Yun Chan 4-Way Voice

49. Demba M. Dembele ATA/DK2011

50. P.K. Murthy WFA/CITU

51. Parichat Jaroennon Thai Regional Alliance in HK

52. Indarti ATKI-Macau

53. Gurug Kumar Oversea Nepali Worker Union HK

54. Miles Queru-Asa KMU

55. Alvin Firmeza RWC SER

56. Rafael Mariano KMP/Anakpawis-PL

57. Rita Baua Bayan National

58. Yuly Chan Alliance for People’s Health

59. Danilo Ramos KMP/APC

60. Sylvia F. Mallari KMP/APC

61. Rodel Mesa UMA

62. Thomas van Beersum Fren

63. Leonard Imbiri YADUPA/DAP

64. Sarojeni V. Rengam PAN-AP/ARWC

65. Tony Tujan IBON

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66. Paul Quintos RESIST

67. Tetet Lauron PMCC

68. Lyn Pano APRN

DECLARACIÓN FIDC ASIA (Spanish version) FIDC Asia Regional Forum, Manila, 2-3 July2011

1. Nosotros, representantes de los trabajadores, campesinos, pueblos indígenas, nacionalidades minoritarias,

migrantes, mujeres, jóvenes y otros movimientos sociales de la región Asia-Pacífico, nos hemos reunido en la Universidad de Filipinas Diliman de Quezon City, Filipinas, el 2 y 3 de Julio de 2011 para el Foro Regional de Asia del FIDC, red de trabajo de movimientos sociales en Latinoamérica, África, Asia y Europa. Durante estos dos dias hemos discutido las cuestiones candentes que a día de hoy afectan a los pueblos y naciones de Asia y el mundo, así como la gama de respuestas disponibles. Más importante, hemos decidido lanzar el FIDC Asia - Pacífico para fortalecer la Solidaridad Internacional entre los pueblos y los movimientos sociales de la región.

2. A traves de intercambios y discusiones, hemos profundizado en nuestro conocimiento de la actual crisis de la economía global y el sistema financiero, la crisis de los alimentos y la energía y el cambio climático inducido por el sistema capitalista, rebatiendo el argumento de que Asia ha salido indemne de la crisis. De hecho, somos testigos del serio impacto de estas crisis en trabajadores, campesinos, pueblos indígenas, nacionalidades minoritarias, migrantes, mujeres y jóvenes de varios paises del continente tanto en las economías avanzadas de Asia Oriental como en los paises “subdesarrollados” del sudeste, sur, centro y sudoeste asiático. Observamos comunidades y poblaciones enteras afectadas por estas crisis en su día a día en términos de pérdida de tierras, trabajos y medios de vida, aumento de los precios, caida de los salarios, escasez de alimentos, petroleo y otros artículos básicos provocando hambre y enfermedades y deteriorando la educación, la salud y otros servicios públicos.

3. Reconocemos que estas crisis múltiples y convergentes que causan estragos en nuestras vidas están generadas por el sistema capitalista global basado en el control monopolístico por parte de unas pocas élites de los paises avanzados y de nuestros propios paises sobre los recursos productivos del planeta, la explotación de los trabajadores, el saqueo de los recursos naturales y el medio ambiente y la violencia contra las personas especialmente en los paises del Sur. Condenamos el hecho de que bajo la globalización imperialista se ha consignado a los paises de Asia al rol de maquilas para el empleo barato y la producción de petroleo y otras materias primas para alimentar el consumo impulsado por la deuda en el Norte. Estos acontecimientos no solo han logrado el enriquecimiento de corporaciones multunacionales y élites y terratenientes locales si no también el incremento de la pobreza, la desigualdad, la opresión y la destrucción del medio ambiente causando estragos en las vidas de la mayoría de la población.

4. Reconocemos que existe también una creciente crisis de gobernanza, legitimidad política y conflictos en la región a causa de que multitud de estados asiáticos responden a las demandas populares de auto determinación, trabajo, acceso y control de la tierra y otros recursos productivos, servicios sociales, responsabilidad política y auténtica democracia mediante represión de los derechos de las personas. En algunas areas, el descontento masivo y la resistencia popular es respondida con una feroz represión estatal y programas de contrainsurgencia a menudo congruentes con la contrainsurgencia global, incluida la “Guerra contra el terror” liderada por Estados Unidos. De este modo, Asia es testigo de los numerosos ataques intervencionistas de EEUU y de la creciente presencia militar en sus espacios terrestre, marítimo y aereo.

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5. Contemplamos cada vez a más y más asiáticos despertándo ante la necesidad de respuestas colectivas urgentes a sus problemas y considerando seriamente otros paradigmas de desarrollo y alternativas que puedan proporcionar soluciones y mostrar una salida a las multiples crisis. Damos la bienvenida al incremento de acciónes locales por parte de los movimientos sociales para dar representación a los pobres y marginalizados en los diferentes paises de Asia y otras regiones globales. Igualmente, damos la bienvenida al incremento de la cooperación y la solidaridad de estros grupos y redes en los niveles nacional, regional y global.

6. Somos conscientes de que las dos últimas décadas han mostrado la bancarrota del paradigma neoliberal capitalista, y que de hecho esto está llevando a las civilizaciones de todo el mundo al borde del desastre. Contemplamos con optimismo, sin embargo, como el mismo periodo es testigo del auge o redescubrimiento de paradigmas alternativos. Somos optimismas ante la dirección de construir consensos para adoptar nuevas estrategias de resistencia y lucha por el cambio social, así como soluciones urgentes para la crisis que beneficien a las personas de Asia, especialmente a los pobres y marginalizados.

7. En consecuencia, lanzamos el FIDC Asia – Pacífico como una plataforma abierta para la sociedad civil y los movimientos sociales de la región con el objetivo de fortalecer la solidaridad internacional, el intercambio entre los pueblos, promover el aprendizaje mutuo, coordinar acciones, llevar a cabo campañas comunes y llegar a más organizaciones populares y movimientos sociales a través de Asia y el Pacífico. Creemos que una plataforma fuerte para los movimientos sociales de Asia fortalecerá no solo la solidaridad internacional con personas y movimientos de África y América Latina así como Norte América y Europa, si no, a su vez, la resistencia de los pueblos contra el imperialismo y su capacidad para construir alternativas para el bienestar general.

Julio de 2011 UP Diliman, Quezon City Filipinas Firmantes:

NOMBRE ORGANIZACIÓN

1. Mary Ann Sapar Gabriela - Davao

2. Virgie Dammay INNABUYOG

3. Aaron Ceradoy ASA/APMM

4. Indra Wanem FEONA - Hong Kong

5. Greg Cabanos Migrante - Melbourne

6. Elmer Labog KMU

7. Bichthuy Pham Asian Women at Work, Inc.

8. Anannya Bhattacharjee Asia Floor Wage Alliance

9. Paul Quintos IBON

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10. Anna Leah Escnesa EILER

11. Tadz Ifurung KARAPATAN

12. Roy Anunciacion PCFS

13. Romlah Rosidah PILAR

14. Gert A. R. Libang Gabriela - National

15. Len Cooper ILPS Australia

16. Joanna K. Carino Cordillera People’s Alliance - IPMSDL

17. Sarah Maramag Migrante International

18. Liza Maza International Women’s Alliance

19. Lina Cabaero Asian Women at Work

20. Romual Basilio KMU-SMR

21. Sivagurupatham PAN-AP

22. Jonus Galoy KASAMMA-KO

23. Mireya Estrada IEPALA

24. P. Chennaiah APVVU/NAWF

25. Jiten Yumnam FIPA/CCDD

26. Rev. Jang Chan Weon APWSL

27. Cynthia Deduro Migrante-Panay

28. Sring IMMU-HK

29. Eni Lestari ATKI-HK

30. Hsiao-Chuan Hsia TASAT

31. Hung-Man, Chih TASAT

32. Cheng-Ju Fen TASAT

33. Odilia Abreu IEPALA

34. Karina Sainz Borgo IEPALA

19

35. Alerce Fernandez Sanchez

IEPALA

36. Gloria D. Hernando KASAMMA-KO

37. Pam Galang KASAMMA-KO

38. April Galang KASAMMA-KO

39. Mac Etienne F. Fohtung PCFS

40. Erna TASAT

41. JP Lapid LFS

42. Bai Ali Indayla KAWAGIB

43. Kenette Jean Millondaga

WSRC-SMRI

44. Lory Pabunag Lawig Bubai

45. Amalia Panayaman Khadidja-Davao

46. Erin Palomares APRN/IBON

47. Chang Cheng 4-Way Voice

48. Liao Yun Chan 4-Way Voice

49. Demba M. Dembele ATA/DK2011

50. P.K. Murthy WFA/CITU

51. Parichat Jaroennon Thai Regional Alliance in HK

52. Indarti ATKI-Macau

53. Gurug Kumar Oversea Nepali Worker Union HK

54. Miles Queru-Asa KMU

55. Alvin Firmeza RWC SER

56. Rafael Mariano KMP/Anakpawis-PL

57. Rita Baua Bayan National

58. Yuly Chan Alliance for People’s Health

59. Danilo Ramos KMP/APC

20

60. Sylvia F. Mallari KMP/APC

61. Rodel Mesa UMA

62. Thomas van Beersum Fren

63. Leonard Imbiri YADUPA/DAP

64. Sarojeni V. Rengam PAN-AP/ARWC

65. Tony Tujan IBON

66. Paul Quintos RESIST

67. Tetet Lauron PMCC

68. Lyn Pano APRN

21

VI. DIRECTORY OF PARTICIPANTS

NAME ORGANIZATION COUNTRY EMAIL ADDRESS

1. Mary Ann Sapar

Gabriela - Davao Philippines gabriela.davao@gmail.com

2. Virgie Dammay INNABUYOG Philippines

innabuyog@gmail.com

3. Aaron Ceradoy ASA/APMM

Hong Kong

asasec@netvigator.com

4. Indra Wanem FEONA – Hong

Kong

Hong Kong

wanem@hotmail.com

5. Greg Cabanos Migrante –

Melbourne

Australia

espectacion06@yahoo.com.au

6. Elmer Labog KMU

Philippines

kmuchairperson@gmail.com

7. Bichthuy Pham Asian Women at

Work, Inc.

