express india china final

7/30/2019 Express India China FINAL

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RED LINETHE


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Copyright 2013The Indian Express

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THE RED LINE

LIVING next door to China is not

easy. Like most of Chinasneighbours, India too has

grappled hard to cope with Beijings

unpredictable behaviour. For decades

after the 1962 debacle, a closed group

of China experts handle this

relationship, keeping every detail

outside public domain and every move

a tightly-guarded secret. But from theyear 2004, the media turned its gaze at

this relationship. The Indian Express, in

particular, has traced and exposed the

problems with China, raised public

debate and yanked apart the veil of

secrecy.

A series by PRANAB DHAL SAMANTA.


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Contents

5CHINAS TIES WITH OTHERS MUST NOT HURT INDIA, PM TELLS XI JINPING

7TIME FOR INDIA TO MOVE BEYOND MANAGING CHINA

8SIGNALS FOR HOPE IN ASIAN MEET

9BEIJINGS BEAR HUG FOR COLOMBO: RAJAPAKSA AMONG XIS FIRST 5 CALLS

11DEFENCE MINISTRY CLEARS NEW CORPS ON CHINA BORDER

12CHINAS RISE HASNT CREATED PROBLEMS FOR INDIA: KHURSHID

13INDIA, CHINA LONG WAY FROM BORDER SOLUTION

15POOR MILITARY LEADERSHIP, NOT EQUIPMENT, LED TO 1962 DEBACLE: REPORT UNDER WRAPS

18CHINAS DIPLOMATIC OFFENSIVE

19RAW BEIJING CHIEF DISMISSED FOR IMPROPRIETY

20CHINA PUTS INDIAN OIL BLOCK UP FOR AUCTION

21WILL CHINA THREAT LAST 2 YRS? FINMIN STALLS MILITARY EXPANSION

22GROWING UP ON CHINA

24TALKS GLITCH: DATES MIX-UP, QUIET MOVES THAT CHINA GOT WIND OF

25CHINA NOW REHEARSES CAPTURE OF TIBET PASSES

26CHINA FLEXING MUSCLES, GOVT CLEARS BRAHMOS FOR ARUNACHAL


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27DELHIS HOTLINE TO BEIJING WAITS FOR ROOM IN PMO, TECH UPGRADE TO MATCH THE CHINESE

28INDIA-CHINA BORDER: JOINT MECHANISM ON CARDSA

29INDIA HITS CHINA WALL IN ANTI-TERROR TALKS

30CHINA RED FLAGS INDIA MOVE TO JOIN NSG

31INDIA, CHINA WORK ON RESUMING DEFENCE EXCHANGES

32PLANS ON TRACK, CHINA RAIL LINK TO STRETCH TO NEAR SIKKIM BORDER

33CHINA BEGUNS BUILDING DAM ON ITS SIDE OF BRAHMAPUTRA

35CHINA STRIKES BACK ON ARUNACHAL

36THE CHINA CHILL (COLUMN)

38INDIA-CHINA FACE-OFF WORSENS OVER ADB LOAN TO ARUNACHAL

39AT ADB, BEIJING BLOCKS INDIAS $60 MILLION PROJECT FOR ARUNACHAL

40SLEEPLESS IN VIENNA: CHINA THREATENS TO LEAVE FOR HOME, US WORKS INTO THE NIGHT

42BEIJING SAYS WHY THE HURRY AS VIENNA MOVES CLOSER TO A DEAL

44TIP OF SIKKIM IS LATEST INDIA-CHINA FLASHPOINT

45CHINA DRAWS ANOTHER HARDLINE ON ARUNACHAL


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I

n an obvious reference to the nature of Chinas

relationship with Pakistan and some of Indias

other neighbours, Prime Minister Manmohan

Singh is learnt to have told Chinas new President,

Xi Jinping, that its important for Beijing not to

allow its ties with other countries become an

impediment to advancing India-China relations.

Singh conveyed this to Xi in their first meeting

in Durban on Wednesday night even as they struck

a healthy rapport during the 45 minutes they

spent with each other. Sources, however, said

Singh did not make the point in a confronting

manner.China and Pakistan recently signed an agree-

ment to build the Chashma-3 nuclear reactor

despite serious objections from the Nuclear Sup-

pliers Group. Many other countries such as Sri

Lanka, Nepal and Maldives have also been repeat-

edly playing the China card to threaten India.

Xi did not respond to Singhs comment but is

believed to have emphasised on deepening secu-

rity and military trust between India and China

by conducting more joint exercises and training,

while also looking to enhance maritime coopera-

tion.

The Chinese President, sources said, felt India

and China had a strategic opportunity now to

upgrade their military cooperation, a subject Bei-jing has been pushing at the official level too.

Xi also proposed that the two countries jointly

Chinas ties with others

must not hurt India, PMtells Xi Jinping

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build high-speed railways in India given the giant

strides China has made in this area. He felt that

such efforts could pave the way for greater cooper-

ation in mega projects in the future. Railways is

one area which was identified in the India-Chinaeconomic dialogue as a potential area of coopera-

tion since it is state-owned in India as well.

The only concern that the Chinese side raised

was the Tibet issue, where Xi hoped India would

maintain its responsible position. Later, sources

said, the PM reaffirmed Indias stand, conveying

that the Tibet Autonomous Region was a part of

China and also reminded Xi of the measures India

took to ensure the Beijing Olympic Games torch

travelled peacefully through India.

Its learnt that both leaders touched upon the

border row but reposed faith in the Special Repre-

sentative (SR) Mechanism as the best way forward

with Xi hoping for a fair, reasonable and accept-

able outcome. They also took note of the fact that

both sides have maintained peace and tranquility

on the border.

While the Chinese side has not yet named the

SR on its side after Dai Bingguo relinquished office,

the responsibility is expected to fall on new State

Councillor and former foreign minister Yang Jiechi,who was also part of Xis delegation at the talks.

Singh, sources said, managed to flag most of

Indias core concerns and specifically spoke about

trans-border rivers, where Xi did make the point

that China shares hydrological data with its neigh-

bours and promised to study the PMs proposal for

a joint mechanism.

The overall tenor of the conversation, sources

said, was constructive with Xi describing the two

countries as ancient civilizations with a prosper-

ous future. Singh felt both countries were moving

through a transformation, which provides oppor-

tunities for cooperation and its for the two gov-

ernments to make the best of it.

Published on March 30, 2013


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THERES an unmistakable air of caution in

the Indian camp ahead of Prime Minister

Manmohan Singhs first meeting with new

Chinese President Xi Jinping, perhaps prompted bythe uncertainty that often grips Chinese behavior.

This is accentuated by the fact that Xi is riding the

back of a strong nationalist sentiment, which is

making conduct of every countrys China policy a

major challenge.

Yet, for India, its important to segregate the spe-

cific from the overall mood. Chinas national atten-

tion is focused to the East and on how it stands up

to the US. In many ways, this is a phase of aspira-

tional foreign policy for China one which is will-

ing to upset settled equations, terms and attitudes.

Two appointments signify this. One is the eleva-

tion of former foreign minister Yang Jiechi to the

position of state councillor. While most in India

remember him for pulling back from certain com-

mon interpretations of the 2005 India-China

boundary principles agreement, the fact is he is

Chinas long regarded US expert and is a sign of

what is on Beijings priority list.Yangs successor in the foreign office, Wang Yi,

is a Japan specialist, again emphasising the eastern

focus. This is not to say India is not important but

its not in the same category, which is where

Indias best strategic opportunity with China lies

one that New Delhi needs to grab with both hands.Now is the time to shun reticence and move

beyond the managing China approach as India

finds itself in a different situation compared to

some of Chinas other neighbours. Lets not forget

much of China was built due to Japanese invest-

ment and prowess.

At this point, Beijing is willing to do all it can to

accommodate New Delhi, be least provocative

and, in a way, manage India. The sudden eager-

ness to scale up military CBMs with India, and the

new Chinese Premier Li Keqiang including India in

his first two phone calls after taking charge are just

a few instances of this changing trend.

