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RIPE@2012 Conference Paper Workgroup 2: PSM Structure, Production and Policy
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Evolution or revolution? Public service broadcasters’ strategic and operational responses to technological development Kirsten McGregor and Fiona Martin Department of Media and Communications University of Sydney, Australia [email protected] [email protected] Draft: not for circulation or quotation.
This paper reports on the methodological development of a larger research project
that aims to analyse the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s (ABC) strategic and
operational responses to the national roll-out of broadband internet services. That
study has two broad objectives. First it will map the corporation’s processes of
engaging with technological change and innovation, to understand what drives its
development priorities and investment in new services. In doing so, it will reflect on
the ABC’s imagined roles and functions in a globalising networked society – that is,
where individuals are enabled and expected to participate in work, civil society and
government using the internet and digital communications technologies (Castells and
Cardoso, 2006) and are increasingly organising their social relationships via these
networks (Van Dijk, 2012)
Like other public service broadcasters globally, in recent decades the ABC has been
under political pressure to demonstrate its continuing public relevance and value in
the face of competition from new digital services, including domestic multichannel
free to air and subscription channels, international satellite and internet protocol
services. In response, since 1995 the ABC has developed a web service, six digital
radio channels, three digital television channels, a video on demand or ‘catch up’
service and mobile apps. However this rapid expansion has thrown up important
political and economic questions about the extent of its remit, which inform the need
for this research into its operational and strategic response to technological change.
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The first concerns the legislative boundaries of the ABC’s operations. Elsewhere the
expansion of national media beyond traditional broadcasting has required significant
rethinking of regulatory definitions and justifications (Moe, 2011), including the
drafting of new charters to include online and more inclusive notions of public service
media (Betzel and Ward, 2004) and the introduction of constraining public values
tests (Donders and Moe, 2011). In Australia the federal government’s Convergence
Review of media policy recommended the ABC’s charter, and that of the Special
Broadcasting Service, be updated “to expressly reflect the range of existing
services, including online activities, currently provided” (DBCDE, 2012). However
any broadening of the ABC’s remit will lead to claims about its potential to crowd out
commercial services, and questions about how it will rationalise strategic
development.
This points to the second area of concern – the ABC’s justification for funding
specific technological changes or innovations. Former ABC managing director, Brian
Johns firmly believed that ABC should have a presence on every platform available
(Martin, 2000) but the corporation’s resources are limited by its overwhelming
dependence on government grant. There has already been significant internal and
external debate about the cost of ABC 24, the digital television news service, and its
implications for quality of other news and current affairs programming (Kalina, 2010,
Simons, 2011). Now as Australia’s federal government rolls out its high speed
internet project, the National Broadband Network (NBN), the ABC must determine
how it will prioritise content and service development for this new environment and
how to meet its growing online distribution costs.
While we know something of the political and economic pressures that will affect the
ABC’s planning for the NBN, less is clear about the social and cultural dynamics
involved in its response – the policy and operations actors, their objectives and
intentions, and the network of communicative relations that will influence their
decision-making processes. This study initially aims to find out who is preparing the
ABC for broadband content production, services and technologies and who or what
is influencing their strategic investment and development decisions. A social network
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analysis, based on Actor Network Theory (ANT), will be used to map the relevant
actors and to understand their impact on strategy and operations. Interviews with key
human actors in those workplace networks will then be used to construct the network
maps, and to illustrate how responses towards technology adoption are formed and
considered. Three workplace networks within the ABC will be examined: the
Innovation division, which undertakes the research and development of new
services; the Television division, which is looking to renovate the traditional
broadcasting model; and the Operations group, which provides the infrastructure and
technical resources that, underpin content production and delivery.
