ethnopedology and folk soil taxonomies

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ETHNOPEDOLOGY AND FOLK SOIL TAXONOMIES

Pavel Krasilnikov

Facultad de Ciencias, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City, Mexico, and Institute of Biology,Karelian Research Center of RAS, Petrozavodsk, Russia,

Joseph Tabor

Office ofArid Lands Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA

Keywords:Cultural heritage, indigenous soil taxonomies, vernacular knowledge, soil survey.

Contents

1.What is Ethnopedology?2.History of

Ethnopedology

3. Indigenous Soil Classifications

4. Use of

Ethnopedology

5. Indigenous Soil Knowledge in Danger

6. Conclusions

Related Chapters

Glossary

Bibliography

Biographical Sketches

Summary

Ethnopedology is the study of how people understand, view, and manageland at different spatial scales. Local soil knowledge

can be extensive and complex, and it can encompass spiritual, cognitive, and practical aspects, as is documented since ancient

times. The development of scientifically based approaches to understanding, classifying, and managing soils has overshadowed

the value of ethnopedology. People recognize land or soil, and their components as a source of life and livelihoods. They

classify them to aid communication, and develop optimal land management practices for each specific soil and landscape types.

Folk soil classifications can use multiple criteria for naming soils, mostly soil color and texture, but also assign special names,
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mainly for soils and landscapes with unique and distinct characteristics. Folk soil knowledge can add insight and value to

scientific methods for soil mapping and land-use planning. Local soil knowledge is vanishing, discarded from one generation to

the next, leading to a loss of a communitys cultural heritage and unique understanding of its land gained over generations. This

knowledge has value and is worth conserving.

1. What is Ethnopedology?

1.1. Scope of Ethnopedology

Ethnopedology is a branch of ethnoecology, coined in 1954 by Harold Conlin, as the study of how people understand

ecosystems and environments in which they live. Ethnopedology, coined in 1981 by Williams and Ortiz-Solorio, uses the term

pedology as its root but has been applied in a much broader context to include how people understand, view, and manage the

land at different spatial scales. It is a scientific discipline that encompasses social and natural sciences. From the cultural

anthropology perspective one looks at how soils and landscapes are viewed culturally. From the soil science perspective one

looks at how soils are valued and managed. Both disciplines look at how soils and land is classified, nominally, descriptively, or

hierarchically within their particular perspective.

Specific interests include the study of: (i) local myths and rituals related to soil, (ii) local soil names, (iii) local perception of soil

and its spatial distribution, (iv) local knowledge of interaction of soils with other components of a landscape, (v) local land use,

management, and conservation practices, and (vi) comparison of indigenous systems of soil classification and land management

with scientific systems, and integration of local soil knowledge into soil surveys and natural resources conservation practices.

The boundaries of ethnopedology as a discipline are still under discussion by some academics. Some view it in very broad

terms to include the study of any knowledge about the land and its management, and others view it limited to folk soil

classification studies since the term pedology is used in soil science to denominate soil genesis, classification and geography

research. Among recent ethnopedological studies, the major part deals with local soil and land classifications (57%), and lesser

parts with mythology or land use practices. The other point under discussion is whether one should limit the scope of

ethnopedology only to existing folk classifications in weakly developed rural areas, i.e. in pre-industrial societies, or also should

include documented soil classifications of the past. In the latter case also a question rises if ethnopedology should include

"official" classifications of the past, which are much better documented than local classifications. Here are some examples of

these documented classifications.

The earliest known soil classification system in the world can be found in the ancient Chinese book Yugong(2,500 years B.P.),

where soils of China were classified into three categories and nine classes based on soil color, texture and hydrologic features.

Elsewhere, proper names were given, for example in Egypt where kemetmeans fertile black alluvial soils, while deshretmeans
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red desert land. About 3,000 years B.P. different arable soils had also different cost in Egypt, for example "nemhuna" soils

cost three times more than "sheta-teni" soils. Feofrastus, an ancient Greek botanist, described clay, sand, stony, salty, swamp,

soft, and hard soils and their relation to plant cover. In Rome, Cato (234-149 years B.C.) in his fundamental bookDe agri

culturadescribed a number of soil types: white clay, red clay, mottled earth (terra cario sam), and friable dark earth (terra

pulla). Mid-American civilizations were also known to develop soil classifications: at least 50 terms for various soils were

documented for pre-Hispanic Aztec culture.