This is the time for India to shift gears, set the

agenda and not be tentative. But can Singh swim

against the tide to further a strategic goal in an

election year? The Chinese would assess he cant.

And thats the impression which needs to change

when Singh walks up to Xi on Holi night.


Time for India to move beyondmanaging China


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IN diplomacy, signals are important this

appears to be Indias focus as Prime Minister

Manmohan Singh readies for his first meeting

with Chinese president Xi Jinping on the margins

of the BRICS Summit here Wednesday.

Singh confined his arrival remarks to the main

purpose of the visit: BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India,

China and South Africa) is a young grouping with a

lot of promise. I look forward to meeting all digni-

taries who are attending.

But establishing a personal chemistry with Xi is

high priority, with New Delhi keen on unclogging

differences that have historically dominated this

discourse.Xis memories of history may in fact, be differ-

ent. In 1962, the year India and China went to war,

Xis father, the veteran revolutionary Xi Zhongxun,

was purged by Mao Tse-Tung for lending support

to the publication of a book deemed critical of

him. Xi Jinping, all of nine then, saw his life change

dramatically as his father spent the next 16 years

in prison.

He struggled to become a CPC member, his

application being rejected nine times because of

his fathers problems, until finally gaining entry in

1974. After Maos death, Xis father was rehabili-

tated by Hu Yaobang, the mentor of Hu Jintao, Xis

predecessor. Then started the re-emergence of Xis

family in the CPC, as his father got inseparably

associated with Chinas economic liberalisation

and the creation of its SEZs a project Singh was

to initiate in India in the next decade.

If bonding at the highest level is seen to hold thekey to stability in the India-China relationship as

had been the case between Singh and former Pre-

mier Wen Jiabao then the personal histories of

Singh and Xi, embedded in the economic transi-

tions of their countries, is of particular signifi-

cance.

And yet, the dynamics would have to be differ-

ent. Xi is a generation younger to Singh, and age

matters in Asian relationships. Also, New Delhi is

conscious about Xis close links with the Peoples

Liberation Army establishment.

These links took root between 1979 and 1982,

when Xi was personal secretary (mishu) to then

defence minister Geng Biao, also a friend of Xis

father. It is believed that Xis military associates

still remain his closest friends, with whom he likesto spend time, and which possibly impacts his

worldview.

But senior government sources emphasised Xi

has sought to send the right signals to India his

five-point formulation on relations and his letter to

Singh during the course of the political transition.

India will at some stage want a clearer enuncia-

tion of what Xi has in mind when he talks about

accommodating each others core interests. But

indications are it wont burden this conversation

with such issues unless they are vigorously

brought up by the Chinese side.

The focus is likely to be more on achieving com-

fort levels so that both leave the room on a hopeful

note. As a senior government source put it when

asked about the outcomes expected from the

meeting, We are not looking for outcomes. Thats

not the way we work. Its not Asian, just to look for

outcomes.


Signals for hope in Asian meet


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WHILE India-Sri Lanka ties hit another

low after New Delhis proactive efforts

to censure Colombo at the UN Human

Rights Council, Chinese President Xi Jinping ele-

vated the island nations profile by including Presi-

dent Mahinda Rajapaksa in the first list of five

phone calls he made after formally taking over

from Hu Jintao last week.

In fact, Xi spoke with Rajapaksa on March 16,

the same day he spoke to his Pakistani counterpart

Asif Ali Zardari, which signalled that Beijing had

put Colombo at par with Islamabad. This, sources

said, is a significant leap because Pakistan is con-

sidered an all-weather ally and to place Sri Lanka

in the same category clearly reflected the comfort

levels achieved in the relationship.Xi made his first set of calls on March 14, and

predictably they were to the heads of three other

P5 countries where a president is the executive

head Barack Obama in the US, Vladimir Putin in

Russia and Frances Francois Hollande.

The next day, new Chinese Premier Li Keqiang

spoke to German Chancellor Angela Merkel and

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, indicating the

importance China attached to its relationship with

India. The premier is the counterpart for countries

where a PM is the executive head.

A day later, on March 16, Xi spoke to the presi-

dents of Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Xi is said to have

assured Rajapaksa of full support in his efforts to

protect Sri Lankas sovereignty and territorial

integrity. There were indications of support at the

UN Human Rights Council even though China is

not a member this time. Pakistan, it may be noted,voted against the resolution on Thursday.

Sino-Lankan ties have witnessed an upswing in

Beijings bear hug for Colombo:Rajapaksa among Xis first 5 calls


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AFTER much back and forth, the Defence

Ministry has cleared setting up of a

mountain strike corps along the China

border, signalling its intent to press ahead with

plans to strengthen offensive military capabilities

despite recent calls from Beijing for a new typeof military relationship.

The plan involves fresh accretion of close to

89,000 soldiers and 400 officers.

The focus, sources said, is to be able

to launch a counter-offensive into

Tibet in case of a Kargil-type

adventure by China.

The proposal was first mooted in

2010 and given an in-principle go

ahead by the Cabinet Committee on

Security a year later, but was sent

back last year with instructions for

a re-look by all three services so

that a common plan could be drawn

up.

It took the Chiefs of Staff Committee another

six months to review the plan, which was also

essential because the Army Chief had changed

since the proposal was first moved.Sources said the proposal has now been

reworked with some minor changes relating to

additional Air Force elements. The projected

amount too has gone up marginally from the ear-

lier estimate of about Rs 65,000 crore.

The new strike corps is expected to come up in

Panagarh, West Bengal, along with two more divi-

sions. An independent armoured brigade alongwith an artillery division may be part of the set-

up. Already, two divisions are being raised in the

eastern theatre.

However, the road ahead will still

be difficult, particularly given the

strain on the Finance Ministry at

this point. While this is not going to

be a one-time expenditure, it does

fly in the face of North Blocks

efforts to effect expenditure cuts to

contain the growing fiscal deficit.

In its last version too, the pro-

posal had faced some tough ques-

tions from the Finance Ministry,

including a searching query on how long South

Block expected the China threat to last. As of now,

China has made some very conciliatory noises.

However, New Delhi believes that is because of its

preoccupation on the eastern front.

Published on February 4, 2013

Defence Ministry clearsnew corps on China border

FRESH ACCRETION of close to89,000 soldiers, 400 officers

CORPS TO COME up inPanagarh, West Bengal, with twomore divisions

INDEPENDENT ARMOURED

brigade, artillery division may be

part of the set-up

SHOULD BE CAPABLE ofcounter-offensive into Tibet incase of a Kargil-type adventureby China.

THE PLAN


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WHILE conceding that there are issues of

concern between India and China,

External Affairs Minister Salman Khur-

shid on Sunday observed that for India, on thewhole, Chinas rise has so far been peaceful, and

any differences are dealt with in a matter of fact

manner.

I am not going to judge how other neighbours

of China or other people who engage with China in

the Pacific or elsewhere see their relationship

evolving. I think our relationship has evolved

peacefully. It has evolved steadily. There hasnt

been any major specific problem between us and

China, he told The Indian Express on his way back

from Myanmar.

According to Khurshid, the structure of interac-

tion between both countries was developing in the

right direction and deepening that held the key for

a building trust in the relationship.

Some little thing said here and there is not

going to distract us from that purpose and that, I

think, is the same attitude that China has.

He went on to add that the new leadership inChina had also placed a high priority on better

relations with India while making the point that

the manner in which India and China continue to

deal with their problems did reflect high maturity

level. He emphasised that none of the difficult

issues have escalated beyond control.Specifically on issues like the Chinese map on

the latest e-passports showing Arunachal Pradesh

as part of China, Khurshid said these issues were

being handled without any bitterness or causing

disruption of dialogue.

We have some issues on which periodically

they express, almost as though you want to keep

those issues on your agenda. Similarly for us, we

respond as well. Theres no hostility. Its very mat-

ter of fact. Its not done with any bitterness, hostili-

ty or aggression. Its like a conversation. You take

note of what you are saying and you flag and regis-

ter what the other person has said, and you leave it

at that and carry on.

In all, Khurshid assessed that both countries

were more than aware of their differences of the

past but had worked around and beyond those

differences while working in a satisfactory man-

ner to resolve those issues.