The is a work in progress paper that will outline the methodology of this research by
first examining the context for broadband innovation in PSB, and the ABC. It will
outline the nature of the NBN infrastructure project and contextualise the scope of
possible technological change it represents for the ABC. We will then turn to the
uses of ANT and social network analysis in researching technological change
processes, and discuss how they are being applied in this project to examine the
ABC’s internal decision-making processes. Finally the project will raise a series of
questions about the ABC’s preparations for the NBN that will be addressed as the
research moves forward. The aim is for the research to develop a methodology that
might inform comparative inquiries into public service broadcasters’ digital media
strategies.
Justifying the drive to change and innovate
Public service broadcasting (PSB) worldwide is facing difficult decisions as it
transitions to multiplatform modes of production and consumption, following its
audiences as they gravitate to new technologies of distribution and niche
communities of interest online. While Western governments, with few exceptions,
have sanctioned broadcasters’ moves to online and digital media platforms, this shift
has taken place during a neo-liberal period of communications de-regulation and
globalisation, where media policy has emphasised market competition over public
good concerns. The first question asked by the European Council, in its 2009
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discussion paper about new governance models for public service media, was how
the need to extend broadcasters’ remits could be “harmonised with the public/private
dual structure of the European electronic media landscape and the market and
competition questions?” (Council of Europe, 2009)
Widespread claims of PSM “crowding out” new commercial players and dampening
innovation in digital media markets - including James Murdoch’s scathing attack
(Murdoch, 2009) during his period as News Corporation Chairman - have made
governments more inclined to introduce constraints on PSM development, from the
funding cuts facing the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation to the public value tests
introduced in UK and European jurisdictions. In Australia, although the ABC’s
government allocation was increased in 2010 after a decade of cuts and targeted
funding controls, the corporation’s diversification of services has occurred during a
period when real funding has not risen to match digital expansion. This is a particular
problem for the ABC online, where increased public use of its streaming radio and
iView video on demand service have seen its bandwidth costs increase dramatically.
Many scholars have documented the dilemmas PSBs have faced in responding to
digitalisation and audience fragmentation, and their need to reposition their roles and
rethink their offerings to their pluralising publics (Barnett and Docherty, 1986, Raboy,
1997, Achille and Miège, 1994, Enli, 2008). However in the multichannel societies of
the liberal West, two new questions emerge for broadcasters seeking to enter new
media markets: how far should they go in responding to constant media and
communications technology change? And what should determine their change
agenda – market innovation or perceived audience demand, policy or operational
needs?
As a contribution to answering these questions initially in a specific national context,
this study will analyse the mechanisms for change within the ABC and how its
responses to technological changes relate to its imagined purpose in a transforming
media landscape.
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The ABC and structural change
The ABC is the larger of two public service broadcasters in Australia. It began
broadcasting as the ABC in 1932 after the government nationalised radio companies
that had attempted to provide a national service. It was not, however, the first
broadcaster in Australia and was in competition with commercial broadcasters from
day one. However since it became a corporation in the 1980s the organisation has
been increasingly focused on production efficiencies, workplace productivity and
technological change as means of demonstrating public value for state funding.
All of the ABC’s funding comes directly from the Australian federal Government,
aside from a small stream of product revenue. The corporation submits triennial
funding requests and is routinely asked by the Senate to justify its spending.
Therefore, while it is legislatively and editorially independent, its policy and
technological evolution is necessarily influenced by contemporary political agendas.
Like other PSBs, its structure and strategy is also historically influenced by powerful
‘silo’ based production and programming interests, in this case of the Television,
Radio and News and Current Affairs divisions.
More distinctively the ABC’s corporate structure and the evolution of its broadcast
networks have been heavily influenced by the need to service a highly dispersed
national population, which is concentrated in a few urban areas. As of 2006, more
than two-thirds of people lived in major cities (68%) and the remainder (32%) were in
regional and remote areas (ABS, 2008). As of 2011, the ABC had 5,412 employees,
which equated to 4,599 full time positions across the length and breadth of Australia.
However the primary executive centres are in Sydney and Melbourne, with other
metropolitan areas - the so-called BAPH (Brisbane, Adelaide, Perth and Hobart)
states - historically less important to strategic planning and operations coordination.