One should, however, be cautious with these ancient classifications because, though the terms used by priests and government

officials were most probably of indigenous origin, the classification itself, its structure (like three categories and nine classes in

Yugong) were created artificially. In the case of ancient Greece and Rome, philosophers developed their own artificial

classifications, though some names were borrowed from folk terminology. These classifications can, therefore, not be regarded

as folk ones, and ethnopedology has little in common with these classification systems. However, the study of folk soil

classifications in a historical perspective helps in understanding the development of soil knowledge in various cultures and, thus,

ancient reports on vernacular soil classifications should be regarded as important sources of ethno-pedological information.

1.2. Philosophical and Ethnological Bases of Vernacular Soil Knowledge

Indigenous soil knowledge has three main components: (i) local beliefs and perception systems, (ii) local cognitive systems, and

(iii) local management and conservation systems. In agricultural societies, the asoil is one of the most important parts of the

human environment and therefore receives a special attention, since the whole life depends on soil fertility. Any agricultural

society has myths and legends, related to soils whereby soil is usually presented as "mother earth", which gives life to all beings,

i.e. soil fertility is stressed as its main characteristic.

A common plot of the myths is that soil fertility originated from the blood of a god or a hero (in some places victims blood was

used to maintain soil productivity), or from the sperm of a god (collective masturbation to fertilize the earth was not uncommon),

or from a magic device. An interesting example of the latter in a Karelian-Finnish epos Kalevala, where a wonderful millSampo has been broken, and its pieces distributed over the shores in order to make the soils more fertile. Likewise has land

degradation in places been associated with poetic and mythological explanations, e.g. in Mesopotamia where soil salinization

was ascribed to the effect of poisoned blood of a terrible dragon, killed by a hero.

Soil knowledge and soil management practices are closely linked in agricultural societies. Unlike special professional activities

(like that of priests, smiths or millers), soil use and management is a common activity for all the members of the community and,

thus, the knowledge on soil is widely shared among the people. They develop the management and conservation practices

together, and also work out a common classification of soils. Classification is one of the basic human mental activities. The

people start classifying objects from early childhood, and keep on doing that for the whole life. Our language itself is rooted inthe classification of the world, where each object should have its own name, and to be grouped with similar objects. The most


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important entities need common classification on the level of a community: a family, a tribe, or the whole ethnic group.

The value of a soil is recognized in most agricultural cultures of the world from spiritual, mythological level down to the practical

knowledge. Thus, special names are sometimes developed for identifying soils. These names, on one hand, include soil in the

overall picture of the world, and, on the other hand, provide a necessary communication tool, needed for practical purposes.

Since agriculture is a common activity of the community, soil terminology constitutes a part of common language, and develops

together with the language itself. Unlike special terminology, used, for example, by smiths, it is not restricted to a closed

professional group: that is why sometimes it is difficult to understand local classifications without an overall perception of the

language. However, significant difference in soil knowledge can usually be found among the members of a community according

to their age, experience, gender and social status. Thus, this knowledge may be regarded as a collective wisdom of the

community.

Though soil serves not only for agriculture, the most extensive soil knowledge is found in agricultural societies. Soil knowledge

among nomads and hunters is much more general and their perception of a soil encompasses much larger management units.

2. History of Ethnopedology

2.1. Early Studies of Vernacular Soil Knowledge

The study of folk soil knowledge started in the pre-scientific period, and historical documents show that even in ancient societies

the governors and priests collected information on soil resources, fulfilling a kind of ethno-pedological survey. Little

documentation of folk soil knowledge occurred in post-Renaissance Europe. To some extent it was due to a general tendency

of European scientists to disregard or discredit folk knowledge. This may have been also because soil knowledge was closely

connected with pre-Christian agrarian beliefs, which were not approved by the Church.