Published on December 17, 2012

Chinas rise hasnt createdproblems for India: Khurshid


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AJOINT status report of the 15 rounds of

special representatives talks to resolve

the vexed India-China boundary dispute

has concluded that both sides are far from their

goal despite some stated accomplishments.

A bigger concern that has emerged is that there

are serious differences in interpreting the 2005

agreement on the political parameters and guid-

ing principles for the settlement of the boundary

question, which is so far the most important

achievement of the three-stage process to arrive ata political solution. Significantly, sources said,

these differences seem to wax and wane depend-

ing on the strategic climate at that point in time.

The proposal to prepare such a report card came

at the last round in January from Chinas Special

Representative (SR) Dai Bingguo, who has been

Beijings representative at all 15 rounds and is now

expected to relinquish this responsibility. The

speculation is that Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi

might be elevated to a state councillor and take

this job up, but there is no information from Bei-

jing on this yet.

India agreed to the idea of the report, but theprocess has been tough with Indias SR, National

Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon, expected to

India, China long way

from border solution

National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon (4th in left row) leading the Indian side during the 14th round of border talks with State Councillor

Dai Bingguo, Chinas designated special representative for the boundary negotiations, in Beijing. PTI


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hold last minute deliberations with Dai in Beijing

this week to bridge some gaps so that the two

interlocutors can, at least, present an agreed

report to their respective political leadership. Dai

and Menon had agreed that this exercise is impor-tant to ensure continuity with the interlocutor to

be appointed by the new Chinese leadership.

However, the exercise has shown that differ-

ences dominate despite positive proclamations. To

begin with, the Chinese side has claimed close to

60,000 sq km in Arunachal Pradesh, which may be

lesser than its earlier claims but remains signifi-

cant and includes Tawang.

The Chinese side believes this is in tune with

Article III of the guiding principles, which states

that both sides will make meaningful and mutual-

ly acceptable adjustments to their respective posi-

tions on the boundary question, so as to arrive at a

package settlement to the boundary question.

The Indian understanding of meaningful

adjustments is, however, different and does not

involve large chunks of land. New Delhi believes

that adjustments would mean minor territorial

give-and-take in the border areas during the pro-cess of demarcating a common line.

These extreme interpretations on both sides

have meant that Chinas emphasis on concessions

from India in the eastern sector has only increased

through the dialogue process, particularly in the

rounds after 2005. This is when the SRs started

working on a framework agreement - the second

stage of what is a three-stage settlement process.

The political impossibility of any Indian govern-

ment giving up large territory in the eastern sector

to achieve this settlement has not been recognised

by the Chinese side in all these rounds. Instead,

China has thrown back the argument that Indian

concessions in this sector is a political pre-requi-

site for any leadership in Beijing, pointing to Arti-cle V of the guiding principles that mentions tak-

ing into account national sentiments.

New Delhi too has its own set of arguments,

again based on the guiding principles, particularly

Article VII that says the two sides shall safeguard

due interests of their settled populations in the

border areas. India has interpreted to mean that

settled populations will not be disturbed, which

means Tawang and other populated areas of

Arunachal Pradesh will not be touched.

Beijing, however, contests this and makes the

point that safeguarding due interests of settled

population can be achieved alongside any shift in

territorial control. It argues that this principle does

not translate into recognising status quo in

Arunachal Pradesh.

As a result, the final nature of the agreed doc-

ument will probably not look to elaborate on the

interpretations of the guiding principles andinstead keep the claims separate from the 2005

agreement. This may reflect lesser progress, but

insiders feel it will not complicate future rounds

with any new interlocutor. Incidentally, the first

draft of the Chinese version of the joint report

was a complete articulation of only Beijings

position and since then, it has been an exercise

in calibration.

Published on Decemeber 2, 2012


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THERE is no reason why the Indian Army

cannot rise again and give a much better

account of itself. I hope when the day

comes, it happens under my escutcheon.

This was what Gen J N Chaudhuri wrote in a 40-

page covering note while forwarding the Hender-

son Brooks-PS Bhagat report on the 1962 military

debacle to the Defence Ministry.

Fifty years after the Sino-Indian war, the Hen-

derson Brooks-Bhagat report remains under

wraps but

The Sunday Express has learnt that around four

pages of this covering note focus on wartime

Defence Minister V K Krishna Menons interfer-

ence in military matters, particularly on the shuf-

fling of senior generals in the run-up to the

month-long war.The covering note, according to sources aware

of the contents of the report, is the only place

where there is a comment on the political leader-

ship of the Defence Ministry. There is no direct

comment on then Prime Minister Jawaharlal

Nehru anywhere in the letter or in the report,

which confines itself to the conduct of military

operations.

The important revelatory aspect of the Brooks-

Bhagat report is its conclusion that shortages in

ammunition and equipment were not among the

primary reasons for the defeat.

In fact, the report, sources said, makes it clear

that much has been stated about the poor quali-

ty of equipment and weapons making the Army

unfit for battle. The authors have put on record

that in their considered view the levels of stores

and equipment didnt constitute a significant

handicap. Instead, they have identified poor mil-itary leadership as the main reason for the Army

not having fought better than it did.

Poor military leadership, notequipment, led to 1962 debacle:

Report under wraps


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The report is in four volumes, but its main

operative content is less than 150 pages, typed

single space in foolscap paper with corrections

made by hand in ink. The rest of the report com-

prises essentially annexures, minutes of meet-ings, operational maps and key pieces of commu-

nication.

The report was commissioned by Gen Chaud-

huri, who took over as Army Chief after the war, as

an internal Army report to look into just the con-

duct of military operations since hostilities began

in early October 1962 till November 20 when Chi-

na announced a unilateral ceasefire.

For the job, he picked Lt Gen Henderson Brooks

who was GOC 11 Corps in Jalandhar and had not

participated in the operations. The report was

submitted in April 1963 and sent to the Defence

Ministry with Chaudhuris detailed covering note.

The language of the report reflects the strong

emotional fervour of the moment, especially the

anger and frustration. Coming down heavily on

the military leadership, the report is particularly

critical of the then Chief of General Staff Lt Gen B

M Kaul, who was made GOC of the newly created4 Corps just before the war. He was based out of

Tezpur, but was evacuated to Delhi on account of

illness just as hostilities broke out in what was

then called NEFA.

The report records him dashing in and out of

his York Road (now Motilal Nehru Marg) resi-

dence, issuing orders from his bed, and the top

brass letting him do so instead of finding a succes-

sor. These have all been cited as examples of poor

generalship.

Similarly, a copy Kauls letter to Nehru at the

height of the conflict, urging him to approach the

Americans for assistance, has been mentioned

and included in the annexures to underscore the

loss of nerves among senior officers.

Significant space, sources said, has been given

to the retreat of 4 Infantry Division which had

been quickly reconstructed after the Namka Chu

defeat and posted to defend the fallback linealong the Se La-Senge-Dhirang axis in Arunachal

Pradesh. This was after Tawang had been overrun

by advancing Chinese forces. It was decided that

this axis is where the Army would fight a dogged

and prolonged defensive battle for which

resources and logistics had been built up. The idea

was that longer the campaign stretched, the moredifficult it would get for the Chinese to sustain

operations.

But 4 Div withdrew without fighting, a fact that

is officially confirmed and documented in the

report. This entire episode of the collapse and

rout of the 4 Infantry Division has been

described in the report as a shameful incident of

a renowned division collapsing and retreating

without putting up a fight.

The GOC of the Division, Maj Gen Anant Singh

Pathania, has been severely criticised and shown

up as another example of poor generalship. The

loss of nerves among key military commanders is

again emphasised by citing an inland letter that

Pathania wrote to Harish Sarin, Joint Secretary in

Defence Ministry. He asked Sarin to give him

another chance, volunteering to be even deployed

as a sepoy at the front.

Pathanias appointment itself has been com-mented upon as an example of poor decision-

making by the military hierarchy. He was pulled

out as Director General, National Cadet Corps and

foisted on the 4 Infantry Division as the GOC,

which the Brooks-Bhagat report criticised given

that he had not been involved with combat troops

for a considerable length of time. The report,

sources said, is also critical of his predecessor Maj

Gen Niranjan Prasad under whom the Division

lost at Namka Chu.