This is a key reason that this study will initially focus on ‘top level’ workgroup
activities and social networks in the major centres, before investigating change
processes on the margins, in key regional and local centres.
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The current top-level organisational structure of the ABC is shown in figure 1. This
study is primarily concerned with only three of the groups shown here: the Innovation
Division, the Television Division and the operational areas that come under the office
of the Chief Operating Officer, or the Operations Group.
Figure 1 – ABC Organisational Chart Source: ABC 2011. Annual Report
These three workgroups represent a cross-section of broadband policy-making
activities that will be analysed to understand how tech change agendas are formed,
driven and prioritised.
When discussing technological change and the introduction of new digital services it
makes sense to firstly examine activities in the work group specifically constructed to
consider the ABC’s future – it’s Innovation Division. When Innovation was created in
2007 then managing director Mark Scott indicated it would act as an ‘incubator of
digital development’ (Scott, 2007).The strategic planning work being done in
Innovation will be considered alongside the multi-platform initiatives of the Television
Division, a more traditional broadcasting area looking at developing its scheduled
content for new digital delivery approaches. The third area for analysis is the
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Operations Group, which is primarily tasked with the support and daily running of the
corporation’s technical services.
Each workplace group faces different challenges in researching, planning for and
implementing technological change. In 2011, Innovation employed only 1.4% of ABC
staff. The division is currently undergoing internal upheavals with a significant
changeover in senior staff and a new director appointed. Communicative
relationships with other workplace groups are in a state of flux, and preliminary
inquiries suggest that historic social networks have been disrupted. Innovation then
is poised to take a new direction in its strategic policy development; one informed by
the external relationships of its new director, Angela Clark, who comes to the ABC
from commercial media and software initiatives.
The Television division in contrast is recognisable as a more stable, if project based
traditional broadcasting workgroup. It directly employs only 7.7% of staff compared
to 22.1% in Radio and 20.9% in News. However its content services provided
directly involve more Operations Group members than other divisions. Television is
also likely to be more directly affected by broadband developments than the other
divisions, given the significant developments in internet protocol television services
including video on demand, peer-to-peer file sharing, mobile and social television
and locative services.
The Operations Group is the largest sector of the organisation, employing 35% of
ABC staff in 2011. It is tasked with the infrastructure and technical or ‘back-end’
support for the projects and ambitions of the content groups. The group is made is
made up of four sub-divisions - Technology, Resources, Communications Networks,
and Business services - and the departments of Group Audit and Capital Works (the
project management team).
In terms of the ABC’s broad strategic goals, as defined in its charter, the broadband
development priorities of all these workgroups have some similarities.
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One of the key concerns for the ABC in investing new media platforms like the NBN
is the potential to achieve the goal of universal service. In 2011 the ABC reported
that 99.38% of the population of Australia could access its Local Radio services and
97.93% could receive digital television. However in the last four years digital
television service coverage has increased less than one percent (Australian
Broadcasting Corporation, 2011). Trying to reach increasingly smaller pockets of
inhabitants in inaccessible areas will inevitably raise the cost of broadcast
distribution significantly. This pressure to provide universal service is still a uniquely
public service dilemma, as commercial networks would not consider it cost effective
to broadcast to remote or specialist audiences (and indeed have periodically
withdrawn news services from regional areas in response to industry rationalisation)
and community broadcasters are not usually expected to provide generalist services
to multiple, dispersed communities.
The NBN, in contrast, represents the chance to reach some of Australia’s most
remote communities via state-funded fibre optic telecommunications infrastructure,
including satellite or wireless links. It also represents the possibility for delivering
more comprehensive services – for example to people with disabilities, via digital
captioning and audio description technologies (Australian Broadcasting Corporation,
2010). It also comes with increased costs that are not explicitly funded by
government, unlike its transmission costs, and instead have been met by the ABC’s
operational budget, thus reducing funds available for content creation (Australian
Broadcasting Corporation, 2012) As the ABC notes, its online networks currently
handle one petabyte of data per month, “making it probably the single largest
Australian user of content delivery networks (CDN) for media content” (ibid: 7) with
costs rising relative to any increase in user numbers. The ABC online is in this sense
a victim of its own success, paying more for expanded online audience. With more
Australians likely to download more ABC programming in a post NBN world,
broadband developments clearly represent a budgetary threat.