Later, for a long period up to the 20th century the general situation with folk soil knowledge might be characterized as

indifference. In Europe, scientific research of soil as a source of food started in 18 thcentury due to the growth of population

and increasing demand for agricultural production. At that epoch the traditional methods of land management were to a great

extent exhausted, and future development was related with novel technologies, like deep plowing and the use of fertilizers.

Traditional knowledge was considered to be useless, since it could not provide further growth, and the peasants were regarded

"ignorant". The same was true for newly colonized territories in Asia, America, and Africa: local agrarian traditions were

regarded as imprecise, "primitive", and were even seen as opposed to scientific knowledge.

In places, mainly in the regions with lesser economic development, folk knowledge was however still appreciated. In Russia, a

systematic survey of folk soil knowledge was started in the 16thcentury, when special books were created to evaluate soil
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resources of the state; these books were prepared by interviewing the peasants about the quality and productivity of their lands.

These books mainly included short characteristics of soils, likepoor sandy soils, clayey or stony soils, fat loamsetc. Later, in

19thcentury, the survey became more regular, and perennial data were published in a series of books "Materials on Statistics of

Russia", where a number of local folk soil names were listed. These materials were also used for preparing the first soil maps of

Russia which, in fact, were mainly based on an ethno-pedological survey. Also, in India and Africa, British and French

researchers paid attention to soil knowledge of local population, but the research was done mostly from an ethnographic point

of view.

2.2. Recent Developments in Ethnopedology

In 20th century, the interest to indigenous soil knowledge increased. Most authors consider the seminal paper of Conklin on

shifting agriculture in the tropics to be an important milestone of ethno-pedological and ethno-agrarian science. In fact, it was

not the first paper devoted to ethnopedology: a number of research works had already been published on vernacular soil

knowledge in East Africa, Bulgaria, New Zealand and Russia before that period. However, it was the first time scientists

understood that local traditional soil management practices, having been blamed to be primitive and even destructive, were

much better fitted to local conditions than the methods developed by trained agronomists.

The increased interest to ethnopedology was inspired by the growing understanding of the importance of soil conservation,

land-protective and environment-friendly management practices. Local soil knowledge appeared to be a valuable source of

information for land management planning, especially in developing countries. Also, in the 20 th century the value of cultural

diversity was recognized, and soil knowledge was also appreciated as a part of this cultural heritage. Special attention was paid

to indigenous soil terminology.

Many internationally recognized soil names, such as chernozem,solonetz,solonchak, rendzina, terra rossa, and many others

were derived from folk terminology of European peasants. Also, for soils of newly investigated territories some researchers

proposed using local vernacular names rather than applying the terms similar to already known soil objects. Although the

suggestion was not approved by the soil science community, this example shows the interest of pedologists to folk soil

knowledge. The attention to ethnopedology was increasing during the whole 20th century. To the beginning of the third

millennium more than a thousand of ethno-pedological papers and reports have been published.

3. Indigenous Soil Classifications

3.1. Aims and Purposes of Folk Soil Class ifications

Three main branches currently exist in ethnopedology: the study of indigenous land management and conservation practices, the
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research on soil-related myths, and vernacular soil classifications. The first branch is a practical discipline, which helps planning

optimal land use, the second one is aimed at better understanding of the cultural system of an ethnic group, and the third one

constitutes the nucleus of ethnopedology in the strict sense. The classifications of lands and soils do not only exist for fun, but

fulfill certain functions in human societies. The aim of most indigenous soil classifications is to provide a basis for land use;

however, a number of other objectives exist.

3.1.1. Agricultural Classifications

Land users classify soils according to their agricultural productivity and suitability for certain crops. However, this does not

mean that soil names themselves reflect the productivity of soils: most indigenous classifications use internal soil attributes, but

peasants know well the correspondence between certain soils and their crop productivity. In Bulgaria, productive soils are

called korava; soils where crops ripen earlier are identified asbarzitsa;those that are easy to cultivate are tatliya, halva or

ryadka; those that are difficult for cultivation are stigmata, aurtoprak or usuka; the unsuitable ones for cultivation are

muhlevina; those easily deflated by wind are namedstudena.