The report highlights indecision at Army Head-

quarters and how field formations would faced

problems getting clear orders or clarifications

from the top brass in Delhi. In this context, West-

ern Army Commander Lt Gen Daulet Singh, who

was responsible for the campaign in Ladakh, has

come in for praise. In fact, the report firmly con-

cludes that the campaign in the western sector of

the boundary was conducted far better than the

eastern theatre.

The specific instance about Lt Gen Singh relates


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to his decision to move two battalions deployed

on the Indo-Pak western front to the site of battle

in the north. The report, sources said, recounts

how Singh kept writing to Army Headquarters to

seek approval to move troops from the Pakistanborder but received no response.

Finally, he took the initiative and moved the

battalions on his own to Chushul. This has been

highlighted by Brooks-Bhagat as a rare example of

better military leadership.

To an extent, the report also clarifies the

famously known orders from the government

asking the Army to throw out the Chinese by

also putting on record the second line at a time

and place of Armys choosing . The report, how-

ever, does not get into the events of previous

months leading up to the conflict, especially

aspects like the much criticised forward policy

that led to creation of several frontline postswithout the logistics to sustain them an act

deemed provocative by the Chinese.

Besides these details, the report reflects the

pain over the loss of thousands of soldiers; and

ends on a very sombre note, quoting a few lines

from a poem by First World War soldier-poet Wil-

fred Owen lines which no one is able to recall.

Published on Oct 14, 2012

Ops in North werebetter than East

The operative portion of the report is less

than 150 pages. It concludes with lines from

World War I English soldier-poet Wilfred

Owen.

The report says levels of stores and

equipment did not constitute a significant

handicap. Poor military leadership was the

main cause for the debacle.

The campaign in the north under Western

Command was better conducted than

operations in the east.

4 Infantry Division retreated without putting

up a fight. Maj Gen A S Pathania wanted a

second chance to fight as a sepoy after

withdrawing his division in panic.

4 Corps Commander Lt Gen B M Kaul

criticised for his poor command.

Western Army Commander Lt Gen Daulet

Singh praised for showing better initiative.


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WAS Chinese Defence Minister Liang

Guanglies India visit part of an orches-

trated diplomatic effort? So it would

seem if one were to consider that in the past two

weeks, Beijing has dispatched three military dele-

gations in different directions first one led byPLA Deputy Chief of General Staff Cai Yingting to

the US, another by Deputy Chief Ma Xiaotian to

Vietnam and thirdly the Defence Minister himself

to India, Sri Lanka and Laos.

This vigorous bout of typical Chinese military

diplomacy comes in the backdrop of Beijings ten-

sions with its eastern neighbourhood and an

intense domestic political makeover, all so intrin-

sically linked and feeding off each other that

decoding the real message is a challenge in itself.

Take Indias case for at least four years, the

Indian side has been pursuing the little matter of a

reciprocal visit by the Chinese Defence Minister

after Pranab Mukherjee travelled there in 2006.

No response. The little matter then became a sub-

ject of interest, raising doubts in New Delhi, and

finally turned into a full-blown bilateral issue after

China insisted on a stapled visa for the Northern

Army commander. The military relationship washeaded south as India put all interactions on hold.

But today, in matter of a year or so, all are toast-

ing a new chapter in India-China military rela-

tions. Beijing has fluctuated, at times swung from

one extreme to the other, enforcing that theres

more than what meets the eye.

China has Japan terribly worried over the

Senkaku Islands, it has South East Asia in panicover its claims in the South China Sea. Its seen as

having driven a wedge through the tensile ASEAN

fabric, so much so that for the first time in its oth-

erwise reputable history of consensus, the group-

ing could not stitch up a joint declaration at its

summit meet.

India is the one neighbour to the south with

which, despite the range of inflammable sub-

stances in the bilateral basket, Chinas tensions are

still relatively low. China has taken a call to keep it

that way. The disputed border is still a tranquil

line.

In the case of Cai and Ma, it was a question for

China of managing divergences while reinforcing

the hard message that an already unstable equi-

librium can be further disturbed. Liangs visit to

India, on the other hand, underlined a conver-

gence of views, a mutual interest in strengthening

the status quo.

Published on September 12, 2012

Chinas diplomatic offensive


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RAW Beijing chiefdismissed for impropriety

THE Beijing station chief of RAW, the coun-

trys premier external intelligence agency,

has been summarily dismissed on grounds

of alleged operational impropriety.

Amreet Ahluwalia, a joint secretary-level offi-cer, was recently called to Delhi for routine con-

sultations and then swiftly served the dismissal

order under relevant sections of Article 311 (2),

which allows such action without an inquiry for

purposes of national security. He will receive no

pension or post-retirement benefits.

The last time RAW (Research & Analysis Wing)

invoked this article was to dismiss Rabinder

Singh, a JS-level official who had defected to the

United States from the agency. He had been under

surveillance for spying for foreign countries.

While unwilling to part with details in

Ahluwalias case, RAW maintained that charges

against Ahluwalia were serious and related to

impropriety in conduct of operations. Sources

said the nature of the dismissal itself indicates

the seriousness of the charge.

While he could not be contacted, the sketchy

details so far indicate that the Beijing stationchief had developed serious differences with

the headquarters over operational issues dur-

ing his posting.

At one stage, Ahluwalia is alleged to have

threatened to send letters to the political leader-

ship as well as the Opposition, listing his objec-

tions. He is believed to have shared the drafts ofthese purported letters with his official hierar-

chy, leading to further discord.

The fact that a senior officer like Ahluwalia

was considering putting out operational details

perhaps served as a provocation. Insiders say he

had similar problems during his earlier assign-

ment in the US, sometime during 2004-07. At

that time too, he had run-ins with the agency on

certain sensitive issues. However, these were

eventually brushed aside as he completed his

term.

Given his profile and postings the US and

China being his last two foreign assignments

Ahluwalia was clearly among the upcoming offi-

cers in the agency. After his US posting, he had

done a stint in Delhi and was later sent to an

important outpost in Jammu and Kashmir upon

his promotion as joint secretary. Soon after, he

was posted as station chief in Beijing.

Published on August 6, 2012


20/46

DRAWING India into the South China Sea

muddle, China has put up a Vietnamese

petroleum block under exploration by an

Indian oil firm for global bidding.

While the move was meant to counter a Hanoi

legislation asserting the countrys control over off-

shore areas and islands, which Beijing considers

disputed, it has put Delhi in a spot as Vietnam is

now keen that India does not vacate this block.

As a result, New Delhi for the first time went

beyond its usual call for freedom of navigation in

South China Sea at last weeks ASEAN Regional

Forum meet in Cambodia and added the demand

for access to resources in accordance with princi-

ples of international law. This shift in stand,

sources said, was largely provoked by the Chinese

decision to bid out a block already given to India.

The block numbered 128, which has been con-

tracted to ONGC Videsh Ltd (OVL), was part of thenine petroleum blocks that were placed for global

bidding by China Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC)

last month. Over the past few weeks, the blocks put

up for bidding were compared to existing blocks

already given out by Vietnam in the same area.

The results, which have now also been confirmed

by reputed energy-specific publication Platts, show

that a substantive part of block 128 is also covered

by the grid of blocks put up for offer by CNOOC.

Vietnam had reacted sharply stating that all

these blocks fall in its Exclusive Economic Zone and

are in accordance with the United Nations Conven-

tion on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS).

Incidentally, OVL had decided to exit this block a

couple of months ago because it had failed to start

drilling activity as per the timeline worked out in

the original contract. On its part, OVL maintained

that its surveys had not shown much promise for

any big finds.The preference, at that time, was to wait a little

longer as timeframe is crucial in petroleum explo-

ration. But as that would be against the contract, the

company had decided to exit without much delay.

OVL had earlier returned the adjoining block 127 on

the same grounds.

Soon after, sources said, Petrovietnam had

approached OVL with fresh terms and conditions,

which allowed OVL two more years for exploration.