Australia

bichthuypham@awaw.org.au

8. Anannya Bhattacharjee

Asia Floor Wage

Alliance

India

anannya48@gmail.com

9. Paul Quintos IBON

Philippines

pquintos@ibon.org

10. Anna Leah Escnesa

EILER Philippines

eiler.inc@gmail.com

11. Tadz Ifurung KARAPATAN

Philippines

taj.echotox@gmail.com

22

12. Roy Anunciacion PCFS Philippines ranunciacion@ibon.org

13. Romlah Rosidah PILAR HongKong rosidah_syafuddin@yahoo.com.sg

14. Gert A. R. Libang Gabriela -

National

Philippines garlibang@gmail.com

15. Len Cooper ILPS Australia Australia lencoop@iinet.net.au

16. Joanna K. Carino Cordillera People’s

Alliance - IPMSDL

Philippines jpks@cpaphils.org

17. Sarah Maramag Migrante

International

Philippines adarna@gmail.com

18. Liza Maza International

Women’s Alliance

Philippines largomaz@yahoo.com

19. Lina Cabaero Asian Women at

Work

Australia lcabaero@awatn.org.au

20. Romual Basilio KMU-SMR Philippines kmsm@yahoo.com

21. Sivagurupatham PAN-AP Malaysia sivagurupatham.vadivelu@panap.net

22. Jonus Galoy KASAMMA-KO South Korea jonusespino@gmail.com

23. Mireya Estrada IEPALA Spain ayerimiqe@gmail.com

24. Chennaiah Poguri APVVU/NAWF India apvvu98@gmail.com

25. Jiten Yumnam FIPA/CCDD Manipur,

India

mangangmacha@gmail.com

26. Rev. Jang Chan Weon

APWSL Korea labrev@hanmail.net

27. Cynthia Deduro Migrante-Panay Philippines migrante.panayguimaras@gmail.com

28. Sring IMMU-HK Hong Kong imwu.hk@gmail.com

29. Eni Lestari ATKI-HK Hong Kong lestarihk@gmail.com

23

30. Hsiao-Chuan Hsia TASAT Taiwan hsidochuan.hsia@gmail.com

31. Hung-Man, Chih TASAT Taiwan

32. Cheng-Ju Fen TASAT Taiwan rufen0529@gmail.com

33. Odilia Abreu IEPALA Spain odilia.abreu@iepala.es

34. Karina Sainz Borgo

IEPALA Spain karina.sainz@iepala.es

35. Alerce Fernandez Sanchez

IEPALA Spain zarkho@hotmail.com

36. Gloria D. Hernando

KASAMMA-KO South Korea gchernando@yahoo.com

37. Pam Galang KASAMMA-KO South Korea pamgalang@gmail.com

38. April Galang KASAMMA-KO South Korea aprilyusi@yahoo.com

39. Mac Etienne F. Fohtung

PCFS Cameroon ffohtung@yahoo.com

40. Erna TASAT Taiwan erna1001chen@gmail.com

41. JP Lapid LFS Philippines karteroman@gmail.com

42. Bai Ali Indayla KAWAGIB Philippines kawagibphils@yahoo.com

43. Kenette Jean Millondaga

WSRC-SMRI Philippines wsrcdavaophils@gmail.com

44. Lory Pabunag Lawig Bubai Philippines lawig_bubai@yahoo.com

45. Amalia Panayaman

Khadidja-Davao Philippines lawig_bubai@yahoo.com

46. Erin Palomares APRN Philippines epalomares@arpnet.org

47. Chang Cheng 4-Way Voice Taiwan eleven@4way.tw

48. Liao Yun Chan 4-Way Voice Taiwan vivian@4way.tw

24

49. Demba Dembele ATA/DK2011 Senegal dembuss@hotmail.com

50. P.K. Murthy WFA/CITU India murthycituorg@gmail.com

51. Parichat Jaroennon

Thai Regional

Alliance in HK

Hong Kong thai_alliance@hotmail.com

52. Indarti ATKI-Macau Macau indartiiin@yahoo.com

53. Gurug Kumar Oversea Nepali

Worker Union HK

Hong Kong onwuhk2003@yahoo.com

54. Miles Queru-Asa KMU Philippines kmu.intl@gmail.com

55. Alvin Firmeza RWC SER Philippines alvintirmeza@gmail.com

56. Rafael Mariano KMP/Anakpawis-

PL

Philippines kapaengmariano@yahoo.com

57. Rita Baua Bayan National Philippines bauarita@yahoo.com

58. Yuly Chan Alliance for

People’s Health

Canada yuly.chan@gmail.com

59. Danilo Ramos KMP/APC Philippines apcasia@yahoo.com

60. Sylvia F. Mallari KMP/APC Philippines apcasia@yahoo.com

61. Rodel Mesa UMA Philippines

62. Thomas van Beersum

Fren Netherlands tavb@planet.nl

63. Leonard Imbiri YADUPA/DAP West Papupa

Indonesia

imbirijerry@ymail.com

64. Sarojeni Rengam PAN-AP/ARWC Malaysia sarojeni.rengam@panap.net

65. Tony Tujan IBON Philippines atujan@ibon.org

66. Paul Quintos Resist Philippines pquintos@ibon.org

25

67. Tetet Lauron PMCC Philippines tlauron@ibon.org

68. Lyn Pano APRN Philippines lpano@aprnet.org

26

ANNEXES Speakers’ Presentations

Multiple Crises, Multiple Burdens: Opportunities and Threats for Global Solidarity Response and Action

Tony Tujan, IBON

The topic I have been given is on multiple crises and multiple burdens and it is very interesting that this is a topic for Asia. Because If you are a person outside Asia, you will think that, especially if you are so bombarded with mainstream propaganda, what you understand of Asia is that Asia does not need a crisis. That Asia was actually a region, where many countries such as China, the Philippines did not even go into recession. That when the world was in a lingering depression, Asia was already surging forward and now this year is projected to again renew double-digit growth. For the first time the Philippines reached 7% growth in a situation where there was a global crisis, so now the question is why should we, Asians, be talking about a crisis when Asians are so proud and already looking forward to an Asian Century? On the other hand, Asians are already looking at current statistics that show that in a matter of ten to twenty years the bulk of the global economy will be in Asia. The Asia and the Pacific is a region that has a severe duality and we should not forget that. We can say that there is always a duality everywhere, between the rich and the poor, the oppressed and the oppressor, the exploited and the exploiters. But the duality in Asia is more severe, and is starker because in Asia, the principles and efforts of transnational corporations who push for globalization was seemingly successful but at the expense of the people and many countries in Asia who are actually lingering in underdevelopment. So if you go around Asia and ask Asians, Asians who are serious will say ‘no, we have no reason to be proud because in all this wealth, each country in Asia is actually poor.’ That each country in Asia actually had their majority poor, whether it is China or India, Korea or the Philippines, Australia or the Pacific Islands. And therefore in each of our countries, the problem of poverty remains a serious threat. That is one issue that for us is important. How do we address the issue of democracy and development? You cannot have development through growth. You can only have development through democracy. And therefore the question of democratic development is fundamental to Asia, as well as Latin America and Africa, but in Asia the issue of democracy, human rights, access for people is very fundamental. You can see the extreme divisions of wealth in Asia. Which country in the world has the poorest person and richest person in the world? That is not the United States, but India. Which country in the world has the most extreme division of rich and poor, not in individuals but in terms of masses of people and you’d be surprised that is Malaysia because Malaysia has a multitude of Filipinos and Indonesian migrants undocumented and living in severe poverty. Because of this, Asia is not just about poverty but also, that where you have growth, that growth is on the backs of the people, is on the backs of the workers. So the question of workers is fundamental in Asia. Do you know that Asia has the highest level of flexibilization in the world? The ration of flexibilization in Asia is 9%. And it is highest not in East Asia, not in Southeast Asia, but it is highest in South Asia, where statistics show that workers in India and Bangladesh work regularly 9 hours per day. And work for their rights for shorter working hours and vacation leaves are easily transgressed. When you look at Asia, the sharpest element of this violation of workers’ rights is in the migrants.

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Migration is a big phenomenon to Asia. The top five remittance recipients in the world are China, India and the Philippines. The point is three of the top 5 are Asian countries. You have the Middle East, part of Asia which rests on migrants, you have focuses of growth in Asia, like Singapore Korea, Seoul and Hongkong and they rest on migrant’s work. Migrants are the worst form of flexibilization, not simply on time and lack of benefits but fliexibilizaton because migration is about an even more severe form of exploitation which is founded on the alienation of the worker from society and family. That alienation which makes the migrant worker more severe is actually the alienation where the worker is detached from family leaves and there is now the opportunity for the employer to exploit the worker for 24 hours, if it is physically possible. That alienation intensifies the exploitation that you have. In Asia, you have the worst form of trafficking of women. Women are trafficked in Bangladesh to India, from Central Asia to Russia, from Russia to China and the Middle East, and so on. Asia is booming supposedly, it is going to be an Asian century but it is something we cannot be proud of because it is going to be at the expense of the people. The challenge for us is that Asia actually faces multiple crises from a myth of boom, in the myth of boom. It seems as though we don’t have a crisis. You have the myth of boom but the reality is the crisis is there. First, the fundamental crisis created by feudalism, by a lack of capacity to free the people – to develop entrepreneurship because comprador landlords control Asian countries. Second, the crisis that globalization has brought to us because of transnational control. Third, the crisis of climate that we also feel. The majority of the top ten countries who will be most affected by climate change are found in Asia, the others are found in Africa. Desertification, storms, hurricanes, floodings, in the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh, India – these are the countries that are going to suffer tremendously as well as the countries in Francophone Africa. And then you have the crisis, the speculative crisis of globalization that has created problems for us in terms of food riots, food crisis, energy crisis and all of these eat into the problems of our wages. That situation of multiple crises that in Asia is very much clouded beguiles the people of Asia. In Europe you find now, youth of Spain calling for revolution. In Asia, you have a long tradition of struggle. But the people are confused. It seems there is growth, but then why don’t they have jobs? Why are things so expensive and they cannot afford to buy even food. Why is our family broken up? We have problems that we need to strengthen our solidarity – so that our movements in each of our countries can understand our interrelations and we can strengthen each other. This is the challenge and this is what the FIDC for Asia can help. Because the FIDC is meant to strengthen the capacity, the opportunity to link ourselves and movements, to exchange our experiences, views so we can strengthen each other and in the process advance. There are wonderful experiences, for example, the workers in New Zealand who have been able to organize workers who have been contractual flexible workers. We know that flexibilized workers cannot be unionized but they were able to do this in New Zealand and that has now revitalized the trade union movements. We know there are very strong advances of indigenous peoples (IPs) in India, Philippines, and these are struggles of people who are creating their nation as a people pushing for self-determination. The point of this meeting is precisely to go through that. As we go through that, we know that the difference in Asia is we have a problem, seemingly a benefit of growth, but a problem really that that growth beguiles us, confuses the people, creates new problems, more complicated problems of how people can build democracy in Asia. I would like to end there and I think I welcome you to the next two days where we are able to flesh this discussion out for building a people’s solidarity and movement in Asia and Pacific.