In Turkmenia, the most productive soils are named kara-upa (kara means black), less productive soils charchin, salt-

affected, but still productive soils are dzhaksy-kebir, and completely infertile saline soils are dzhaman-kebir. At Trobrian islandin Papua-New Guinea, kwalais a productive black soil, suitable for all crops;sawewoare soils formed on coral reefs, suitable

for yams; dumya is a clayey bog soil, suitable for taro in dry season, but unsuitable for yams; malalais a poor sandy soil,

unsuitable for taro, but suitable for yams.

The examples above show that farmers know a rather wide complex of properties associated with each soil, including their

productivity, suitable crops, time of ripening, and resistance to wind and water erosion. This knowledge serves as an important

basis for decision-making in land management in every rural community.

3.1.2. Landscape Classifications

In non-agricultural societies, among hunters and nomads, soil knowledge is usually more general than in agricultural societies.

For people who do not use soil as a mean of livelihood it has minor importance. However, in places one can find very

interesting observations on soil-landscape relations under non-agricultural conditions. For example, Evenks in Eastern Siberia

call kudu a salted soil (solonchak), used by animals as a source of salt. In the Ural mountain region people call aray low

flooded meadow land, covered with harsh unproductive grasses with rare trees of Alnus and Salix species. In Finland a

classification of forested wetlands includes neva, being forestless Sphagnumbogs on peat ombrotrophic soils; letti, being open

bogs with grass vegetation on peat-mud-carbonaceous soils; korni, being forest bogs with a dense tree growth of birch or

spruce on soils with shallow mineratrophic peat layer; and turvekangas: dry forested peaty massifs on mineral soils withshallow peat layer.


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In Middle Asia, people distinguish akkum, literally white sands, as loose sands without vegetation, and karakum, literally

black sands, as fixed sandy soils with a fragmental turf layer on the surface. In Northern Africa, different types of deserts are

distinguished: erg a sandy desert, usually situated in a vast depression;feh a soil of the clayey-stony or sandy deserts; regh

a stony gravel desert;serir a stony desert of lowland regions in the Sahara, where the surface is covered with gravel of

dense rocks over a compressed sand or sandstone layer;shott saline soils (solonchaks) of closed depressions, with a bottom

covered with a loose layer of salts, turning into salted lake after rain. In Eastern Africa miombosoils characterize the dry upland

savanna landscape with scarce xerophytic vegetation of southern Tanzania, southern Congo, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe and

Malawi.

Agrarian societies also consider landscape criteria for soil classification, since the nature of soils in a landscape also affects their

productivity. For example, the termsolod, actually used in some scientific classifications for naming soils with excessive surface

humidity and residual salt accumulation, initially meant in folk terminology in Southern Russia "circular wet depressions with

arboreal and shrub vegetation". In Bulgaria, soils formed on upland positions, where crops die in dry and hot periods, are called

prigororpriplavniva. In Senegal, in Peul language there are special names of alluvial soils, based on the periods of flooding,

such as baldiol:periodically flooded cultivated clayey soils along drains; changoul: silty alluvial soils, periodically flooded by

river waters for a short period of time; and wallere: silty alluvial seldom flooded soil. Thus, the relation between landscapeelements and soil is also well known to the rural communities.

3.1.3. Multiple- Purpose Classifications

People use soil not only for agriculture, but also as a source of construction materials, as painting, for medical purposes, and

even for food. Yoruba people (Nigeria) call ile gamo a silver-grey clayey soil, rich in residues of mica shales; this soil is

considered by the local population as unsuitable for agriculture, but is used as a cementing material. The Indian name rakar

more or less corresponds to the concept of lateritesoils, which were named in that way (laterusmeans brick in Latin) because

the local population used these strongly weathered cemented soils as construction materials. In Central Mexico, cemented

layers of volcanic soils, called tepetates, are also used as bricks and blocks for construction, even for actual urban

construction.

Worldwide, from the Russian plains to the Peruvian Andes, clayey soils are used for manufacturing bricks, both in pure state

and mixed with organic materials (straw). Special attention is often paid to soil materials for pottery:loia de barroin the state

of Paraba, Brazil, is just one of the examples. Soils are also classified in certain cultures, because they serve as painting

materials. In Bulgaria, the name kulestadefines soils used as ochre.