The offer, which is still under discussions, is said to

be attractive and OVL is said to be inclined to extend

its exploration activity in block 128.

New Delhi has a crucial decision ahead seeking to

achieve a diplomatic position on the issue. Chinese

assertiveness and clout, sources said, was visible at

the ASEAN and ARF meets in Phnom Penh last

week.

For the first time, ASEAN could not come out

with a joint communique because the member

countries failed to reconcile on the mention of Chi-

nese claims in South China Sea. China is learnt tohave leaned heavily on Cambodia, the host and

chair of the meet this year, to take the line that these

were bilateral issues of individual countries which

should not be part of multilateral discussions.

In the ARF too, which comprises partner coun-

tries of the ASEAN like India, US, China and Euro-

pean Union among others, Pakistan went along

with China and said these were historical claims

that ought to be decided bilaterally and not be sub-

jugated to the international law of sea. The western

countries contested this, leading to wider disagree-

ments.

India, which usually takes a nuanced line, was

slightly more vocal this time: We have been fol-

lowing developments in respect to the South China

Sea. As we had stated earlier, India supports free-

dom of navigation and access to resources in accor-

dance with principles of international law. These

principles should be respected by all.

Published on July 17, 2012


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China puts Indianoil block up for auction


21/46

THE second phase of the governments ambi-

tious military expansion plan worth Rs

65,000 crore has run into rough weather.

The finance ministry has red-flagged the plan with

detailed queries and sent it back to the defence

ministry with a bizarre question: will the Chinese

threat last more than two years?

While responses have been prepared explaining

the impossibility of ascribing a time period to the

threat or even speculating on what the situation

will be two years from now, sources said, the polit-

ical understanding is that the finance ministry is

probably not keen to clear such a high-cost plan

this financial year.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had given in-

principle clearance last year to a five-year expan-

sion plan, which involves fresh accretion of 89,000

troops with 400 officers one of Indias biggest

one-time military expansion efforts.The plan includes setting up a new strike corps

in Panagarh, West Bengal, along with two more

divisions. An independent armoured brigade

along with an artillery division will be part of the

set-up. These plans were fast tracked after the

Army conveyed to the PM that according to avail-

able intelligence, China has been rehearsing mili-

tary action during a limited local offensive.

It was in this context that the proposal for a new

mountain strike corps, pending for over a year

with the defence ministry, suddenly acquired

momentum with the PMO promptly clearing it.

Sources said the finance ministry has also

blocked the second stage of expansion of Indias

first Navy-only bases, INS Kadamba in Karwar

along the Karnataka coast. This Rs 13,000-crore

plan involves creating more than a dozen piers and

more berths which will host, among other ships,

Indias next aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya, bet-

ter known as Admiral Gorshkov, which is now

being refurbished in Russia.

Published on January 11, 2012


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Will China threat last 2 yrs?FinMin stalls military expansion


22/46

THE surprise deferment of India-Chinaboundary talks at the eleventh hour was

not a desirable outcome for India. This was

just not the time to add an acrimonious episode

to an already sensitive relationship. This conver-

sation was going to be the last round under the

current Chinese political leadership and also for

Dai Bingguo, Chinas designated special repre-

sentative (SR) for the past eight years since this

mechanism was set up.

Both sides had agreed to end the year on a pos-

itive note way back in April when Prime Minister

Manmohan Singh and Chinese Premier Wen

Jiabao ironed out differences to reset the defence

relationship in Sanya on the margins of the BRICS

(Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa)

summit. They had also decided to set up a new

boundary mechanism to keep New Delhi and Bei-

jing in direct touch on incidents occurring on the

Line of Actual Control. It was felt that this mecha-nism could also explore cooperative ventures in

border areas once it settled down.

Even more undesirable was the second out-

come a controversial backdrop to an ambitious

second track effort of organising a Global Bud-

dhist Congregation. It was ambitious because, for

the first time, all major countries with significant

Buddhist populations were being brought on a

common platform to create a united body. This

accounted for most of Chinas neighbours.

The congregation brought them to share the

stage with the Dalai Lama, who had only a couple

of months ago irked Beijing by stating that his

reincarnation can manifest by emanation. Essen-

tially, he affirmed that he can appoint his succes-

sor in his lifetime. The meet was also happening

at a time when there were reports of heightened

protests and immolations in Tibet.

If the SR-level talks and the agreement on anew boundary mechanism were another impor-

tant baby step towards involving China in a net-

work of engagement processes, the congregationwas a mindset leap to leverage Indias Buddhist

cultural appeal by taking the lead in uniting dif-

ferent strands of Buddhism. It was exactly the

type of exercise that China would resent, but not

the kind it could object to because of its religious

nature until, of course, someone failed to

notice that the dates of the conference coincided

with the boundary talks.

This was an expensive mistake. The overlap

gave Beijing an opportunity to object to the con-

ference, emphasise on its political overtones by

highlighting the Dalai Lamas involvement and

then forcing India to lower the profile of the

event by getting its political and official class to

stay away from the congregation. And finally,

China did not budge an inch from its stand, leav-

ing India with no option but to call off the bound-

ary talks.

India lost on both counts. On the one hand, thedelicate, carefully calibrated and always evolving

engagement strategy suffered a needless setback,

while on the other, a rare attempt to leverage

Indias soft power in Chinas sensitive underbelly

stood exposed and almost neutralised.

To make matters worse, an amateurish

behind-the-scenes effort to paint China in a poor

light through the media provided Beijing with

the opportunity to make its first on-the-record

objection to the Dalai Lamas scheduled address

at the Buddhist congregation. While other official

channels are now working overtime to limit the

damage, this entire episode does call for some

serious reflection.

Yes, a positive outcome to the boundary talks

would have suited China because it would stand

in contrast to the chorus of concern against Chi-

nese aggressive behaviour in the South China Sea

and East Asia; but it would also have served

Indias interest. With a lot of ground to cover,

India needs time long quiet spells so that it


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Growing up on China


23/46


TheIndianEXPRESS

eBOOK

can prepare and strengthen its capabilities to

enable a more equal conversation with China.

Until then, it has to manage a very delicate

engagement process that aims to convey a pic-

ture of trust-building and political maturitybetween two emerging powers. A successful

round of SR-talks would have helped cement the

projection that the LAC can be sustained as one of

the most peaceful unsettled borders in the world.

India also needs to understand that there is

nothing new any longer about Beijings excessive

sensitivity towards the Dalai Lama and the Tibet

issue, or for that matter his religious importance

in the Buddhist world. After all, that is the crux of

all international normative criticism against Bei-

jing persecution of religious minorities, partic-

ularly Buddhists in Tibet.

In other words, New Delhi needs to change its

approach and deny Beijing, as far as possible, the

opportunity to target the Dalai Lama. India

enjoys a certain diplomatic advantage in the

Tibet issue, but it still cannot afford to overstate

it. More so, there is not much to achieve through

direct confrontation on this issue.

While India gradually builds on its capacitiesto compete with China, it is imperative for those

running the China policy to function with greater

purpose and coordination. The cancellation of

the boundary talks was an avoidable diplomatic

incident even though South Block wants to por-

tray it as a shining example of Indian assertion

against Chinas unacceptable demands.

Dealing, managing and engaging with China is

the most important strategic question for New

Delhi today and, therefore, the margin of error

has to be minimal. In sum, the time has come to

inject more maturity at all levels on China so that

such conflicts can be better anticipated in future.

Publi shed on November 30, 2011


24/46

Talks glitch: dates mix-up, quietmoves that China got wind of

THE India-China boundary talks were called

off after Beijing asked New Delhi to defer a

Buddhist congregation where the Dalai

Lama was to deliver the valedictory address next

Wednesday. This, sources said, was also provoked

by a covert Indian effort to get Buddhist delegates

from China to attend this meet.

The narrative, however, is a bit more complicat-

ed. It started with a clash of dates that no one on

the Indian side seemed to have noticed, and ended

with the sudden calling-off yesterday of a sched-

uled two-day conversation between Indian and

Chinese special representatives (SRs) on the

boundary question.