There are also unique strategic implications of NBN developments for each of the
workgroups discussed. Innovation recognises the NBN as a potential infrastructure
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for research and development - the exploration of new interactive audio-visual
services, as well as potential external collaborations and partnerships. For the
Television division the NBN represents an additional and possibly improved platform
for content delivery as well as a destructive influence, possibly fragmenting their
audience as it seeks out time-shifted, customised content. The Operations Group is
a potential NBN end user, taking advantage of the broadband capability for internal
production and distribution processes.
Thus the NBN, represents what Bruno Latour would recognise as a powerful non-
human actor, exerting, in its potentiality, an influence over the direction and focus of
the ABC’s policy-making and technical processes. It is this conceptual agency of the
NBN in the ABC’s change processes that needs to be considered as part of its
evolving technological system.
The NBN as change agent
The NBN is an estimated $43 billion government infrastructure project which aims to
provide high speed internet access of between one and 12 gigabits per second via
fibre optic, fixed wireless or satellite connection to every home, school and
workplace in the country (NBN Co Limited, 2011). The project is the central feature
in the federal government’s economic growth strategy, with Communication Minister
Stephen Conroy optimistically suggesting “ubiquitous, high-speed, affordable
broadband” will enable Australia to become one of the world’s leading digital
economies by 2020 (Conroy, 2012).
The NBN represents the potential for the ABC to extend its programming reach, to
allow it to deliver more rich media content online and to enable it to explore internal
production efficiencies, thereby improving its service value to citizens. However with
the full capacity of the network yet to emerge, and with the roll-out due to take place
over the next eight years, it is unclear how the different possibilities of broadband
internet should be pursued and prioritised.
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The length of the roll out is seen to be one of the biggest problems with the network
since the full influence and potential of the scheme will not be known until the
connections are complete. In preliminary interviews conducted for this research,
ABC staff members have expressed concern that the results may be less than
revolutionary and that the ABC’s own broadcast reach may be equal to, or better
than, the eventual service that the NBN can provide. However the ABC is
economically and politically tied to the federal government’s policy agenda, both in
terms of its dependence on commercial internet service provision and its need to
respond to intensified user demands.
Even though the NBN is in its infancy, it is necessary to analyse and debate the
scope of the ABC’s engagement with broadband production, programming and
distribution now, rather than after the fact. Raymond Williams may have been
discussing video technology when his thoughts on policy making were first published
back in 1974, but his observations about media policy making are equally valid
today:
“the history of broadcasting institutions shows very clearly that the institutions
and social policies which get established in a formative, innovative stage –
often ad hoc and piecemeal in a confused and seemingly marginal area –
have extraordinary persistence into later periods” (2003:152)
Studying PSB and change
In order to analyse the complex factors which drive transformation of complex
institutions like PSBs researchers have drawn on a variety of different theoretical
traditions – for example, political history (Tracey, 1998) web history (Burns and
Brugger, 2012), organisational culture (Kung-Shankleman, 2000) and ethnography
(Born, 2004). This study will use a social shaping of technology (SST) framework to
examine the motivations and mechanisms for technological change within the ABC
and how its response to such change relates to the conception of its purpose in a
transforming media landscape.
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This approach rejects the stronger, or more technologically determinist school of
SST characteristic of Everett Rogers’ diffusion of innovations theory. In this it aligns
itself with Langdon Winner and Judy Wajcman’s substantial critiques of early social
construction of technology studies.