Baruya people in Papua-New Guinea classify some soil according to their agronomic value, and the others based on their

significance as body and shield painting: cheragwakais a red ochre soil material (sometimes some treatment is necessary, likeburning, to obtain the needed pigment), which is used for depicting the bodies of girls after their first menstruations, women after


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child-birth, and for initiation of witch doctors; biwaka greenish-grey soil material, collected by the indigenous population in

marshy places, which is used for painting sick parts of the body (because evil spirits cannot see greenish colors); dawaka

light-yellowish-brown soil material, turning white after burning or drying, includes the material of some anthills, which is used by

women for coloring string; eogwaka red-colored clay, which is used by the indigenous population as a pigment for the body

of children and on the third stage of initiation;gwegwaka light-grey clay, which is used by the indigenous population on some

stages of initiation, and as shield and body in time of war; ikulukwaka a strawberry-pink clay used by the indigenous

population as a pigment for body in various ceremonies; numbuchukwaka red clay, which is used by the indigenous

population as a body pigment at dances and initiation and for war-paint.

Finally, some soils are eatable: Quechua people in Southern Peru distinguish qulpa a special type of soils, most probably

containing smectitic clays, used as food by local population; that soil is used as an adsorbent for phytotoxins abundant in local

food.

3.2. Criteria for Soil Designation

The diagnostics of soils in vernacular classifications may be based both on internal soil attributes, and on perceptive criteria,

such as soil position in a landscape, productivity, temperature and susceptibility to degradation. The most frequently usedcriteria for folk soil classifications are color and texture. In some classifications they are combined with each other, and with

other criteria.

3.2.1. Color

Color is the most common criterion used for naming soils in most cultures. The reasons for the popularity of color as a

diagnostic attribute are the following. First, it is the most evident soil property, which can easily be observed by any person

without any experience. Second, soil color determines the temperature and moisture conditions of the soil: the darker the

surface, the warmer is the soil, and this feature is important in cold and temperate regions. In arid regions, in contrary, darkersoils may heat up faster, thus causing dry conditions and loss of yield. Third, soil color is usually related to organic matter

content: in most classifications black soils are considered the most fertile, because of their high humus content. Fourth, the

presence of specific colors may indicate particular soil properties: for example, greenish and bluish colors indicate water

stagnation (reduction of iron), and intensive red color in places indicates oxidation of iron and strongly weathered soils, poor in

nutrients. Finally, for the communities that use soil as a painting, soil color is the decisive attribute for selecting proper objects

for use.

However, in some folk classifications the use of color for naming soil is more complex. In many languages, on a local or regional

level, color means not just a characteristic of the object, but also a unique name of a unique object. A similar situation can beobserved in folk biology. Blackbird is not just any black bird, but a particular species. In a similar way, the word chernozem


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(black earth in Russian) does not mean any dark-colored soil, but a particular soil with a complex of attributes. Many well-

known indigenous soil names, even those used actually in scientific classifications, were derived from the color of the surface or

subsurface soil horizons. For example, the Japanese name for dark volcanic ash soils, kuroboku, means literally black as ink.

Linguistically, it is not uncommon to use comparative metaphoric names for indicating soil colors. The Russian name podzol

means literally ash beneath, and indicates whitish-grey material exposed at the soil surface after plowing. In that case the color

of the soil material is compared to wood ash. In Bulgariagalchameans soil "black as a craw", vinozemmeans a soil, "red as

vine", kravenitsaa soil "red as blood", and bakarliyaa soil "reddish as copper". In Cuba the name tierra negro-clara, literally

black-white earth, does not mean that the soil has white and black spots, but that it is the "earth with a color of a mulato skin,

in other words of a person whose parents were a negro and a white". Most metaphoric names of soil colors indicate soils with

particular properties, which have properties distinct from the other soils of the same color.

3.2.2. Texture

Soil texture is one of the most important soil attributes, which determine physical, hydraulic and some chemical properties.