The talks were known to have been scheduled

for November 28-29, though no dates were for-

mally announced. These dates overlapped with

the November 27-30 Global Buddhist Congrega-

tion, organised by the Delhi-based Asoka Missionto commemorate 2,600 years of The Buddhas

enlightenment. The four-day event is scheduled to

be inaugurated at The Ashok hotel in Delhi.

While the Asoka Mission is a well known entity,

the congregation also enjoyed tacit government

support with diplomats and intelligence offi-

cials involved in its planning, it is reliably learnt.

The idea was to turn the congregation into a

major symbolic event, bringing three strands of

Buddhism Theravada, Bodhisattvayana and

Vajrayana together for the first time, and getting

them to come out with a common declaration on

religious issues, and a common Buddhist response

to politics, society, conflict and violence. The aim

was to announce the creation of a unified Buddhist

body at the end of the conference.

Uniting the three strands would in effect mean

bringing prominent Buddhists from a range of

countries like India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Malaysia,Mongolia, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Bhutan,

Laos and Cambodia on a common platform. It was

also decided to reach out to Buddhists in China

and the Asoka Mission sent out invitations to 35

Chinese delegates. Their participation was not

confirmed, but the understanding was that visas

would be granted to them on production of the

invitation letter.

The organisers are bearing the travel, stay and

related expenses for all 500 delegates. Some 300

observers too have been invited.

Where India miscalculated, it seems, was in

assuming that all of this could be achieved with-

out the Chinese government coming to know of

this quiet effort. As it happened, not only did this

ring alarm bells in the Chinese system, but it also

suddenly brought the event under Beijings gaze.

The first aspect to strike Beijing were the

dates, which coincided with the SR-level talks on

November 28-29. Second, the Dalai Lama was to

deliver the valedictory address. Third, the organ-isers had claimed that the Indian President

would inaugurate the congregation, and that the

Prime Minister too may be present. Fourth, it

would bring together Buddhist delegates from

Chinas neighbouring countries, put them on a

common platform with the Dalai Lama, and get

them all to plant saplings in a show of solidarity

along with a common declaration.

All of this was too much for Beijing to digest. It

made its first demand about 10 days back, asking

India to keep the Dalai Lama out of this confer-

ence. New Delhi responded that the government

had nothing to do with a private enterprise.

Beijing pointed to claims by the organisers that

the President and the PM may be present.

By now, South Block was worried. So, after

internal consultations, the Chinese were assured

that President and the Prime Minister would not

be there. Initial plans to have the Dalai Lama at

the inaugural dinner were scrapped. India also

assured China that no Indian leader would share


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25/46

the platform with the Dalai Lama.

In consequence, the Dalai Lama was to reach

Delhi on November 29, but attend no public

function on that day. In trying to somehow sal-

vage the situation, the Indian side pointed outthat any public utterance by the Dalai Lama

would come after the boundary talks had con-

cluded. The government also assured adequate

security arrangements in case the Chinese side

feared protests.

At this point, China raised the stakes and said

it would agree to nothing less than the congrega-

tion being called off. It was clear that the Dalai

Lama was not the principal reason for the Chi-

nese obduracy. With ministers and officials of

nearly half a dozen countries having already

confirmed participation for the congregation,

and given the scale and purpose of the event,

New Delhi just could not concede to Beijing.It is reliably learnt that there was considerable

consternation in South Block over why this

scheduling overlap could not be avoided. But in

the end, it was decided to take the line that a

democratic government cannot influence the

date and timing of such private events. On this

note, India called off the talks.

Published on November 27, 2011


TheIndianEXPRESS

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China now rehearses captureof Tibet passes

AYEAR after conducting its first live military

exercise in Tibet, China has for the first

time rehearsed capture of mountain passes

at heights beyond 5,000 metres with the help of

armoured vehicles and airborne troops.

The Chinese Defence Ministry makes this claim

in a short official report that describes the exercise

as the first joint actual-troop drill of the PLA air

and ground troops under information-based con-

ditions in frigid area with a high altitude. The

joint drill involved the Chinese Air Force, ground

troops, armoured columns and a range of support

entities.

Unusually for China, the report carried a

detailed description of the exercise. At the very

beginning... the new type warplanes of the PLA Air

Force conducted accurate strikes at the targets....

Shortly after seizing the commanding point,

the long-range guns launched full-scale shoot-ing at the command post and the artillery position

of the enemy.

This was followed by the armoured vehicle

group and infantry combat vehicles branching out

into columns and launching a sudden and violent

attack on the mountain passes occupied by the

enemy. The special operation detachment out-

flanked the enemy and raided the enemys com-

mand post. Army aviation troops and anti-aircraft

missiles, the report stated, provided cover.

Subsequently, the PLA report claims, after

reaching a mountain pass at a height over 5,000

metres, the armoured vehicle group and the

infantry combat vehicles broke through the inter-

diction barrage of the enemy in succession.

In a simultaneous effort, another mountain pass

at a height of more than 5,000 metres but located

hundreds of kilometres away was taken over.

Conducting military operations on plateau

with an elevation of more than 4,500 meters is an

extreme challenge, the report said.

Published on November 20, 2011

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China flexing muscles, govt clearsBrahmos for Arunachal

PRESSING ahead with the second phase of

military expansion along the China front,the government has given the go-ahead to

deployment of Brahmos cruise missiles in

Arunachal Pradesh. This will be Indias first offen-

sive tactical missile deployment against China,

sources said.

The three Brahmos missile regiments raised so

far have been deployed in the western sector to

counter the Pakistan threat. This will be the fourth

regiment.

With a range of 290 km, these cruise missiles

are being deployed to improve Indias military

reach into the Tibet Autonomous Region and

counter Chinas elaborate missile deployment

along the Sino-Indian border.

This, sources said, dovetails with Indias second

expansion plan but is being fast-tracked because

of urgency shown by the armed forces.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has also

cleared the five-year expansion plan for which hehad given the green signal earlier. The plan

involves fresh accretion of 89,000 troops, with 400

officers.

This is estimated to cost over Rs 65,000 crore,making it one of Indias biggest one-time military

expansion effort. The proposal is now with the

Finance Ministry, and will be put up before the

Cabinet Committee on Security.

Linked to this, the CCS has decided to focus on

security of Indian islands with the larger view of

securing maritime routes criss-crossing the Indian

Ocean.

Two Army brigades are also being lined up for

the Andamans while a battalion-strength pres-

ence is being considered for Lakshadweep along-

side the Navy. Air Force assets are also being

increased in these island territories, the sources

said.

The second Army expansion on the China bor-

der will include setting up a corps headquarter in

Panagarh, West Bengal, along with two more divi-

sions. An independent armoured brigade along

with an artillery division will be part of the set-up.

Published on October 17, 2011


27/46


TheIndianEXPRESS

eBOOK

Delhis hotline to Beijing waits forroom in PMO, tech upgrade to

match the Chinese

MORE than two years after it was agreed

upon at the highest level, India and Chi-

na have not been able to establish a hot-

line at the Prime Ministers level because the Indi-

an side is yet to come up with suitable encryption

technology. The Chinese side has not only finished

preparations but has also delivered its decryption

equipment here to be installed at the Prime Minis-

ters Office. The uninstalled Chinese equipmenthas been lying idle for at least three months now,

also because the PMO has still not designated a

location for the hotline.

The decision on setting up a hotline was taken

in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg at a meeting

between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and

Chinese President Hu Jintao on the margins of the

2009 BRIC summit. At that time, the idea was to

set it up within a month. But technical negotia-

tions carried on and a formal pact was signed by

the two Foreign Ministers last April.

There will be two hotlines one set up by India

and the other by China. If New Delhi were to initi-

ate a call, the Indian hotline would be used and if

Beijing were to make the call, the Chinese line

would be operational. Both sides were to use their

own encryption and decryption technology to

secure their respective lines.

China, which has such hotlines with other coun-tries, was quick off the block and set up its line

within months after the formal agreement. Neces-

sary equipment, including those required for

encryption, were installed at the Beijing-end and

the decryption equipment was brought to Delhi.

Chinese engineers have handed it over with all

necessary instructions to their Indian counterparts.