Winner’s problems with these forms of enquiry were extensive: that they did not
account for the social consequences of technological change, neglected those who
were ultimately impacted, did not look deeply enough at the influences on individual
decision-making and that they were not evaluative, providing no judgement of the
technologies they investigated.
The key concern for Wajcman was that gender plays a part in technology adoption
and change that has not been fully acknowledged (2002). Certainly while there have
been many SST studies of gender and technology they have most often examined
women’s role as end users (Cockburn and Ormrod, 1993) rather than innovators,
early adopters or influencers of change. Wajcman and others claim that studies such
as this one, which intend to concentrate on networks of influence surrounding
technological change, are biased towards the masculine and focus on male
technoculture whereas feminist studies are more interested in social relations and
impacts (Star, 1991, Wajcman, 2002).
Hofstede (2012) is not alone in recognising Australia as a masculine society, so
Wajcman’s decade old concerns are still highly pertinent in this country – and in the
ABC. Its 2011 Annual Report stated that there were a third more male executives
than females and that female technologists were outnumbered more than seven to
one by their male counterparts. In light of this imbalance this research intends to
consider the influence of gender relations in technological change planning and
operations. Considering actor gender and gender as a factor in workgroup network
relations will add a valuable cultural dimension to our understanding of influence in
the social shaping of digital media services.
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Lagesen also believes that constructivist research can benefit gender studies of
technological change and further calls for philosophical work to be done specifically
using Actor Network Theory (ANT) in relation to gender (2012), as the normative
heterogeneous nature of the ANT network does not distinguish gender any more
than it does objects.
Using ANT to analyse the ABC
ANT approaches seek to illustrate aspects of the organisational culture that affect
communication and to plot the exchange and translation of ideas, noting which
actors are able to get their ideas heard. As actions are born through the acceptance
and implementation of ideas, those actors whose strategies and proposals are heard
have the most influence in change processes. Those who have influence drive the
technological change agenda and that agenda dictates how an organisation
responds to shifts in its marketplace and society at large.
Although using ANT in media studies is not common, the mapping of heterogeneous
networks of human actors and actants – those individuals or groups who gain
agency through a spokesperson or champion –as well as non-human actors, is
exactly what makes it so suitable in this type of research. Turner’s use of ANT in the
modern newsroom (2005) gives an excellent example of how digital media
production is now a hybrid of people and machines which cannot be adequately
examined without the considering the equivalent significance of different types of
actors Couldry (2004) agrees that ANT is underused in the field of media theory and
believes that it has potential to be,
“a materialist approach to understanding what media are and their
consequences for the social world and social space.” (2004:11)
Actor Network researchers have also been criticised for not taking time and space
into consideration as they look at a snapshot of a social network (Couldry, 2004) and
failing to concern themselves with how that network might develop and evolve.
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This study is examining one technological shift and the influence it is having, and will
have in the future, on one organisation or media system. Using ANT to analyse the
ABC’s policy and operations processes is entirely appropriate as it will treat the
individuals, policies and operations within the ABC with the same significance as it
will the newer actor, which is the NBN. This research does not seek to articulate
ANT with any other methods or to use it explain why technology should produce
change. It will be used in the context in which it is most effective - to describe a
network of relationships and to allow that description to stand for itself. Although
most of the ABC’s internal influences on change will be treated as individual actors
within the network, external influences are too complex to be included in their raw
state.
Identifying the key actors in the digital media policy process requires talking to
people within the ABC, as most of this information is tacit knowledge only. As the key
respondents are generally working at executive level, and are busy people with
limited time, an ethnographic approach to their daily communications would be
ethically and practically difficult to organise and questionnaires would be unlikely to
elicit a wide response or to obtain the richness of information that arises in interview.
A semi structured interview is a useful, if flawed, way of extracting information while
keeping the interaction casual enough to maintain a flow of conversation
(Weerakkody, 2009, Bertrand and Hughes, 2005, Berger, 2011).