Multiple Crises, Multiple Burdens: Opportunities and Threats for Global Solidarity Response and Action Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum for Alternatives

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First of all, I thank IBON for giving me an opportunity to talk about what’s happening in Africa. Ever since the 15th century, there has been slavery and there has always been crisis in Africa. When we see in our TV screens about what’s happening in Greece, the structural adjustments Greece is going through. The IMFs and WB destroyed Africa in the 80s and 90s, with the same structural adjustments. Unfortunately, our friends in Greece, to some extent in Spain, Portugal and Ireland are going through the same disastrous economic and social policies. Policies that benefit few people in the world, the privileged who are driving the new global system and are just making our lives more unbearable. When it comes to Africa, all different crises we are talking about– food crisis, climate change, financial crisis, air polluting crisis – all these crises are going on in Africa. But in addition to that, we have military intervention, militarization, imperialist wars of aggression. You know what’s happening in Libya, men under the pretext of humanitarian intervention, they are looking to put on their hands on Libyan oil and resources, which had nothing to do with humanitarian intervention. The United States and France, never cared about the Libyan people, the

African people. All they cared about are their interests. Things are worsening while at the same time they are saying growth is picking up in Africa. Because of our natural resources, our properties are selling well. But to the benefit of whom? Not to the benefit of the African people. The latest report by UNCTAD titled the “Least Developed Countries Report”, so called poorest countries, says poverty is worsening in Africa and other Least Developed Countries (LDCs). Of the 49 LDCs in the world, 33 are in Africa. And over the last 50 years, the IMF and WB and the powers behind them said they’re in Africa to promote growth and development, but the end result is more poverty, more social exploitation, more foreign intervention. But the good news is people are waking up. The World Social Forum in Dhaka saw a vibrant African social movement coming from all over Africa by caravans. Thousands of African participants coming from 50 African countries, from North to South, from West to East, women, men, even some children came along. Networks are building; organizations are strengthening to oppose these failed neoliberal policies, to oppose dictatorship. You have heard of popular uprisings or even revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt and these examples are spreading. Just a week ago, we have a kind of popular uprising against our president who wanted to make a constitutional change to allow him to run for his third term last year. But on June 23rd, the whole country was in streets and at the end of the day, he backed down, and removed that constitutional change. For him the game is over. Why? Because people now know what their rights are. Only the struggle pays off. If you want to defend your rights, you have to stand up for your rights. Everywhere people are standing up for their rights, people are opposing the fascist, imperialist system in Europe, Africa and Asia. The militarization of the country is part of their strategy because they think it’s the only way to save capitalism. Capitalism is dying. Its agony may go over quite some time but its death is irreversible. And the multiple crises just illustrate how this system is fraud, how this system is against the interest of the people. What we need is to strengthen our resolve to oppose the system is to build our organizations and above all, build our solidarity. In 1955 there was a historic conference called Bandung Conference in Indonesia. That Conference where former colonized countries said we want a new world order, that Bandung Conference was instrumental in changing the things at the time. Now we need to build another Bandung. It is peoples’ organizations, our solidarity in Asia and Africa

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to strengthen that solidarity. But beyond Asia and Africa, strengthen the solidarity with other peoples, in Latin America and Europe because whatever the local features of struggles, we are fighting the same enemy. It is capitalism and imperialism. So my friends over the next two days we’ll have time to go over the different issues and strengthen our understanding of what’s going on in the world today and have a clear vision of what we need to do. Fight the system and bring about another world as the World Social Forum says. Thank you very much.

Looking at the crisis from the lens of the economy

Paul Quintos, RESIST I’d like to start with the current discourse or dominant message about the economic situation in the world today which is that apart from the sovereign debt crises increase, peripheral crises in Europe, the world economy is on the way to recovery. In fact it has recovered, very much especially so in Asia. It’s very important to demystify and critically examine this dominant discourse. When we speak of recovery, the first thing we should ask is ‘recovery for whom’? If we look at the business press, it does confirm that there is recovery but recovery for the same institutions and multilateral corporations and big multinational banks responsible for the crisis. The latest Fortune 500 report on the US reporting on the profits of the biggest corporations in the US which is the center of the current global economic crisis that erupted in late 2007. We have near record levels of increase in profits in the last year for the top 500 companies in the US. If you look at household wealth, the richest 1%

in the US gained by eight trillion dollars in terms of household wealth. By household wealth, we refer not just to incomes but to financial assets, land, equipment and so on. And for the richest .1%, the richest of the rich, top oligarchs in the economy, again there is a rapid increase in wealth, amidst the crisis. But if we look at the situation for the majority of the working people, in the US for instance, it is clear that there is recovery in terms of profit, but in terms of jobs, we see continued decline in employment situation for the working people in the US. If you look at it globally, there are still record-levels of unemployment, despite claims of global recovery. According to the ILO, five million workers are unemployed. That excludes the number of underemployed or those in precarious forms of employment or flexible forms of employment, those without job security, security benefits without prospects for improving their standards of living. In Asia-Pacific alone, we have around 500 million unemployed or underemployed. And those living in extreme poverty continue to increase particularly those suffering from hunger or food deficits. What is happening is in the global crisis, the concentration of wealth is becoming even more pronounced and more concentrated among the rich while the poor are suffering the most. This is exacerbating a longer-term trend in terms of the concentration of wealth falling to the topmost of the population. For instance, In different parts of the world, there is declining share of income going to the working class. This is true for advanced economies for Asia, Africa, Latin America. Amidst the crisis, this is becoming more pronounced. This longer term trend is central to understanding the global crisis. It demonstrates that the current system is based on enriching the few at the expense of the many. The system is based on exploitation by those who own the global wealth exploiting the many. The wealth creation created by the working people is only concentrated among the richest in the world population. This creates conditions wherein

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the production that the working class is producing in the world is in excess of what working people can afford to consume. What is happening is because there is a crisis of overproduction, more investment capital are being reinvested in speculation rather than in the real economy. And so you have securitization, subprime mortgage crisis, debt, defaults and so on. In Asia-Pacific, Tony has already discussed that the claim is that we weren’t affected by the crisis. But if you look at the economic patter in Asia, the rapid growth in Asia can only be accounted for two subcontinental countries – China and India. And if you remove that, the Asian economies actually contracted. But even going beyond the issue of GDP, we know GDPs do not measure people’s well-being. In fact, two-thirds of global poverty is still in Asia. The so-called rapid growth in Asia has been accompanied by rising inequities, widespread destruction of natural resources. The current crisis merely affirms that the export-led growth based on cheap labor and resource extraction in Asia, and debt-fuelled consumption in the North is no longer sustainable and we cannot go back to that. Amidst the crisis and so-called recovery, we are confronting more new threats. One is the threat of renewed speculation and new asset bubbles forming. Because of the policy of quantitative easing in the US, more speculative capital is slowing and is creating more asset bubbles in Asia particularly in property markets and equity markets, which can lead to a new financial convulsion like the crisis we experienced in 1997. We are also experiencing a renewed bout of fuel and food price inflation. We already have a 35% increase in food prices, not so much in rice. This is driven by many factors. Among the many factors driving rising inflation is the shift to biofuels, land grabbing and heightened speculative activity. More finance capital is flowing not in real production but to speculation including speculation in commodity prices. And this is driving prices of food and other commodities upward. Another is land grab. Because of the intensifying competition for control of resources, we have the phenomenon of land grab. Another is the threat of climate change which is affecting food production in Asia-Pacific, affecting health and the capacity of people to meet their livelihoods for subsistence. There’s also the phenomenon of new forms of development aggression. One thrust of international financial institutions is to use the excuse of underdevelopment in Asia-Pacific to encourage more new investments in infrastructure in particular. Finance capital is looking for new investment outlets. Infrastructure offers around 1.2 billion per year in new investment opportunities for investors. But at the same time, because infrastructure projects are supposedly more risky and more long-term, they are also demanding more support from the government. That’s why many governments including bankings and IFIs supporting infrastructure investments through so-called public-private partnerships. Essentially, the government providing backing, risk guarantees to investors so it becomes a win-win solution but win-win only for finance capitalists, in particular. These are just some of the new imperialist offenses that we are confronting amidst continuing depression and crisis. What we need to be doing is fighting these new forms of aggressions, impositions on working people in the world and struggling for more meaningful pro-people reforms. By pro-people reforms, I mean those responding to the needed complete means of the people but at the same time circumscribing the power of elites and monopoly capital in the world. Redistributive measures are examples, land reform, fighting for universal social services and so on. But ultimately, what we need to do is battle or fight for system change. Because the very logic of the system is based on exploitation of the many by the few. Therefore the basic conditions that lead to crisis, impoverishment, oppression, will need to be dismantled. That can only be done if we find a new system based on the more collective and democratic ownership for the means of production, democratic planning for the economy and society and decision-making in society.

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Globalisation: New Challenges to the Working Class and the Trade Union Movement

PK Murthy, WORLD FORUM FOR ALTERNATIVES The challenges faced by the Working Class and the Trade Union Movement in almost all countries in the world – be it in developing or developed countries, call for New Approaches, New Tasks and New Roles. The fast and dramatic structural adjustments imposed by the IMF/WB/WTO combine at the behest of MNCs and American/EU imperialists powers, in the economics of the developing countries, have brought changes in the National and International Labour both in respect to the worsening conditions and the power relations. While the Working Class and the Trade Union Movement are both related to a long tradition of struggles of protecting workers, for better equipping people of work and for wider emancipation and democratisation, it is clear today that the Working Class and the Trade Union Movement are unable to counter the aggressive changes that are taking place in the broader economic and political environment in general. Today’s world is marked by a drastic rise of the multinational’s power and by a great fall of the state intervention capacity. Thus the trade union movements faced with a radically different situation. It needs to gear up to this New Challenges or else, this may become a question of Life and Death for the Trade Union Movement as a whole. The history of the Working Class and the Trade Union Movement is deeply rooted for the last 2 centuries since the process of industrialisation that has developed very unevenly in countries around the world and since the industrial revolution. In the early years, in the developing countries as in the developed countries, national policies were drawn for the promotion of the industry and for the formation and the cartel of labour through industrial relations legislations. The close association between the Trade Unions and Modern Economic sectors had been the history of the Labour Movement in India. Industrialisation proceeded under protective conditions with gradual shifts from labour intensive such as textiles and leather to capital intensive ones like engineering and capital goods. Protection of workers was often much enhanced as the state frequently became heavily involved in the economy as owner of strategic enterprises in the public sector. Under such circumstances, the Trade Union Movement was favourably placed to build powerful positions in collective bargaining process. The complete turn about came in the 1980’s. The process was fostered by ideological, neo liberal preferences for ‘Free Market’ and the assured ‘Laissez Faire’ character. Privatisation, Liberalisation and Globalisation were the main aspects of this neo liberal policies pursued world over. Since the 90’s, the capital has become more mobile and global, integrated and powerful while the Trade Union Movement is getting fragmented and in many countries it is getting weaker. This change had a deep impact on systems of industrial relations that had developed for decade in close cooperation with the state. The availability of cheap labour including child and discriminating treatment of women became crucial in the struggle to conquer international markets. Even in countries like India where the Trade Union Movement has a tradition of more than a century of struggle and where it has been an important actor in defending workers’ rights and in struggling for Independence and Democracy, it is now facing tremendous hurdles. With Imperialist Globalisation, the emergence of a Global Economy and World-wide Capital Markets, the Labour Movement as a whole is facing great difficulties. The globalisation of poverty is accompanied by the reshaping of National Economies of developing countries and the redefinition of their role in the new economic order.