While all went smoothly on the Chinese side,

India realised it would need a qualitatively higher

grade encryption-decryption technology for a hot-

line with Beijing. Until now, sources said, the onlyhotline at the PM-level is with Russia and the tech-

nology used is a decade-old and outdated.

So, a call was taken to develop indigenous tech-

nology and the task was given to the Defence

Research Development Organisation. A few weeks

ago, sources said, the DRDO conveyed that it has

come up with some equipment and is ready to

offer it for inspection and trial.

While this delay has carried on, the PMO is yet

to allot a room for the hotline to be installed. This

flows from a decision that the China hotline will be

put up in a separate room and not in the PMs

office. A room, sources said, was designated but as

matters dragged, the room was taken away and

allotted for some other purpose.

The committee, which was set up to opera-

tionalise this hotline, finally asked the PMO last

month to find a place for the hotline so that at least

the Chinese line could be made operational.



28/46


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India-China border: Joint

mechanism on cardsIn a far reaching move aimed at increasing trust

along the disputed India-China boundary, the Cab-

inet Committee on Security (CCS) has given its go

ahead to set up a new joint mechanism on bound-

ary consultations with China. With all relevant

ministries on board, formal negotiations will now

begin with Beijing to sew up an agreement.

From what has been approved by the CCS

recently, the joint mechanism will have members

from different ministries such as Defence and

Home, besides representatives of intelligence

agencies and the military. It will be headed by

Joint Secretary in-charge of East Asia in the Min-

istry of External Affairs, who will be in touch on

real-time basis with his Chinese counterpart.

Interestingly, the Chinese side is learnt to have

indicated that instead of the South Asia division,the Director General in-charge of the recently cre-

ated department of boundary affairs in their Min-

istry of Foreign Affairs will head the mechanism

from their end. A lot of the issues emerging out of

different perceptions of the LAC will now be dealt

through this mechanism.

To this end, the final agreement will go into

specifics of how this mechanism will function on a

routine basis, its definition and scope in terms tak-

ing spot decisions.

India and China had reached an in-principle

understanding during Prime Minister Manmohan

Singhs visit to Sanya in April for setting up such a

group. However, both sides had to work out the

details internally before starting negotiations. The

idea was first mooted by Chinese Premier Wen

Jiabao when he visit India last December.

Unlike previous efforts, sources said, this mech-

anism will look to frame an agenda beyond justthe maintenance of peace and tranquility along

the LAC, which was the objective of earlier agree-

ments in 1993 and then the one in 1996 on confi-

dence building measures in the military field. This

group will look at ways to ensure that differences

over the boundary do not become an obstacle to

practical cooperation. However, sources clarified,

it will build on existing structures of border inter-

action and not replace them.

While giving clearance for setting up such a

mechanism, the CCS was informed that the group

will be the first of its kind to ensure immediate

contact between Delhi and Beijing in case of a

transgression or intrusion like incident on the

boundary before the event can create any local

provocation.

Though there are mechanisms in place for local

commanders to speak and resolve matters, both

sides were of the view that a Delhi-Beijing connectwas important to ensure tempers dont flare up.

One of the reasons why China moved the idea,

sources said, was the worry in Beijing over the

negative publicity in India over incidents along the

boundary.

But India feels that this should be one part of

the groups remit. The new mechanism is expected

to focus significant energy on ways to improve the

border environment by promoting, religious

excursions, opening more passes for movement of

people and reducing the general stress associated

with the India-China boundary.

At present, sources explained, there is very little

in terms of border interaction between popula-

tions on both sides. And with growing military

deployment, the atmosphere is more tense and,

hence, potentially volatile. The effort is to have this

mechanism come up with practical, yet innovative

ideas of border cooperation.



29/46


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India hits China wallin anti-terror talks

INDIAS first conversation in three years with

China on counter-terrorism recently failed to

make much headway despite New Delhi pro-

viding Beijing fresh findings and evidence.

Not only did China bluntly refuse to re-examine

its objection in the UN to proscribing the Jaish-e-

Mohammeds Maulana Masood Azhar and two

prominent Lashkar-e-Toiba faces, but also firmly

rejected looking into details of Chinese arms sup-

pliers provided by Anthony Shimray of the NSCN

(IM).

The counter-terrorism dialogue in Beijing this

July, the first such talks after 26/11, was an attempt

at reviving this old bilateral mechanism after three

years. However, sources said, there was noprogress on substantive issues.

The US has been unsuccessfully prodding China,

a permanent member of the United Nations Secu-

rity Council, to allow the UN to put Azhar along

with Lashkar operatives Azam Cheema and Abdul

Rehman Makki under the al-Qaeda and Taliban

sanctions list. India had hoped for a change in the

Chinese attitude if it discussed the matter at a

more discreet bilateral setting.

According to reliable sources, while the Indian

side presented detailed information on each of the

three terror figures, all Pakistan-based, Chinese

officials insisted the information was still insuffi-

cient.

Interestingly, the Chinese interlocutors con-

veyed that Beijing was not contesting the terror-

related evidence provided by Delhi, but that infor-

mation connecting the three to al-Qaeda or

Taliban was not enough.The Chinese side argued that this was a techni-

cal requirement under the relevant UN resolu-

tions. A frustrated Indian delegation then

promised to revert with more information in due

course. Since then, instructions have gone out to

security agencies to obtain evidence of the kind

sought by China.

If this marked a poor beginning to the talks,

sources said, the discussion on Northeast insur-

gent groups and their alleged Chinese links was

almost a non-starter. The Indian side passed on

information provided by Shimray in his state-

ments before the court that the NSCN (IM) had

arranged arms and ammunition worth nearly $2

million from TCL, a subsidiary of Chinese arms

company China Xinshidai. However, even names

of individuals, the agents in Bangkok and othersuch details did not seem to impress the Chinese

side.

The Chinese interlocutors are believed to have

told their Indian counterparts that they could not

act on a mere confessional statement regard-

less of whether it had been admitted in a court of

law. Sources added that they latter reverted saying

the information could not be corroborated.

The only issue which the Chinese side raised

was the strong possibility of the Tibetan move-

ment turning violent in the near future and they

wanted India to take extra measures for security of

Chinese assets. The Indian side gave details of the

government going the extra mile to ensure the

same.

India gave a detailed briefing on Pakistans role

in acts of terror on Indian soil. The Chinese side

was particularly interested in knowing the evi-

dence gathered in the 26/11 attacks.



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CHINA is learnt to have questioned Indias

membership proposal before the NuclearSuppliers Group (NSG) on grounds that an

exception should not be made for just one country.

In a clear attempt to build a case for Pakistan too,

China has told the 46-member grouping that all

potential candidates must be considered for mem-

bership.

According to details that have emerged from the

June 23-24 meeting of the NSG at Noordwijk in the

Netherlands, there was fair amount of concern

expressed by many members over considering

Indias membership given that it is not a signatory

to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Some countries

also urged the US and other countries like France

and UK, which were backing Indias case, to

reassess the impact this may have on the non-pro-

liferation regime.

However, it was China that took a totally differ-

ent line and asked for rules of membership to be

framed for all potential candidates than make anexception for India. Pakistan and Israel are the only

remaining two nuclear-enabled countries that

have not signed the NPT and clearly, sources said,

the Chinese emphasis was aimed at benefitingIslamabad. In the end, such a move would end up

complicating Indias case.

On the other hand, sources pointed out that Bei-

jing has in the past backed a criteria-based

approach within the NSG rather than granting

country-specific exemptions. To that extent, this is

being seen as a somewhat consistent position.

The US had agreed to pilot Indias membership

to the four sensitive technologies export control

regimes including the NSG which has the most

stringent controls. This commitment was con-

firmed through the Indo-US joint statement dur-

ing US President Barack Obamas visit to India.

While the US has circulated a non-paper among

member countries and India too has conducted its

own outreach effort, the roadblocks could be a

quite a few with China making its intention

uncharacteristically clear quite early in the pro-

cess.

Published on July 17, 2011

China red flags Indiamove to join NSG


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KEEN on the resumption of high-level mili-

tary exchanges, India and China are dis-

cussing a proposal to have an Indian mili-

tary delegation at the Divisional Commander

level visit China.