Information gathered in this way is prone to being opinion based and sample biased,
but these tendencies will be mitigated by ensuring that a wide enough sample of
interviewees is chosen to be fully representative of every area involved. The aim of
the research is to find trends and areas of agreement between subjects and so even
if details are misremembered, hidden or simply forgotten, the sample size will be
large enough to compare and contrast interview data within and across workgroups.
For this paper preliminary interviews have been conducted with several ABC staff
members in positions of policy or operational authority i.e. those primarily
responsible for the discussion, drafting and implementation of policy documents, in
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order to model a social network analysis (SNA) as a tool for understand the different
levels of interaction between policy actors. The snowballing technique will be used to
identify the extent of these individual actors’ workgroup networks, and to enable the
organic and systemic recruitment of interviewees based on workplace relations
rather than job titles or functions. Generally, senior staff members have indicated
interest in this topic and have opinions on how the ABC should position itself in the
marketplace, which they have indicated they are happy to share, although so far
there has been reluctance amongst participants to be directly quoted.
SNA shows the relationships between actors visually in the form of a node diagram,
which links them via social association (Freeman). The node diagram depicts each
person or thing as one point, or node, and the relationships or ties between them are
shown as connecting lines, each given a mathematical value based on three main
measures - degree centrality, betweenness and closeness - although there are more
than a dozen other attributes that can be measured through an SNA analysis
(Speck, 2007).
Degree centrality considers the number of connections an actor has within a social
network. The more connections, the higher the value of an actor’s degree of
influence or significance (Krebs and Krackhardt, 2003). Quantity does not always
mean quality though, and an actor may have fewer but more valuable social
connections where s/he plays an important part in linking areas which have no other
ties. In this case the actor would have a higher ‘betweenness’ value. Closeness then
refers to the length of the pathways in a network. An actor, who is connected to all
parts of the network with only a couple of separating nodes, has a higher influence
value than one who is several steps further away.
The quantitative data from these values can be used to interpret or translate an
actor’s network value against their functions and roles. This research has begun by
modelling “ego networks”, a simple network based on a few individuals and the
people they interact with on a daily basis within the context of their job (Everett and
Borgatti, 2005). This allows us to examine the significance of actors in relation to
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spreading ideas and giving advice about broadband technologies and innovation
within their workgroup networks, and across workgroups.
We can then move from a simple social network model into building a more complex
actor network analysis, which will allow us to consider the influence of non-human
factors in the strategic policy making and tech change processes. In this phase
additional nodes will have to be created to represent influential non-human actors
such as infrastructure and location, along with ‘black boxed’ nodes such as
government and the NBN itself. It is possible at this stage that the quantitative
relationship values derived from interview data will be less important than the
interpretation of social interaction derived from the network visualisation created
(Kalamaras, 2010).
At this point our research will not explore the social networks of staff beyond the
bounds of the corporation. The NBN and other broadband service or content
partners will be considered as single actors who contribute to or influence ABC
actors, and who appear as modes in the network mapping. However it is not within
the scope of this research to map a national, or even sectoral, digital media policy
network. Further not all data used in this project will be collected through interviews or SNA.
The ABC publishes annual reports, strategic plans and senior executive speeches.
Information on the structure, purpose and deliverables of the NBN will be drawn from
government submissions, NBN Co. literature and press releases. Neither the value
of the broadband project nor the performance of its services will be considered here.
The nature of the broadband network and its potential impact on ABC activities are
the only relevant factors for examination.
Responding to media and communications technology change – How far to go?
In exploring how far a PSB should go in developing new media services, it must first
be acknowledged that there is only so far they can go. The financial constraints of
PSBs are widely recognised. There are also social and legacy issues to deal with
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that in many cases overwhelm the simple argument of funding constraint.
Broadcasters inherently experience a cultural clash between programme makers and
operational staff perspectives. Creative cultures’ push for the new and early adopter
program-makers' desire for their content to be omnipresent in the mediascape will
inevitably clash with the pressure of organisational culture and resource allocations.