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The successive governments since the 80’s, be it the Congress Party and its allies (United Progressive Alliance - UPA ) or the Bharatiya Janata party - BJP ( the Hindou Nationalist Fascist Party ) and its alliance (National democratic Alliance – NDA), have adopted privatisation and liberalisation as the ‘’mantras for development’’ thus throwing open all sectors in the country to MNC’s and to foreign investments– industry (basic infrastructure – power generation, minerals extraction, rail, transport, roads etc) , agriculture, health, education. Liberalisation has created thousands of SEZs (Special Economic Zones) throughout the country in all states including state ruled by the Left Front where laws of the land are not valid and labour laws thrown to the dustbin. India’s colonisation started with the concession of one port to the British three hundred years ago, now the opening of these thousands of SEZs may leave the country subjugated and recolonized for many, many years to come. Privatisation is invading all the Public Sector which constituted the pillar of the infrastructure for development built since 1947, with workers loosing job security and contract labourers replacing them at very low wages and with no social guarantees. The fact that India is having a huge pool of unemployed and jobless youth, allows the MNCs to get cheap and often well trained manpower such is the case even in informatic technology. This explains the problem of outsourcing which is much talked in the Western countries and where the Trade Unions in these countries have failed to educate their workers instead of putting workers of the developed world and of developing against each other. Women are drawn in the SEZs as they are cheap and often unorganized. No MNCs allow workers to constitute their collective bargaining organization – In 2005, workers from the Honda factory in Gurgaon (just 50 Km from New Delhi) in Haryana, dared to form an union, they were harassed by the management and the state police and to break their struggle police intervened on the management’s side and they resorted to all out firing on workers and harassment of workers families. After three months of struggle, they were taken back in their job but only after they submitted an undertaking that they will not organise themselves in an union or join any union. Every passing day, onslaughts on the workers are ever increasing. The 2 major Unions INTUC of the Congress and the BMS of the BJP are toeing their parties political line and they are subscribing to the neo liberal policies pursued by their governments. They state that this is the cost, we need to pay to ensure a better future and development and this is inevitable. In the era of Globalisation, we can’t keep out of the globalised market and the competition, so we must allow the flow of the foreign investment and we must opt for liberalisation and privatisation which in turn will boost the national economy. The trade unions of the left parties – AICTU, CITU and also to an extent the HMS along with many others militant left trade unions are steadily putting fights against these anti people and anti workers’ neo liberal policies and are struggling to defend and to preserve all the Rights which were snatched after years of struggle before they could be taken away. The 14th September 2005 and the 27th December 2006, all India strikes with millions (50 to 60 million) from all sectors – industrial, services, education, and from all the unions including employees and workers belonging to the INTUC and the BMS, joining the strike. It only proves that workers’ readiness to fight back and that they are not agreeing to bow down to the diktat of the Imperialists powers or the MNCs. Naturally, the oppression and control of the labour organisation formed an important part of this neo liberal strategy of industrialisation. Now, ever than before, workers throughout the world need to come together and close their ranks to defend and to protect their hard earned Rights but sadly the Trade Unions are remaining confined within their national borders and worse they operate as local branches in the factory or in the same industry. The Trade Union Movement that could earlier develop and resist strongly, is finding itself in the defense. In the early days of the Industrial Revolution, the Trade Union Movement attempted to build itself on an international level. The First International (1864-76) brought together trade unions of different political shades. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, 3 main streams dominated the Trade Union Movement as a whole. - The Red Trade Unions Internatioanl later known as World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). - The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions of the Social Democrats (ICFTU).

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- The World Confederation of Labour (WCL ). With the collapse of the Soviet Union, WFTU has lost most of its strength and sadly it is now almost withering away. While on the other end ICFTU and WCL have merged into one federation under a new name as the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and many important Federations like the CGT (France), COSATU (South Africa), CUT (Brasil) joining it. But there is little scope that the ICTU can stand up to oppose this attack on the Working class or the Trade Union Movement. What is to be done to stop this Onslaught? Against a Globalised Onslaught of the Finance Capital, we need to organise ourselves for a Globalised Resistance. - Relate day to day Trade Union struggle against the ‘’Free Trade Policy’’, Liberalisation, Privatisation. - Organise the people so that they could defend the Public and Social Services. Defend their hard won trade union Rights - Struggle for Equal Rights in the same concern and group of the MNCs. - Organise and mobilise people against Multinationals. Multinationals determine the Globalisation’s Policy thus the need to attack the very base of the concerned MNCs. - Strive for collective bargaining at the International level in the same concern of MNCs. - Build bridges that bring together the trade unions with the idea of developing International Trade Union Solidarity. - Struggle for the Implementation of all Labour Rights agreed at the International Labour Organisation and fight for regularisation of International Labour Laws. - Organise International Struggles. Multinationals are having their own International Strategy but Trade Unions are still bogged within National boundaries. - Build up Solidarity Movements with the multiple Social Movements – ecologist, feminist, civil rights, anti war/anti nuclear, anti racist/caste/ communal, Third World Solidarity Movements. The need of “the Globalisation” of struggle is fundamental and it requires a degree of Solidarity and Internationalism of a new kind, unprecedented in world history. Unity of purpose and worldwide coordination among diverse groups and social movements is crucial. The world community should recognise the failure of the dominant neo liberal system. The globalisation of Poverty, Hunger (Food Crises) is unprecedented in World History. This poverty is not the consequences of ‘Scarcity’ of human and material resources. This global economic system is based on the relentless accumulation of private wealth and it feeds on social divisiveness between and within the countries. Against these global strategic onslaughts of the MNCs, we need to build up an International Network, not only among trade unions and within the trade union movement but also strengthened the Unity and Solidarity with all Social Movements at the global level. A major thrust is required which brings together Social Movements and Trade Union Movements together in all the major regions of the world in a common pursuit and commitments to the elimination of poverty, eradication of illiteracy and a lasting World Peace in a New World Order. We are certainly more powerful than the enemies. United, we can win.

The economic crisis from the gender perspective

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Liza Masa, INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S ALLIANCE

I’m going to talk about the economic crisis from the gender perspective. First it is a known historic fact that it is the working class - workers, peasants, IPs, poor – who are the most affected negatively and disadvantaged when a crisis occurs. But it is the women – half of the workers, peasants, IPs, half of the poor – who are the most vulnerable because of their productive and reproductive roles in creating wealth of society. The women are the most affected because they are found in works that are informal, casual, seasonal, temporary and low-paying. That’s why it’s important to note that even before the crisis, this kind of work has always characterized the kind of work of women all over the world, especially in Asia. We have been poor before this crisis. This is very true for women who are doing not only economic work in terms of being involved in production, industry and agriculture but also because women are primarily responsible in household. This burden has intensified because of this crisis. The capitalist crisis is taking advantage of this vulnerable position of women to enrich itself and for the elites to amass more wealth. It is from the perspective of IWA that we should unite, that it’s not only

equality, that they are discriminated against in relation to men, but we have a stake in changing the whole system, in bringing down imperialism that oppresses all the women and all the oppressed peoples of the world. By the time the global crisis struck in Asia, the immediate impact was felt in the export manufacturing industries. Immediately, many of the unemployment figures were found in that sector. And that sector employs majority who are women workers. That would show that immediately, the impact of the crisis was felt by the women. In the recent report of ILO and ADB in 2011, employment rate of women in 2009 was pegged at 4.3% compared to the unemployment figure for men at 4.7%. If you look at the figure, 4.3% versus 4.7%, the difference is not really much. If you look at the average worldwide, it is even lower. Unemployment for Asian women is lower than the world average at 6.5%. Does this say that Asian women are in a better position than the rest of female workers in the world? No. Let us examine why. When the crisis struck and there was unemployment, there was still a persisting demand in the export-manufacturing sectors for workers. But they are hiring with the same rate and under the same arrangements. They hire women at lower wages, more exploitative conditions and more oppressive conditions like longer working hours, higher quotas, more flexible arrangements to exploit the labor of the working class, especially women who comprised majority of the export sector. And because Yyou cannot just sit in your house and die of hunger, women have to cope and they cope by doing all sorts of odd work, that is in the informal sector. That is also why migration has been increasing. Women are migrating and women comprise half of the migrants. More and more women, and also children are going into prostitution to cope. This is the result of the intensification of the burden of the oppressed peoples because of the crisis. But let us also look at the unemployment rate. If we look at labor force participation rate of women in Asia, we note that labor force participation rate of women in 2009 was pegged at 55.5%. That means that there is 45.5% which is not included in the labor force. This is a lot of women who become the reserved army of the unemployed. That existence was able to bring down wage of women and wage of working class as a whole. Looking at the figure for men, the figure for men in relation to labor force participation rate is 80.7%. The labor force participation rate for women is actually very low, compared to men. We can see in this crisis that women are expendable. Because they belong to the casual low-paying work, they can easily be retrenched and can be hired under more exploitative and oppressive labor arrangements.

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Women in agriculture are mostly in unpaid family work. Their work is invisible. The land grabs affect the women. With the land grabs, they are now converting these lands into commercial crop production, whereas peasant women are involved in food production. Peasant women are marginalized, displaced from their traditional sources of income in relation to agriculture. Informal sector is composed largely by women. There is still a difference bet men and women within the informal sector. Men in the informal sector are considered self-employed; while women are considered non-paid family workers. In Bangladesh, for instance, the number for unpaid family workers is almost doubled the number for men, at 66% of informal work, 69.8% in Nepal, 58.7% in the Philippines, and 70.2% in Mongolia. So even in that very vulnerable informal sector, women again, are even more vulnerable than the men.