New Delhi has, however, made it clear that the

leader of the delegation will be an officer from the

Northern Command. Last July, India had decided

to suspend high-level military exchanges after

Beijing told New Delhi that the Northern Army

Commander, who was leading a delegation of

senior military officials to China, would require a

stapled visa. The reasoning given was that he was

in-charge of an area, Jammu & Kashmir, for whose

residents Beijing does not issue regular visas but

staples them on the passport.

While some breakthrough could come during

Prime Minister Manmohan Singhs visit to China

starting Tuesday, officials are downplaying expec-tations, aware that Beijing will be more focused on

the multilateral event at the resort town of Sanya

the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South

Africa) Summit.

Its learnt that Singh is slated to meet Chinese

President Hu Jintao on Wednesday. They will dis-

cuss the entire range of bilateral issues, particular-

ly the proposed bilateral strategic economic dia-

logue that will be led, on New Delhis side, by

Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission Mon-

tek Singh Ahluwalia.

On high-level defence exchanges, sources

said, both sides have tried to be creative in find-

ing a solution. If the Chinese were to agree to the

proposal, they would have to issue a stamped

visa to the Major General-level officer from

Northern Command. At the same time, India is

not insisting that only the Northern Army com-

mander head the delegation. Its hoped, officials

said, that China may see reason in the fact that

a Divisional Commander is not in charge of the

entire J&K.

The hope here is that if this works out, then

both countries can inch closer to resolving the

stapled visa issue. While China has not issued

stapled visas in the last few months to J&K resi-

dents, sources said, the question in New Delhi is

when will China start issuing stamped visas on a

regular basis.

There have been some instances of proper

visas being given to J&K residents like when a

singer from Jammu had to perform at the closing

ceremony of the Asian Games at Guangzhou. Or

even the four media persons from J&K traveling

with the Prime Minister to cover the BRICS sum-

mit. But sources cautioned against reading too

much into this arguing that Beijing may have

issued proper visas this time since it would notwant this row to cloud its showcase BRICS summit.

Since India suspended military exchanges,

there have been a string of messages from differ-

ent levels in China that such a situation was not

desirable, including from Gen Ma Xiaotian, Deputy

Chief of General Staff in the Chinese PLA. India was

clear that this was linked to the stapled visa issue

and that this had to resolved.

The matter also came up for discussion during

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabaos visit to India last

December and he assured the Indian side that Chi-

na would find a way out on the stapled visa issue.

Of late, Chinese officials too have been positive on

resolving this issue and resuming high-level mili-

tary contact, which has prompted some optimism

in New Delhi. But, as of now, sources said, it is still

not a done deal.

Published on April 12, 2012

India, China work on resumingdefence exchanges


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C

HINA is set to extend its Tibet railway net-

work into the strategically important

Chumbi valley area, next to Sikkim and theSiliguri corridor. This was confirmed by a Chinese

Railways Ministry map, put out last month, show-

ing Chinas long term railway network plan.

Until now, these plans were being loosely spec-

ulated upon, but they now have an official stamp

on it. The latest map shows the railway line

extending from Lhasa to Zangmu on the Nepal

border, which is going to eventually extend into

Nepal and even Kathmandu.

According to the plan, another line will branch

out midway from this link to Zangmu, at a place

called Shigatse. This line will move east and go

right up to Yadong, on the mouth of the Chumbi

Valley. This town is connected to Sikkim through

the Nathu La pass and is strategically located on

the tri-junction of India, China and Bhutan.

There are areas near Yadong which are still dis-

puted between China and Bhutan. The area wit-

nessed military conflict in 1962 as part of the Indi-an effort to defend Nathu La.

While construction on the line has not yet start-

ed, sources said, feasibility studies are already

being conducted. This project is slated for comple-

tion by 2017, bringing the Tibet railway just 500km short of the Siliguri corridor. This may raise

demands from Bangladesh to provide connectivity

to the Chinese market via India.

This project must be seen along with the hectic

progress, further east, on a railway line connecting

Kunming in China to Singapore. With the Thailand

government throwing its weight behind the idea,

work on this project is moving at a quick pace. Giv-

en that there already exists a trade route from the

Indian border to Kunming, the understanding is

that pressure will increase on India to link up with

the Chinese railway network.

What is of more concern to India is that the

improved technological ability in this sphere

means Beijing will end up meeting its deadlines. In

the last year, China added over 10,000 km of high

speed railway, and in the past five years has built

70,000 km railway lines. India, on the other hand,

has struggled to connect Bhutan to India by rail.

Published on February 14, 2011

Plans on track, China rail link tostretch to near Sikkim border


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SO FAR, Beijing has denied any plans to build a

dam on its side of the Brahmaputra river. But

strong evidence has now emerged to suggest

that China has begun constructing a dam on the

river which it calls the Yarlungzangbo (better

known as Yarlong Tsangpo to the Tibetans).

Its learnt that the Zangmu hydroelectrical pro-

ject was inaugurated on March 16 this year and

the first concrete was poured on April 2.

The 1.138-billion Yuan (1 Yuan = $0.15) project

has been awarded to a five-company consortium

with China Gezhouba Group along with NIDR

(China Water Northeastern investigation, design

and research) involved in its construction.Involved in its financing is the Huaneng Corpo-

ration, one of Chinas biggest power companies.

From preliminary information available with

India, the Chinese plan to have a series of five

medium-sized dams along the river in the Nan-

shan region of Tibet at Zangmu, Jiacha or Gyatsa,

Zhongda, Jiexu and Langzhen.

Of this, sources said, detailed information so far

is available on the Zangmu dam.

This dam is expected to generate 540 MW; its

height will be 116 m and length 389.5 m, its 19 m

wide at the top and 76 m wide at the bottom.

According to information that is being circulat-

ed by companies involved in the project, the

Zangmu dam is a gravity dam with water-block-

ing structures which could mean construction ofa reservoir.

Some academic articles had set off fears of

China begins building

dam on its side of theBrahmaputra


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hydroelectric projects and water diversion plans

on the Brahmaputra in Tibet about three years ago.

A worried India, as a lower riparian country,

had taken up the matter with China. Beijing had

then assured New Delhi that these were just arti-cles in the press and no concrete decision had

been taken.

The assumption here was that China was only

looking at tributaries of the Brahmaputra but the

Zangmu dam project is well after all tributaries

have joined the river.

The two countries had then agreed to establish

a joint mechanism for sharing technical data on

rivers like the Brahmaputra and Sutlej.

This exchange, however, has been restricted to

flood season data and Indian efforts to widen the

scope of information-sharing have not moved

forward.

China, sources said, never informed India about

its plans or this specific project.

Significantly, according to information

received here, the Nanshan Regional Administra-

tion issued orders as early as October 30, 2007 for

evacuation of people from the area from Novem-

ber 1, 2007.

According to the order, the dam site will include

all areas up to 3310 m above sea level and people

inhabiting these heights were asked to vacate.Earlier this month, the Gezhouba group is said

to have gone public saying it had successfully

completed setting up the concrete feed line.

Satellite images from February show construc-

tion activity in Zangmu and Jiacha with evidence

of labour quarters.

The consequences to India from this project and

the others about which little information is known

can only be ascertained if more information is

shared and teams are allowed to access the site.

Its learnt that the tendering process for this

entire project is being overseen by the Three

Gorges International Corporation.

Along with India, Bangladesh is another coun-

try that would be affected by dams and has often

voiced concerns in this regard.



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BARELY weeks after it failed in its attempt to

block Asian Development Bank (ADB) funds

to a project in Arunachal Pradesh, China has

successfully struck back.

Last month, in a development New Delhi has

been quiet about, China won a vote on a disclo-

sure agreement, which prevents ADB from for-mally acknowledging Arunachal Pradesh as part of

India. (A disclosure agreement is a formal notifica-

tion of a project once its approved by the ADB

Board).

On June 16, India had successfully isolated Chi-

na the entire ADB Board except Beijing had vot-

ed in Indias favour and secured approval for its

$2.9-billion country

express india china final

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