Sandy soils have a low water-holding capacity, high infiltration rate, and are generally poorer in nutrients than heavier-textured

soils. In most cultures these soils are considered less fertile, but in humid areas they can locally be more productive than clayeysoils, because the latter may be permanently saturated with water. For some crops, such as potatoes or banana, sandy soils are

suitable because of their relatively high content of mica, which is a source of potassium. In places, sandy soils are even

subdivided into groups according to their size of sand grains and the presence of finer particles. For example, in North-Western

and Central Senegal diormeans coarse sandy soil, while dekstands for fine sandy soils with high silt contents and dek-diorfor

soils which are transitional between the two groups.

Clayey soils are more difficult to plow, because in wet seasons they are water-saturated due to low infiltration rate. However,

they can retain moisture for a longer period in the dry season, and are generally rich in nutrients. Clay soils may locally also be

important as sources of material for pottery and construction (Bulgariangrancharska kalsoils are hard and heavy-textured,and are literally called "potters mud"). Such words as glinain Russia, tierra de barro in Mexico, llinki in Peru, or boi in

Sudan mean literally "clay". It is important to note that heavy smectitic clays, which crack in the dry season, usually have special

names in vernacular classifications.

Almost worldwide the soils of intermediate loamy texture are considered to be the best for cultivation. The words suglinokor

uglinok (Russia), dihashko (Georgia), tierra baya (Mexico), lima, limosa (various Latin American countries), llampu

(Cochabamba, Bolivia), buoogo (Burkina Faso, Mossi people), alaadun (Nigeria, Yoruba people), and maikon (Peru,

Shipobo people) indicate exactly soil texture with a balanced proportion of sand, clay, and silt particles. In places the word

"loam" is used as a synonym of soil on the whole.


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3.2.3. Stoniness, Hard Rock and Cemented Horizons

One of the limiting factors for agricultural production is soil stoniness and the presence of consolidated rock or a cemented layer

at shallow depth. That is why almost all ethnic groups are using this attribute for soil names, with an exception of the

communities that live in areas with no stony or shallow soils. Stoniness hampers soil plowing and increases water infiltration.

Stony and gravelly soils are called bardaor kameshnikin Northern Russia, bublikin Ukraine, kviani-mitsa or mchate-mitsa

in Imeretia (Georgia),pedregalin various places in Latin America, cascajoin Cuba, bereor koche among Bambara people

(Senegal), zy-kygri among Mossi people (Burkina Faso), malala at Trobrian islands in Papua-New Guinea, one kokopu

among Maori in New Zealand. All these names mean more or less stoniness and hardness in native languages.

In places stony soils have many synonyms, not only because of linguistic diversity, but also because stoniness is indicated

indirectly (by a typical sound of a plough against big stones), or because stony soils are subdivided according to stone content,

size, and stone to fine earth ratio. For example, in Bulgaria several words are used for stony soils: dradorakand muhlevinaare

native Bulgarian words, and koprak, alicheva, tashlakare of Turkish origin. Also Bulgarians use some other words for stony

soils:skripavitsameans a stony soil, where a plow is creaking against stones, kartelis a soil, where plowing exposes stones on

the surface, kayalyk is a stony soils, where fine earth is washed out by water, and gustchernitsymeans stony infertile soils,

where lizards live (in Bulgarian gustchery means lizard).

The presence of consolidated rock is also indicated in indigenous soil classifications. Shallow soils are called dargelin Bulgaria,

gede in Senegal (Soninke people), chamlimani, changarawe, mashishiwe and mashololo in Tanzania, rukangarahve in

Zimbabwe (Shona people). In Bulgaria also a subdivision of shallow soils exists: the name draskolotomeans a soil less than

10cm in depth, and lezgais a shallow (20-30cm) soil, which is usually clayey and overlying solid rock.

For shallow soils on limestone debris special names exist. The Polish word rendzina, actually used in many scientific soil

classifications, is the name for shallow sticky soils on limestone; the name is an imitation of a sound of plough touching stones. A

similar meaning exists for the words areshnic(Northern Russia), pok choch (Guatemala) and kifusi or kinamo (Zanzibarisland).