The context for technological change in a public service broadcaster is not created
by one author and planning is not carried out in a vacuum. It is influenced both by
contemporary actors and organisational history. Policy historian Jock Given’s writing
agrees that it is not possible for public organisations, particularly broadcasters, to
consider policy development without considering the orgainsation’s history as,
“These organisations have legislation, charters, staff, buildings and program
schedules that are products of history.” (Given, 2008)
He goes on to say that almost all technological change occurs in an environment of
existing technology that must be made compatible with the new, and that there are
always negotiations required between old and new (2008). Technological change
through workplace operations comes in various ways. It may be a response to a
policy directive, a more immediate practical problem that needs solving or a
‘guerrilla’ style action by employees with the ability and motivation to do so, as
Maureen Burns notes in her history of ABC Online (Burns, 2008).
The information gathered in this study will be used to determine whether the
knowledge of strategic policy is consistent with actions throughout the organisation.
Whether the policy formation has been sufficient and communicated thoroughly
enough will have a significant impact on its success. Evaluating the influences on
policy creation shows how the policy is shaped and how potential changes in the
influences could create a different response. Policy documents are the final
outcome, or in this case the potential outcome.
Determining the change agenda – who calls the shots?
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Strategic policy is not necessarily the starting point for technological change. The
ABC has experienced significant operational movement through the action of
employees working at odds with official channels but with the ideology of
guardianship of the corporation in mind. Martin (2000, 2008) explores in depth the
creation of online services at the ABC through the perseverance and enthusiasm of
staff members without the seniority to do otherwise. In this instance those employees
could not be said to be acting against policy as policy documentation did not exist to
deal with the innovative processes they were enacting (Martin, 2008; Burns 2008).
Even if such documentation is in existence, one disconnect between operations and
policy is that some texts are never even read first-hand by those who might
implement the strategy (Ball, 1993:12). Policy can only guide when it’s
acknowledged. Picard (2012) describes the world of technical operations as dealing
with the two headed monster of scarcity and idealism, whereas the policy function is
concentrated on reporting to, and building the relationships with, those in power.
This contrast in objectives and motivations demonstrates how easily the two areas
can diverge even though their aims are the same. Another issue that can pull
operations and policy apart is the concept of strategic drift (Johnson et al., 2008)
where policy is created in one set of circumstances but the environment is changing
and the policy becomes irrelevant. For operational areas this drift away from their
realities feeds the organisational paradigm that there is a significant disconnect
between themselves and upper management levels (Johnson, 1987, Johnson et al.,
2008, Grundy, 2005, Picard, 2012). Getting the cultures of operations and policy to
follow the same path and work in reference to each other may not be easy but
successful technological change, that is one in which all actors achieve a positive
outcome, relies on it.
If policy does not always drive change, what does? Audiences are the ideal drivers
of any change agenda. This is not necessarily a contentious point as the attraction of
an audience is what all broadcasters, public or commercial, strive for, but it is often
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not the most significant part of the decision-making process in transforming
industries.
Interviewees within the ABC’s Operations Group have been unequivocal and
unapologetic that operational needs are much more likely than strategy to control the
everyday change agenda as they replace legacy equipment and deal with technical
life cycle constraints. These activities are carried out with an eye on both policy and
the market availability. The introduction of tapeless video cameras, for example,
came about through a need to replace old equipment and the obsolescence of
previous technology. Staff were left without a choice of technologies and had to
transfer all workflows to file based systems. There was not thought to be any need to
consider the audience in this decision as there was no discernible impact on them.
Even for tech changes that may affect the audience experience at the ABC,
audience research may well not be a consideration. Drivers for change in
presentation elements, for example, are just as likely to come from what staff
members consider to be inherent knowledge or the actions of a competitor.
Interviews with Television workgroup staff have confirmed, for example, that they do
not commission the ABC’s Research group to poll the audience when they consider
changing the colours, text fonts or voices on promotions or break fillers.