Global Economic Crisis and Impact on Indigenous Peoples Jiten Yumnam, Forum for Indigenous Perspectives and Action,

Manipur Introduction: Capitalism, in the present stage of global imperialism also manifested in monopoly finance carried out through banking cartels such as World Bank, ADB, etc, has negative impact on the indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples are the most marginalized section of population within the countries where they are confined and ruled upon. The indigenous peoples and their land, resources are reduced into source of surplus value and object of exploitation within the overarching imperialist globalization. What is crucial for analysis is that there is underdevelopment and exploitation of indigenous peoples when a country is dependent to the global imperialism, thereby keeping itself in semi or even an abject colonial condition, or if it would uphold predominance of capitalist system. Since there is correlation between capitalist recession and economic crisis, e.g., “global financial and economic crisis of 2008,” the imperialist crisis severely affected them through intensified policies of subjugation and underdevelopment. Let me elaborate it under the following subheadings; (a) imperialist financial and economic crisis of 2008, and (b) impact on indigenous peoples. (a) Financial and economic crisis of 2008 Financial crisis of the capitalists, which is dominantly measured in terms of the comparative decline of GDP rate of their respective countries, currency value of those countries and their gold reserves in the stock exchange, have been generally identified with economic crisis. But the global economic crisis in the age of imperialism is largely the syndrome of capitalist recession and exhaustion of resources. The “financial and economic crisis of 2008” that originates in USA, considered as the epicenter of the global financial system, has widespread economic impact on several countries since most of these countries are subjected to structural constraints under finance imperialism. The USA syndrome would reveal that the immediate cause of the 2008 financial crisis was the collapse of the sub-prime mortgage markets in the US. Other factors includes complex processes - the expansionary monetary policies in major financial centers; developments in the sub-prime mortgage markets of US; extensive use of securitization, complex derivative instruments and shadow banking system; excessive leverage in the financial system; poor assessment of risk in the financial system; lax regulation and supervision by public bodies arising from belief in efficient markets; and global macroeconomic imbalances. Some say the crisis is related to the high oil price in 2008, which reach nearly 150 USD a

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barrel. The crisis has exposed fundamental problems, not only in regulatory systems of established countries affecting finance, competition, and corporate governance, but also in the international institutions and arrangements that were created in the name of ensuring financial and economic stability. (b) Impact on indigenous peoples: Indigenous peoples, whose livelihood and way of life still revolves around the traditional occupation, swiden farming, hunting, gathering of forest products, fishing etc, which used to be far more sustainable and self sufficient with low carbon foot prints, has been trying hard to find direct and indirect impacts of the economic crisis primarily due to lack of understanding due to their remote locations & the complexity of the global financial system. Yet, there are impacts of the crisis related to increased cost of goods & services, low demand & or price of their food and cash crop, and lesser work or job opportunities and also adverse affects associated with loss of Land and natural resources for development projects. The impacts among indigenous peoples differ from one situation to another, depending on how the communities and the respective country where they live in is integrated to the market based global economy, the capitalist system. Crisis or not, Indigenous peoples has long been confronting a survival crisis, due to non recognition of their way of life, their right to define, control and manage their own developmental affairs in their own land, expropriation of their land and resources without their consent and state subjugations with militarization. IFI intrusion: The neo-liberal measures adopted by the imperialists to deal with the financial crisis had negative implication on the economic condition of the peoples who are not the direct stakeholders of the imperialists grabs. This is primarily evident in the ever increasing intrusion of international Financial Institutions to promote market oriented investments. For instance, in the aftermath of the crisis, the World Bank has committed a record $88 billion in loans, grants, equity investments, and guarantees. In the post-crisis period countries that promote capitalism have approached International Monetary Fund for financial assistance. Several steps have been taken to expand the IMF’s financial resources. At the G20 London Summit in April 2009, capitalist representatives agreed that the New Arrangements to Borrow (NAB) should be increased to $550 billion from the current $50 billion in order to strengthen IMF’s capacity to respond in the event of a crisis. The unprecedented involvement and role of the IFI in India’s North East has seen unprecedented expropriation of land and brutal suppression of those who assert for land and other democratic rights. Indian capital expansionism under the cover of the jargon Look East Policy is in reality an attempt to strengthen Indian comprador control over the markets in Southeast Asia. The subsequent investments in the tertiary construction sub-sectors, such as the Trans Asian Highway, the Trans Asian Railways, and military stations, which are meant for expanding neo-liberal trade system, would perpetuate further exposure of the region to the imperialist globalization. All these projects are being carried out through false propaganda, suppression, and without Free Prior and Informed Consent of the people to be affected by such projects. The profit seeking capitalist investors, in their scramble for super-profit have caused unrestrained environmental destruction, displacement, divide & rule and other forms of human rights violation in Manipur and other parts of India’s Northeast. This process of deepening the role of IFI in the aftermath of the economic crisis cannot be a solution to the imperialist financial crisis. On the contrary it will deepen the global crisis, as the IFI’s involvement has already led to destruction of indigenous peoples land and resources, thereby, having negative repercussion on their identity and human rights. Even during the crisis, we have seen companies receiving financial stimulus from Governments in developed world, such as General Motors expanding its sales operations during the crisis even in far flung areas, simultaneously with expansion for search for oil and other resources for exploitation. Intensification of extractive industries and related displacement: In order to recover from the financial crisis, multinational companies are being funded by the International financial institutions and nationalized banks to strengthen extraction and exploitation of indigenous peoples in the name of development. In order to secure economic growth of the imperialists, there has been promotion of extractive industries, mining, oil drilling, destruction of forest,

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construction of mega dams in several indigenous territories in India’s North East, Philippines, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and etc. Mining and oil drilling lease to both foreign and national companies and also for construction of mega dams is increasing despite the economic crisis. Some countries which are quite complacent of its ability to withstand the shock of the financial crisis, such as India and China are more aggressive in using its nationalized banks to fund such mega projects targeting indigenous territories. Food crisis: The financial and economic crisis interplayed with climate change disasters and adoption of false solutions created food crisis among peoples who are either forced to export food at their own costs in order to meet with imperialist trade quota and those who are dependent upon food aid & subsidies by the food monopolies. The food crisis has exasperated the extremely difficult situation of indigenous peoples who were already greatly affected by the unprecedented rise in food and energy prices. In many indigenous communities, where their food sovereignty has been destroyed due to non recognition of their rights, there is increasing import of food from outside their territory and rise in both food and energy prices adds further suffering to the already impoverished communities. Statistically it is being estimated that the current food crisis had pushed roughly 150 million people, which includes many indigenous communities back into poverty. Indeed, staple foods had seen double digit cost increases. The year 2008 saw massive rises in the price of the most basic of necessities – food. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization has warned that increasing prices have “triggered a food crisis” in 36 countries, where several indigenous communities also lived. Again, according to the UN World Food Programme (WFP), 12 out of the 16 ‘hunger hotspot countries’ are in the LDCs (Afghanistan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Guinea, Haiti, Liberia, Mauritania, Nepal, Senegal, Somalia, Uganda, Yemen). Because the majority of poor people in LDCs spend 70%-80% of their income on food, they are very hard hit by the sharp increases in domestic food prices. In 2008-2009 Eritrea has produced only about 30% of its food requirements. The consequences of the food crisis, which the head of WFP has called ‘a silent tsunami’, include widespread misery and malnutrition for millions of people.

There are five major drivers of rising global food prices. They are: (a) long term supply problems; (b) rise in oil prices; (c) Changes in demand due to bio fuels; (d) depreciation in dollar and low interest rate in the US and speculative activities; (f) export restrictions of developing countries. The food crisis shows that the existing agro-industrial and market-led approach to food security has totally failed to feed hungry people living in LDCs. Promotion of corporate farming and the introduction of extreme dependence on external food supplies, lack of productive investments in local agricultural systems, global warming, trade imbalances and trade liberalization are also to blame for food crisis.

Employment question: Unemployment had soared up among indigenous peoples in the aftermath of global crisis. It is worth reminding that several thousands of migrant workers who have been drawn into labor pool as a direct fallout of imperialist market based economic model and who were being forced to migrate in search for work are employed in capitalist enterprises in advanced countries and within urban metropolis within countries of their confines with high prevalence of high connectivity to capitalist market and investment. This section of the productive force is the first one to be discriminated and targeted in job cuts. The IT sector, construction sectors etc are ones where there are massive job cuts, which also affect indigenous peoples. Declining exports more so with agricultural (Decline in Cash Crops sales in Indonesia, Tea in Assam, NE India) and other service sectors, such as tourism (Kenya) etc has led to serious downfall of income and loss of employment among indigenous peoples. There is serious decline in the volume of remittances among indigenous migrant workers in the Americas and in Asia (Philippines). (Soudi Arabia announced on 1 July not to hire pinoys as domestic workers anymore). Such racially twisted discrimination and job cuts had direct negative impacts on the economic condition of the migrant worker, leading to their impoverishment. Deepening climate crisis: The current climate change crisis is also a glaring example of destruction of ecological balance as a result of unrestraint exploitation of natural resources by the imperialist. Indigenous peoples disproportionately suffer from the serious impacts of climate change because; (a) they are mainly dependent on the integrity with ecosystems for survival, and (b) they lack material resource and political compatibility to compete with the exploiting

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governments who promote finance intrusion. They also suffer from climate mitigation measures of the governments which failed to respect their rights. They are the ones who mainly bear the costs of adapting to climate change. However, despite the proven limitations of the current market based system, solutions to climate changes, the market based mitigation measures, such as emissions trading, carbon sinks, renewable energy systems, and alternative fuels – will lead to further exclusion and violation of indigenous peoples’ rights and deepening of climate crisis. To cite few examples, in several indigenous peoples territories forest and other water bodies are being increasingly targeted for false climate crisis solutions. Human rights violations: Imperialism is based on two interrelated process of exploitation and suppression to maximize capitalist profit. The economic crisis already has serious economic, social and cultural impacts upon peoples affected by it. The most burning issue interrelated with the question of exploitation and suppression is the issue of civil and political rights. Peoples across the globe who are affected by and dissatisfied with the structural constraints of imperialism are raising democratic voices to defend their rights. In Peru and in Chile, there were demonstrations throughout 2008 on Indigenous People’s rights and rising living costs. Protests over grain prices in Haiti, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Mauritania and other parts of Africa and a hungry children’s march in Yemen are some examples. The response of the concerned governments to such demands and voices has been characteristically militant and repressive. For instance, in armed conflict prone Manipur in India’s North East, rampant human rights violations by government troops under emergency legislations like the Armed Forces Special Powers’ Act and other forms of terror tactics has created an emergency situation that is similar to what is being referred to as War on People in the areas affected by the Operation Green Hunt in central India. Community members calling for greater respect of their democratic rights continues to be targeted. The human rights violations in happening in the context of denial of indigenous peoples right to self determination. Impact of women’s rights due to development aggression and militarization is another serious challenge. Indigenous peoples’ perspective on development and way forward Indigenous peoples confront a structural policy that is obsessed with capital expansionism, and which fails to fulfil economic development, social development, protection of human rights, and ecological stability. Neo liberalism which enforced unrestrained exploitation of resources as policy towards rapid economic growth has led to over-exploitation of natural resources belonging to indigenous peoples. The capitalist onslaught has negative repercussion upon the indigenous peoples. The crisis highlighted that financial markets are inherently unstable and market failures have huge economic and social costs, while the cost of market failure has been borne by society. Indigenous peoples needs development that reflects their own visions, perspectives as well as strategies that respect their individual and collective rights, which is self determining, sensitive and relevant to their situation and communities. Indigenous peoples want development with culture and identity where their rights are no longer violated, where they are not discriminated and excluded and where their free, prior and informed consent for all development processes. To create more sustainable and people friendly development, it is important to look into the visions, concepts and practices of indigenous peoples who still sit in the territories which contain the earth's remaining natural wealth and who are the bearers of much of what remains of the world's diverse cultures and languages. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples provides a strong basis from which indigenous peoples can affirm their rights and define their development rights and aspirations. Indigenous peoples’ interpretations of well-being have a several common elements such as: o Importance of collective economic actors and community economic institutions integrity of indigenous

governance; o Purpose of production should not only be considered in terms of profit but rather in terms of improving quality

of life.