The presence of cemented layers is also abundant in local soil classifications, where such layers are present. Tropical soils in

places have iron-cemented "lateritic" layers, which can originate from strong weathering or from groundwater iron oxides

accumulation (plinthite). More complex concepts of soils are also found in indigenous classifications: in Tanzania, the word

ibambasimeans a saline soil, having plinthite at less than 50 cm depth. Soils with such a layer are called yangiby Yoruba

people in Nigeria andzykaby Mossi people in Burkina Faso. Soils with an extremely hard layer cemented by silica are called

dorbank in South Africa. Layers, cemented by calcium carbonates, are called kempyrtash in Kirgizia, kersh in Southern

Kazakhstan, nariin Israel,shijang-tuin China, andcalichein Latin America. Soil horizons, cemented by gypsum, are namedarzykin Uzbekistan.


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Many classifications do not pay attention to the origin of the consolidated material under shallow soil layers, and give the soil the

same name if either the rock or the cemented layer is present. In the Andean region, the word peameans rock or soil with a

duripan, i.e. a hard cemented horizon. In Mexico, the word tepetate(from Nahuatl words tepetl meaning stone or rock, and

petate meaning straw bed) is used in scientific literature for naming cemented horizons in volcanic soils, but it has multiple

meanings in folk classifications. On one hand, it is used for hardened soil layers of various origins, where silica, iron, carbonates

or gypsum serve as cementing agents. On the other hand, it means a specific landscape with outcrops of hardened soil layers or,

alternatively, consolidated rock.

In a similar way, in Tanzania the names ingongho or luguluare used for extremely shallow stony soils in combination with

outcrops of parent rocks or ferrous crusts; the depth of soils is not more than 10 cm. In some folk taxonomies, soil names

indicating stoniness or the presence of consolidated rocks or horizons are used together with the words, pointing on the texture

and/or color of the soil, thus serving as an additional soil characteristic.

3.2.4. Specific Physical Properties

There is a general rule in folk soil terminology that soils with regular productivity are called mainly by their texture and/or color,

but the most and the least productive soils, with strongly expressed positive or negative properties, have special terms.Linguistically, some of these names are related to objects resembling particular soils in properties, like the word smolnizaused

in the Balkans for soils, swelling when moist and cracking when dry: the word is derived from smola resin. The Russian

wordsolonchakfor saline soils is derived from the connotation sol salt.

Soil physical properties are determined by soil texture and structure. As mentioned above, heavy-textured soils are usually

named by words that mean clay. However, soils with extremely high clay contents, and especially soils containing swelling

minerals (smectites) have distinct names. These soils, called Vertisols in internationally recognized scientific soil classifications,

have more indigenous synonyms, than any other soil type. Vertisols form mainly in heavy clayey sediments of marine or

lacustrine origin. However, there are also Vertisols formed on weathered volcanic ashes or extrusive volcanic rocks. A highcontent of clay particles dominated by smectites (clay minerals swelling when moist and contracting when dry) results in

particular physical properties of these soils. In the dry season they are extremely hard and compact, and have deep and broad

cracks; in the wet season they are plastic and sticky.

Smectites form organo-mineral complexes with humus; these complexes give a dark color to these soils, even when the total

content of organic matter is low. Most of these soils are found in tropical environments with contrasting seasons, though they

occur also in subtropical and temperate belts. In the dry season Vertisols are almost impossible to plow; they are dangerous for

construction because of their instability; they are also unsuitable for pottery. On the other hand, most Vertisols are rich in

nutrients and, when properly managed, may be rather productive. Just some of the terms used for naming Vertisols in folkclassifications include: smolnitza (Balkans), smonitsa (Austria, Croatia), paklavitsa, natsepena, lyuta, kipra, kara-suluk,


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sakyztoprak orstikliva(Bulgaria), morogan (Romania), barros(Portugal, Spain), kankar, karail, mar, regoor, regar or

regada (India), tierra negra (various parts of Latin America), tierra masa or gumbo (Cuba), sonsocuite (Nicaragua),

cuacab li choch(Guatemala), massape or coroa (North-Eastern Brazil), pradera negra (Uruguay), tirs (Algeria, Tunis,

Marocco), badobe, dian-pere or teen suda (Sudan), mursi (Mali, Sudan), firki (Nigeria), kaamba (Congo), dambo or

fadamma(Eastern Africa), kadondolyo, mbuga, wapi, lukanda or manda (Tanzania),gova, isidhaka or dhakiumnyama

(Zimbabwe),flei, vleyorfley(South Africa), andgilgai(Australia).