Considering the results
Even at this early stage in the research there are some patterns emerging in the
relationships between ABC workgroups. Firstly, the Innovation division appears to
have a significant disconnect from the other groups. Information from interviewees
suggest that this is not a recent development caused by the reorganisation of key
staff, but that there has never been a strong relationship between the daily
production of broadcasts and the group tasked with developing the ABC’s digital
content creation and distribution directions. When asked to name anyone in the
Innovation group they were aware of, the Television staff member questioned was
unable to come up with any names. Operations group staff on the other hand
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referred to the same three people, one of whom has left the company, a second who
has left the division and a third who had relocated to a different state but is now
pending redundancy.
From a social network perspective, the change in circumstances of three individuals
in Innovation has caused a significant break in communication. No current member
of the Innovation division who has been approached to participate in this study has
responded at this point. This could be a problem for this research but it is hoped that
when the organisational structure has time to settle there will be an opportunity to
speak with several key employees within the work group.
A second emergent issue is the potential reappearance of a silo mentality in strategic
planning. Members of the ABC leadership group had spoken in meetings and
workshops of issues in the past that were caused by the divisions of the corporation
not communicating with each other. Interviewees have noted that where there had
been a shift several years ago to a more collaborative culture, this had been
rescinded. There was a distinct concern, voiced by the Operations Group staff, that
divisions and work groups were distancing themselves from each other once again -
particularly, as one interviewee phrased it, the content divisions of Television, Radio
and News and the ‘back office’ of the Operations Group.
Another issue to be explored in the research is interviewees’ varied knowledge of,
and influence on the strategic, change oriented policy development process, as
contrasted with administrative policy-making. The creation of policy at the ABC
normally comes out of the discussions of the Policy Review Group. This group meets
to discuss issues that have arisen during the regular operation of the organisation
and policy is formed directly from a need identified at a lower level. These
administrative, day-to-day organisational issues are in areas such as travel,
expenses, health and safety etc. In ABC terms ‘policy’ is a document that provides
clear and practical instructions on how to act in certain circumstances. It became
clear as the interviews for this research proceeded that the interviewer’s questioning
had to be changed to use the term ‘strategy’ instead, in order to get information
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about broader, more future oriented technological change planning. Such a simple
word change brought about very different responses and of course necessitates
some interviews being repeated to get an accurate data set.
As the social network analysis and qualitative data-collecting proceeds, this research
will be able to state with some authority what the ABC is doing across key
workgroups in response to the NBN and what areas of strategy have not been
addressed. It is hoped that this case study will gives an appreciation of the questions
that arise for public service broadcasters when they are faced with responding to
new technologies, and particularly those advancements aimed at influencing and
serving society, just as they are. A network society relies on just such projects as
Australia’s NBN and the ABC’s digital transformation to allow for the dissemination of
knowledge between individuals, towns, nations and across the globe, just as earlier
twentieth century ‘social networks’ learnt to appreciate the value of public service
broadcasting.
Conclusion
This research will draw on quantitative and qualitative social shaping of technology
approaches to analyse how staff and workgroups within the Australian Broadcasting
Corporation are responding differently to Australia’s entry to the networked society -
the roll-out of the National Broadband Network. It asks how the operational and
policy–making processes these actors are developing around the NBN’s introduction
will impact on the ABC’s conceptions of its place in national media markets and its
social roles and functions.
One aim of this study is to investigate whether the introduction of the NBN will
change the way that the ABC makes decisions about its future in such a networked
world, and another is what these actors and their actions can tell us about the
relationship between public service broadcasters and technological change.
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While the ABC is monitoring the roll out of the NBN closely and considering its own
position and the potential impact of this new networking of Australia, this study is
taking critical stock of how the organisation reacts to technological change and
where the forces for those changes come from.
In the larger field of public service broadcasting across the world, it is envisioned that
this case study research will provide other organisations with a framework with which
to examine their own policy making processes for technological adoption, and to
understand how they might most effective structure their organisations and
technological change programs for effective, valuable social outcomes.
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