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o Enriching the notion of development where human beings are in harmony with Mother Earth; o respecting Self-determination; o Interaction between people, resources and the spiritual aspects of life as well as strengthening indigenous

peoples’ knowledge institutions. It is also important to underscore that Indigenous Peoples are rights holders, with an inextricable link to their lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired, and should not be treated merely as stakeholders. And end to the development model premised on unsustainable consumption and production, and corporate globalization, which fuels the entry of extractive industries onto their lands is foremost need. Since global financial issues affect the lives and livelihoods of vast majority of people, these cannot be left in the hands of few experts, rich bankers, financiers, IFIs. Any efforts to find solutions should not lead to further intrusion into indigenous peoples' territories for resource extraction and targeting them to a range of violations. The crisis cannot and must not be used as an excuse to limit the enjoyment and progressive realization of these rights. Any unjustified limitations or retrogressive measures on the level of enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, for example, the removal or restriction of social protection and welfare would be contrary to internationally recognized human rights obligations. It is crucial that all States have effective laws and policies in place to combat all forms of discrimination, including racism. And indeed, the crisis provides new impetus to global demands for reforming the global financial system. The debates on global financial issues could be broadened by the active participation of all peoples including indigenous peoples and their representative bodies to ensure that the global finance serves the needs of the real economy.

REFERENCES 1.Report of the International Expert Group Meeting on Indigenous Peoples: Development with Culture and Identity Articles 3 and 32 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues 9th session, New York, 19 – 30 April, 2010, E/C.19/2010/14, 5 Feb 2010

2.10th special session of the United Nations Human Rights Council: "The Impact of the Global Economic and Financial Crises on the Universal Realization and

Effective Enjoyment of Human Rights" – Friday, 20 February 2009

3.ISSUES PAPER 2009 ECOSOC High-Level Segment Thematic Debate Dialogue 1 “Social trends and emerging challenges and their impact on public health: Renewing our commitment to the vulnerable in a time of crisis” Thursday, 9 July 2009

4.ECONOMIC CRISIS REVEALS DEEPER HUMAN RIGHTS PROBLEMS, AP, 28 MAY 2009 5.“Indigenous Peoples' Actions Towards Solving the Biodiversity Crisis”, by Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, Chair, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues presented at the

2010 International Year of Biodiversity, UNESCO High-Level Event, Paris, 21-22 January 2010

6.“Insidious Intrusion of International Financial Institutions in India’s North East”, by Jiten Yumnam and Mr. Ramananda Wangkheirakpam and published by Forum

for Indigenous Perspectives and Action, Manipur and Intercultural Resources, New Delhi, April 2006

7.DRAFT WORKING PAPER PREPARED FOR UNICEF CONFERENCE EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC ISLANDS, 6-7 JANUARY 2009, SINGAPORE

8.Report of the International Expert Group Meeting on Indigenous Peoples: Development with Culture and Identity Articles 3 and 32 of the United Nations Declaration

on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Ninth session, New York, 19 – 30 April, 2010, E/C.19/2010/14, 5 February 2010

9.Fixing Global Finance A Developing Country Perspective on Global Financial Reforms, by Kavaljit Singh, published in 2010 by MADHYAM and SOMO

10.Impact of the Global Financial and Economic Crisis on Africa, Working series paper of African Development Bank, 2010 11.Global economic crisis opens up new space for discrimination at work, ILO Press Release, 16 May 2009

12.“Social Impact of the Global Financial Crisis in the Philippines”, ADB, 2010

13. The global economic crisis and the least developed countries: citizens’ concerns, by Arjun Karki, LDS Watch

“The US troops that are taking part in joint operations with the Armed Forces of the Philippines are doing so in defiance of the Philippine Constitution, and against the wishes of the Filipino people “

– Ramsey Clark, Former US Attorney General

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US Militarism, the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Filipino People’s Struggle Against These

Rita Baua, BAGONG ALYANSANG MAKABAYAN The history of the Philippines is marked by colonization and struggle. In fact, the peoples of the Philippines have been waging a national liberation struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism for the past three centuries. The once powerful Spain colonized the country during the 16th century and stayed on for three hundred years. The US, an emerging power during the 19th century, declared war on Spain to grab the colonies of the significantly weakened imperial power during the latter part of the century. It was able to annex Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines from Spain. Japan briefly colonized the country for three years during the second intra-imperialist war in the 1940s. The US imposed direct colonial rule on the Philippines for fifty years, much less than that of Spain. But it has the most profound impact on

the political, economic, and socio-cultural life of the Filipino people up to now. The US used the Filipinos’ struggle against Spanish colonial rule as a step to conquer the Philippines. It pretended to be on the side of the Filipino people against Spain. However, both Spain and U.S. connived to create a “mock” battle at Manila Bay. Later on, under the Treaty of Paris of 1898, the US bought the Philippines from Spain for US$3,000,000. Betrayed by the US forces, the Filipino revolutionaries had no other option but to take arms anew and go to war against the much superior US military. Although outgunned by US modern weapons, the Filipino revolutionaries fought bravely. Estimates point out to around 250,000 to 1,000, 000 Filipinos slaughtered by the US military forces. The cruelty, brutality, and savagery of the US troops only heightened the hatred of the Filipino people against the American presence. We will not forget the words of a US military officer who told his troops after the people in a town in the province of Samar killed American soldiers: “Kill, Kill, Kill those from 10 years old and above. Burn, Burn all their homes!” Members of the Anti-Imperialist League in the US, notably American writer Mark Twain condemned these atrocities committed by their soldiers. The well-known American writer said he was not happy that the US was “messing it up” with the Filipino people who, he claimed, should be made to create their own government according to their own ideas and not the US’. The American colonizers conducted a pacification war using the banner of “democracy,” which they claimed they would impart to the Filipino people; but their words rang hollow in the hearts and minds of the freedom-loving Filipinos. The Filipino – American war ended with the defeat of the Filipino revolutionaries. One of the leaders of the revolution against Spain - Emilio Aguinaldo - was captured by the Americans, surrendered to them and agreed to be under its colonial rule. He urged the Filipinos to support the colonial government. But the fighting persisted although in the end, the remaining groups of armed revolutionaries were defeated.

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The US enacted laws that would justify military operations against groups of people resisting American colonial rule. For the US political – military strategists, the Philippines would be used as base to enable the US to expand to the Pacific Ocean and make this into a “American Lake“. Aside from making the Philippines as a base of operations for the US military, it also transformed the country’s economy to an adjunct of the US economic and financial system. The US imposed its economic system of “encouraging” the building of sugar mills, coconut refineries, cordage shops and mines that would tie down the Filipinos in producing raw materials for US firms. The US did not develop the local industry of our country because it could rake in superprofits from direct investments in colonial trade. To cement its control over the Philippine economy, the US had the Phil. colonial government approve and enact trade laws that would make the Philippines an exporter of raw materials and semi-processed goons and an importer of manufactured imports. Economic enclaves in this country are dominated by US multinational companies. On July 4, 1946, the Philippines was granted its “independence” by the US. But before it did so, it made sure that the interests and perspective of the local ruling elite is tied to that of the US. Thus, under the Roxas administration there were major treaties and agreements such as the Property Act, the Bell Trade Act, the US-RP Military Bases Treaty, and the US-RP Military Assistance Pact. Under the Bell Trade Act, the US required the Phil government to amend the Parity Agreement that would enable the US to own and develop properties and engage in business in the Philippines with the same privileges as the local ruling elite. To top it all, the RP-US Military Bases Agreement gave the US extraterritorial rights for a period of 99 years in US military bases at more than twenty strategic points in the country. So the Philippines had pockets of land all over the country that flew the American flag and where even the highest Filipino government and military officials could not enter without the permission of US military officials. In order to take full command of the seas and its lanes in the vast Asia-Pacific region, the US established two sprawling military bases, the biggest outside its own territory. These were the Clark Air Base located in Pampanga and Tarlac provinces; and the Subic Naval Base, Olangapo, Zambales, including Bataan. From these bases flew jet fighters that could easily attack countries that fought the US, such as the Vietnamese and Korean people. Nuclear-powered warships belonging to the US Pacific fleet docked at and used the Subic Naval Base as staging point. When the RP-US Military Bases Agreement was up for review by the Philippine Senate in 1991, patriotic and militant groups campaigned vigorously for its rejection. There were waves upon waves of big and small rallies, pickets, marches, caravans in front of the US embassy and the gates of the two military bases. Numerous fora nationwide were held to expose the treaty as unfavorable to the Philippines, to wit: 1. The two military bases were US territory. Anyone that entered it without the permission of the American officials were deemed enemies. Thus, there were many cases of indigenous peoples who were shot like pigs. These Indigenous people were there since time immemorial and therefore, rightful owners of the land illegally occupied by the foreign troops. 2. The workers in the military bases were not allowed to unionize. Unions that were found to be existing inside the bases were “yellow” unions. Militant union leaders were banned from entering.

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3. American soldiers who committed crimes outside the base were often allowed to go scot free. 4. Most notably, nuclear warships that entered the country through any port and most especially the Subic Naval Base could navigate the Phil. Sea untrammeled. 5. The environment was likewise affected, with the spillage of chemicals related to the weaponry, not to include of course the nuclear-powered ships. 6. Our impoverished women were used by the American soldiers for their gratification. Prostitution, drugs, rape and crimes against women and children proliferated in and outside the military bases. Pros and cons about the issue were hotly debated by the public and published and aired by newspapers and radio/tv. Meanwhile, Bayan and its allied groups lobbied with the Senators, while encouraging anti-bases Senators to convince their colleagues who were still ambivalent in their views to vote against the continuation of the bases agreement. Very broad alliances were formed by citizens and militant groups against the continuation of the US military bases. On September 16, 1991, the Philippine Senate voted 12-11 in favor of rejection of the US-RP Military Bases Agreement. It was a victory for the Filipino people. It was also a slap to the US-Cory Aquino regime which campaigned hard for the continuation of the agreement. On November 24, 1991, the last ship carrying US soldiers their weapons and equipment sailed away from Philippine shore. The US military bases were no more, or so we thought. The Visiting Forces Agreement Strong anti-bases movements in many parts of the world forced the US to rethink its strategy of maintaining large permanent bases. Thus, the US conceived of access agreements that would allow its troops to enter and operate in countries legally, make use of the host countries’ ports and military facilities and quietly ship in and store weapons, equipment, etc. With the end of the Cold War, the US conceived of new “enemies” to justify its huge military budget and spending and its forward deployments in many parts of the world, especially the Philippines which still remained as its strategic outpost. The US found or rather invented new “threats to the democratic way of life” of its people like the “Islamic fundamentalist groups such as those found in Malaysia and Indonesia, the “extremist group” the Abu Sayyaf, which, in truth, was a creation of the CIA to justify the Philippine military’s suppression campaigns against the BangsaMoro people. The US needed the Philippines to project its power in the region and as staging ground for its containment campaign against China and Russia. From being the host of one of the largest permanent US military installation in the world, the Philippines became a “forward operating base.” In May 27, 1999, the Senate approved the Visiting Forces Agreement which allowed US troops to “visit” through annual joint military exercises. Meanwhile, the 2002 US-RP Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) imposes on the Phil.

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Government to provide support services, including billeting, communications services, and construction of bases for operations, to US military forces. It is stated that the agreement presumes that funds for these will be spent for such services. “Visits” by US troops are supposed to last for only a month but could be extended if they are to participate in joint military operations. With the VFA, the US also asserted its jurisdiction over US troops committing crimes in the Philippines. By July, 1 1999, eight years after the Filipino people drove away the American soldiers from Phil. shores, the US troops are back. By 2001, the US-RP joint military exercises were in full swing and by 2002, the Philippines was declared as the “second front” in the US “war on terror” thereby providing the justification for the “semi-permanent basing” of US troops in the country. For the US, the VFA is not a treaty between it and the Philippines; rather, it is a mere executive agreement that did not need the approval of the US Senate. Like the US-RP Military Bases Agreement, the VFA is decidedly in favor of the US: US troops could enter the Philippines without passports or visa, without clearances from the local customs or local immigration authorities, with neither licenses nor registration for driving their vehicles in the country. The joint military operations under the VFA allow US soldiers to use live ammunition and artillery that have killed, injured, and maimed Filipinos, mostly Muslims, including children. The US government has always denied that its troops are involved in military operations against the MILF and the Abu Sayyaf. It has always asserted that it merely provides logistical and intelligence support to Philippine troops during combat operations. However, in 2002, during a fact finding mission of anti-US war activists from the international community and the homefront, it was discovered that a certain Sergeant Reggie Lane had shot a Muslim peasant on suspicion that the latter was an Abu Sayyaf operative. In 2006, a US soldier by the name of Daniel Smith was found guilty of rape against a Filipina. Convicted by a municipal court, Daniel Smith was sent to prison in a local city jail until his supposed eventual transfer to a bigger jail. But he was spirited out from jail through the connivance of US embassy and Philippine Justice Department officials and was transferred to the US Embassy, with the approval of the Foreign Affairs Secretary. Later on, when the woman who was raped revised her testimony and would later on be brought to the US, Daniel Smith was acquitted by the Appeals Court and was likewise flown away from Philippine shores. Under the VFA, the US violates the country’s sovereignty. The violations include unilateral flights, exclusive training of US troops, and damage to the environment. Worse, the VFA allows the stay of US troops beyond the short visit of one month for joint military exercises allowed under the VFA. In August 2009, the New York Times reported that US Defense Sec. Robert Gates announced that the Joint Special Operations Task Force that maintains from 600 to 1,000 US Special Forces troops are to stay in Mindanao to “complete its mission.” It is reported that hundreds of US combat troops (marines, army green berets, air force special forces, navy seals) have been seen pouring into Zamboanga and in the combat areas of the island of Basilan. Currently, US troops are increasingly being seen in the Cotabato provinces, in the mainland of Mindanao. It was also announced by a general, now dead, that after said joint operations against the Abu Sayyaf, US troops can go after the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Moro National Liberation Front of Nur Misuari, and the New People’s Army. The joint operations of the Ph-US military forces against the NPA, the MILF, and to some extent the MNLF in Mindanao

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are being used by the US to enable it to establish the latter’s military bases or facilities. This will provide the US enough basis to go into the middle of the so-called BIMP – EAGA (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines East Asia Growth). These are areas where oil and other natural resources abound and are the routes of international commerce in the region. Brunei, Malaysia and Indonesia are major oil producers while the Cotabato and Palawan areas in the Philippines are acknowledged as having rich oil reserves. Now the US is using the conflicting claims of China and the Philippines on parts of the Spratly Islands, to once again justify its presence in the country and further deepen the Philippine government’s dependence on US military support. According to UP Professor Roland Simbulan, “More than 40,000 US soldiers have entered Philippine territory since the VFA was put in place in 2002.” According to an AFP captain who has since left the military after she exposed the corruption within the AFP under the auspices of the VFA and Balikatan exercises, even Philippine military officers who enter US facilities, which are located within AFP camps, have to follow strict instructions on what items they could or could not bring inside conference halls, for instance, mobile phones, and definitely, no video cameras. Other evidences of increasing US militarism in the country include, 1. Nuclear warships such as the USS Washington have docked on Phil. ports, even in Metro Manila where there is heavy media presence. US and Philippine officials even have the temerity to invite the public to view said ships. At the same time, the soldiers dock and then go to bars, once again violating the dignity of our women, especially, the impoverished who have nowhere else to go but to sell themselves 2. Sightings of US troops in military operations in the countryside, conducted by the Phil. Military. Recently, some students in a university in a region claimed that they have seen US soldiers in their campus. 3. The arrival and three-day stay of the USS Carl Vinson, the nuclear-powered war ship that was used for ferrying the body of Osama bin Laden and throwing it to the sea. Said ship contained more than a thousand soldiers again come a “visiting” ( read, staying ) in the country 4. Bayan also believes that the US “hopes to expand its military presence in the region through the use of bilateral and multilateral military exercises as well as the use of bilateral military agreements such as the VFA or Status of Forces Agreement with ASEAN members, including the Philippines. This US effort is to contain China, now considered second to the US in economy.” Bayan and its allied organizations, including a broad range of anti US-militarism activists have continued and tirelessly opposed such gross violations to the Filipino people’s aspirations for national sovereignty, freedom, and justice. With the support of the international community in this continuing saga of the Filipino people for dignity, we are confident that one day, we shall drive away US imperialism and defeat its domination of our people who are longing for freedom and democracy.

On National Oppression and Indigenous Peoples and Minority Nationalities Struggles for Self-determination and Liberation

Joanna K. Cariño CORDILLERA PEOPLES ALLIANCE

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES MOVEMENT FOR SELF-DETERMINATION AND LIBERATION

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HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION Historically, the right to self-determination was originally applied to nations in creating their own independent states, and in asserting national sovereignty and territorial integrity. This was during the period of the development of modern capitalism in Europe alongside which the original nation-states were formed. (Great Britain, France, Spain, etc.) Unlike in Western Europe, where the development was towards integrated nation-states, in Eastern Europe where capitalist development was uneven, multi-national states were formed, states consisting of several nationalities. Thus minority nationalities were formed side by side with a dominant nationality in the multi-national states (eg. Austria-Hungary, Poland, Russia). There existed inequality and national oppression between the dominant nationality and the minority nationalities. Thus the issue of the right to self-determination was a major concern in the formation of the USSR. One of the major achievements of the USSR before its dis-integration was the unification of the various nationalities with the guarantee of the complete equality of rights for all nations, full recognition of the right of nations to self-determination, and regional autonomy for national groupings occupying their own territory within a multi-national state. Expansionism and colonization then, and present-day neo-colonialism have stunted the natural course of development of many nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America, for whom the autonomous development towards the capitalist nation-state has been effectively closed. Instead, there is the continuing underdevelopment in the so-called “developing” countries, with monopoly capitalism at the root of this phenomenon. The oppression and exploitation brought about by direct colonization then and imperialist globalization now have resulted in the rise of national liberation movements in the colonies and neo-colonies, with the demand for separation or independence as the form of self-determination. Within the neo-colonies, and even in pockets inside the developed countries, there is the persistence of pre-capitalist modes of production and social formations among indigenous peoples who have refused to give up traditional lifestyles. Indigenous peoples are to be found all over the world and many are self-proclaimed “nations,” while living within a defined national territory of a nation-state. Such tenacious persistence of traditional lifestyles even in the face of neo-colonialism and imperialist globalization are by themselves manifestations of self-determination. From the above, and notwithstanding the changing context, we may observe that self-determination has been a response to repression, to inequality, to discrimination. Self-determination is thus an assertion of a people’s collective human rights and identity against oppression. UNITED NATIONS FRAMEWORK AND ITS LIMITATIONS When the United Nations (UN) was established after WWII, it appropriated the term nation (or nation-state) to refer to its member-states, notwithstanding that many of these states are not homogenous entities but are actually multi-national states. Article 1 of the UN Charter says that among its three purposes is “to develop friendly relations among nations based on the respect for the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples…” Article 1 of both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on

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Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) also expressly state that “All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” Take note that the application of the right of self-determination as used by the UN has been expanded from its original usage to nations to now include peoples. The formulation appears to be an unequivocal statement of human rights. This is not as simple as it seems, however, as the controversial question for a long time was how to define the category people/s, and which groups would qualify under this category. With the approval by the UN General Assembly of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, indigenous peoples have won international recognition as peoples. But what about other oppressed minority nationalities, or even ethnic minorities, who are not necessarily indigenous peoples but who are presently minority peoples encompassed within wider State systems? The UN is composed of States which are dominated by local ruling classes who speak as though they represent equally all of the people in their country’s population, when in truth, there are significant sections of the population who are oppressed and discriminated against. Furthermore, the majority of these States are subservient to the US superpower. This makes it difficult for oppressed sections of the national population to qualify, in the view of States, as separate peoples. Thus the modern States which compose the United Nations are threatened by the very concept of self-determination. In truth, it was the indigenous lobby which brought UNDRIP to fruition, often against the position of their own State systems. There is no explicit UNDRIP provision that refers to an indigenous people’s right to create an independent state. Indeed, Article 46 clearly states: Nothing in this Declaration may be…construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent States. The right of a people to freely determine its political status, in theory, includes the right to form an independent state that stands on equal footing with other nation-states, or otherwise, to define its mode of associating with an existing state wherein it enjoys the same rights as the other constituent peoples of that state. NATIONAL OPPRESSION AND SELF-DETERMINATION Presently, despite the great diversity of indigenous peoples worldwide, the truth is that there is also a great commonality in the modern-day forms of national oppression that we face, among them: – Intensifed plunder of land and resources by multi-national corporations – Massive displacement due to large-scale destructive projects of States and imperialist corporations (mines, dams, logging, SEZ, monocrop plantations, etc) and concomitant militarization – Government neglect and deprivation of basic social services – Impoverishment – Grave human rights violations under the US-led War on Terror & corresponding “Security” Acts – Racism, chauvinism and discrimination

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– National oppression and the non-recognition of our identity as indigenous peoples Exploitation and oppression inevitably breed resistance. We are witness to the many struggles for self-determination across the globe as indigenous peoples and minority nationalities assert their right to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Historically, the right to self-determination covers a wide range of options: seceding outright from a state of national oppression and creating their own independent state; joining a federation of states as one constituent and co-equal state; constituting an autonomous political unit wherein it exercises a degree of self-rule within a broader nation-state; and asserting specific rights as defined by the basic laws and through specific processes of the nation-state. While there may be a whole range of forms of self-determination, the key issue is the empowerment of the people, the level of organization they are able to build, the struggles that they can successfully wage, including the support that they can generate from the wider population in the country, and internationally, based on the legitimacy of their struggle against oppressive structures. In response to the need to build a higher solidarity among indigenous peoples worldwide in mutual support of our struggles for self-determination, the INDIGENOUS PEOPLES MOVEMENT FOR SELF-DETERMINATION AND LIBERATION was formed in November 2010. The IPMSDL is the indigenous peoples recognition that we build our strength and militantly assert our collective human rights to ancestral domain and self-determination, beyond the parameters circumscribed by the UN or reactionary national law. It is about time that we unite as an international indigenous peoples movement for self-determination and liberation as we strive to build a better world beyond the neo-liberal capitalist model that has caused not only the climate crisis but the global economic crises as well.

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Youth’s Response to the Economic Crisis JP Lapid, LEAGUE OF FILIPINO STUDENTS

Good afternoon, brothers and sisters. Let me just first ask the question. If your age is between 30 to 35, raise your hand. Almost everyone. Another question. What is the average life span of the people of today? Any guess? 60? 70? Some say 70. Given that standards that the youth is between 30 to 35, we have at least 57 to 25 years to spend in this rotten society, in this rotten system. There is a gloomy picture based from the speeches and presentation given to us earlier. And would the youth rather spend that 57-25 years in this kind of society? No! So my brothers and sisters, we must mobilize and organize the youth to working in the struggle of the peasant and the workers primarily. But brothers and sisters, despite this gloomy picture that has been presented to us earlier, it should also be the task of the youth to present a bright future to the masses. We can’t just be presenting a gloomy picture when we go to the streets and into the communities; we must also present a bright future that the workers and the peasants will fight for together with us. So what is the task of the youth and students across the world? I only have once

on the other oppositions and the program presented earlier.

I was impressed with the importance of international solidarity. Brothers and sisters, this assembly and these conferences that have happened within the past few days are very successful and momentous events for all of us and for the oppressed people in the world. That’s why we must congratulate ourselves.

That is why the youth must recognize the importance of internationalism, of international solidarity. And the highest form of international solidarity that the youth and students across the globe can do despite escalating our local and our own struggles in the countries where we came from. By doing this, we’re contributing to the overall struggle of the oppressed people across the globe in defeating our primary enemy which is imperialism. Secondly, brothers and sisters, the youth, given its character, given its knowledge and exposure to new and current technologies, the youth must spearhead of being in front lines of facilitating the building of linkages across the globe of people’s movements to strengthen and to solidify international alliances though speed up the intensifying struggle of people against imperialism.

Lastly, dear brothers and sisters, given the recognition of the importance of international alliances and international solidarity, we must also be in the forefront of defending the international alliances that we have. We must never go straight and be deceived by any attempts of imperialism in dividing our ranks. That is why I encourage your brothers and sisters to stand by with our international alliances and to strengthen and expand the International League of People’s Struggles, International Women’s Assembly, and International Migrants Alliance and build new alliances of sectors that we have like the youth, the artist and so on and so forth. So brothers and sisters, again from the ranks of the youth, I encourage everyone to stand by the alliance and long live International Solidarity.

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Migrants’ Response to the Crisis

Eni Lestari, INTERNATIONAL MIGRANTS’ ALLIANCE

Good afternoon! Like our brother from the youth who asked us a question: Who among here are migrants? Can you raise your hand? Only two out of hundreds. I represent the International Migrant Alliance and I would like to give our response with regards to this crisis of so-called globalization and imperialism. As migrant workers, we believe that we play a very significant part in resolving the crisis. The crisis that has never been created by us but used and sacrificed us in the process of the old recovery. Migrant workers, when it comes to crisis, are always overwhelmed by two burdens at the same time. First, we have to counter the increasing costs of our family back home – a poor family- because they are victimized to pay the crisis and have to pay a lot of fees in our own countries. The second burden is that in the receiving countries, we have been used as scapegoats, our benefit is delayed (divided) all the time and the recipient country becomes more brutal against migrant workers. They arrest, deport and criminalize migrant workers – kill a lot of them. In the first glance, when we feel about the crisis, we hear a lot of words to describe it – financial crisis, economic crisis, war, socio-political problems, food crisis, and climate crisis. Migrant workers usually came from very rural areas and province and live in very isolated homes of our employers and we are not really well-educated with regards to the connection of this crisis. But since we are very keen to knowing and understanding who created this crisis, we gave time to know this. We came to a point to understand that this crisis is no other than the crisis of imperialism led by US. It is the US that suffered the crisis; it’s not the crisis of the people or that of the migrant workers. But yes, migrant workers and people have been used to pay the crisis. And this is one thing that we understand. The second point that we understand, the current migration that we have, the migrants from the Philippines, Indonesia, Latin America and Africa, are actually oppose migration. This is the migration that is never wanted in the first place. The reason why people have to migrate are because they plunder our land, use the people as cheap labor, theft our resources, displace us and in the end of the day, we don’t have any choice but to seek job opportunities as unskilled, unprofessional and very low-paid workers. We believe that when it comes to responses, the organizing migrant workers should not purely rely on us outside the countries, but also have to address the issues in the home countries, issues of poverty, education, urban poor, and the youth. And these issues have to be addressed if we want to stop cross-migration. The wish of all migrant workers is very simple. We don’t want to migrate involuntarily. We want to be with our family, be reunited with our home country. But to be able to achieve this wish, it cannot be done by us outside the country. Those who are in the movement in their home country play a very big role to ensure that these justice, rights and democracy are achieved like what you have been doing in the Philippines. It’s something that we should continue because it will help us outside the country, that will prevent people to be migrant workers, and will stop the exploitation of the people.

This is the reason why IMA was created. IMA is actually alliance of grassroots migrant workers from all over the world who believe that the source of our misery is imperialism and also feudalism. We do not only fight purely through reform policies on the government. Because we know that in the end, these policies are just words and papers. There is no implementation. We know a lot of governments who do not actually implement these policies even though they ratified them already. Because of that we believe that we should not rely on governments. We believe that we, migrant workers, should be defining where our fate will go. And it can only be done if we first address the issue why we migrate. Because of that, we continuously study even though we’re in our employers’ houses as domestic workers, contract workers, factory workers we take part to study the root causes of our own migration. The second also, we continue to keep providing services and the welfare for migrant workers but we don’t only provide it for those people temporarily

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but also in the process, we try to politicize them. They should be able to understand that they’re the ones who should fight for their rights in the long term, should also be organized and should join the movement in their home countries and receiving countries as well. We also mobilize them for the reforms of the policies, to go to the streets, to strike and to fight for changes. So at least the receiving governments and our very own government will do something for the migrant workers including those who are now in the death row in the receiving governments. We also join conferences, just like this one in Manila, and link with the social movements in other countries. We share our conditions with you and also share with your our destiny and hope. And hopefully, you can also be part of IMA, either as a member or as a supporter. And hopefully at the end of the day, we can all see the light which is the light of democracy and justice to all people in the home countries because by then we are no longer forced to leave our countries. Thank you so much!

Closing Remarks

Maria Theresa Lauron, PMCC In various conferences where we talk about the problems that face us, people usually end up at the end of the day feeling so depressed because all that they’ve been talking about are problems, impacts and implications. Many feedbacks we received also say that you Filipinos, you activists, you always talk about problems but you do not walk the talk. You just stop, as an exposition of the problems. Having discussed the crisis, the implications, we do not stop there. We tried to see that there is another way possible. That another world is possible and is actually already being created because of the very struggles that people from the different sectors from all over the world are doing. We know that we have a common enemy. We have talked about imperialism. We call it by many names – the monster, the beast, and the beast rears its ugly head. It reaches out and it works with and through the local elites in our own countries. We know that. We have analyzed it so many times, inside and outside. So I suppose my friends and comrades, the whole 2 days of the FIDC have been about

delivering the message of celebrating our struggles and it’s also about celebrating our hope. We have heard about the challenge: arousing, organizing, and mobilizing not for tomorrow but now. And we are actually doing it already in many communities in different countries. We also heard stories about different strategies of confronting the enemy. Some people, some sectors, some of us here are experts of doing the inside and outside strategies. If you’ve been in this line of work for so long, you will know what I am talking about. We do inside work, we do outside work. Some of us have also been hearing the need to engage but forget about engaging. We are not here to engage, we are here to challenge. We are here to delegitimize the very institutions that bring us mass poverty and underdevelopment. So the challenge now for us is not to engage, but to further challenge and delegitimize all these institutions that caused us such miseries and hardships. So my friends and colleagues, at the end of the day, two days of festival, two days of celebration, two days of exchanges, I hear common messages. We are here to expand. We do not want to talk just among ourselves. We already heard a lot. We need to expand. We need to reach out and we need to build strong people’s movements. But expansion is one thing. As Ka Bong said, “Not always that there is strength in numbers”. Further to expanding, we need to consolidate. As we sharpen our critique of the system crisis, we also need to sharpen our promotion of concrete alternatives that we are talking about. My comrade Chennaiah said, “As there is globalization, we also need to globalize struggle”. And I would like to add on to that, “As we globalize struggle, we also globalize hope”. So my friends, as we close our two-day festival, I would like to leave you with these words. “There to struggle, there to win!” Long live international solidarity! Thank you to our panelists. Thank you to all of you, brave souls, for coming here these two days.

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And we look forward to a more interesting discussion as some of us will move to the 4th International Assembly of the International League of People’s Struggles.