Other physical soil properties are not so widely presented in folk classifications. In some localities just hardened soils, withoutcementation or swelling clays, are specially named, like tverdozem,zhestel, ikritsa or kirza in Russia, kale or sedinyak in

Bulgaria, rumiyakk in Southern Peru, kerematuain New Zealand and some others. Also, some soils when moist are turning

almost liquid and extremely sticky. In fact, this attribute depends both on physical and chemical properties of the soil (mainly

related to the presence of sodium in the exchangeable complex). In some classifications these soils have special names like:

seybo (Senegal, Soninke people), which are dry upland soils that are unsuitable for agriculture and turn into mud after a rain

storm more readily than other soils.

Soils with specific structures are even less represented in folk classifications. In Russia, a special name orehovyje zemliis used

for soils with nut-like structure; in the Central Mountains of New Guinea the name pubutimeans plastic soil with small grain

structure. In Bulgaria, a number of terms are used: grudliva means a well structured soil; grahchata is a soil with a small

cloddy structure, resembling bread crumbs;grashovitsais a soil with a "pea"- like grained structure; buchestais a soil with a

cloddy structure; bulgurliyacorresponds with a soil, having a small grain structure, resembling wheat grains.

3.2.5. Specific Chemical Properties

Folk soil classifications generally reflect the most pronounced chemical properties that limit the growth of plants. Except for

water, the main limiting factor for crop production in semiarid and arid environments is the presence of soluble salts. Numerous

terms exist for naming saline soils:solonchak, usol,podsolonokor rebrovnik(Russia),solaneva,solena, solanic, solenitsa,solinets,solistshe,geren, inya, belozemna, byala prastor tuzla(Bulgaria),sharatur (Romania),shoraket,shoran, shorlag

or shurezar(Azerbadzhan), hak or shor (Middle Asia), xiantian (China), karl (Northern India), shott (Northern Africa),

isimunyu(Zimbabwe, Ndebele people) andgokoro(Zimbabwe, Shona people).

Soil salinity is also reflected in the language of hunters communities, because salts attract game animals. Good examples of this

are reflected in the wording of various ethnic groups in Eastern Siberia: kudu (Evenks), kuzhur (Tuva people), huzhar

(Buryats) and huchur(Hakasians).

Another chemical property often reflected in folk taxonomies is the presence of calcium carbonate accumulations. To someextent, the presence of carbonates affects soil productivity, because CaCO 3maintains soil reaction neutral or slightly alkaline,


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and provides (free) calcium necessary for plant growth. However, it seems that the presence of carbonate concretions attracts

peoples attention more by its evident morphology (white spots on darker soil matrix) rather than by understanding its

importance for crop growth. Some of the names are rather illustrative: in Bulgaria soils having calcium carbonate accumulations

are called kush-bokuwhich means "birds excrements" in Turkish. Some other names used for these carbonate-containing soils

are: meldovataya zemlya(Russia), kirecava,varovita, varovitsa, varnitsa, varenitsa, vernitsa, varovitnyak,varovista

zemlya, kekez,yoren-toprak (Bulgaria), mtredis-peri-mitsa(Kahetia, Georgia),shoh(Middle Asia), bhangar(Bengal), and

weinjuna(New Guinea, Baruya people).

Soil reaction (acid, alkaline, or neutral) is seldom annotated in folk classifications, because it is difficult to measure. Also, at local

scale, soils have more or less similar reactions since parent material and bioclimatic conditions are quite similar. However, spots

of alkaline soils are often well distinguished, like solonetz in Russia or chivavane in Zimbabwe (Shona people). Acid soil

names are less abundant: in Russia the soils where acidophilic grasses grow are called kislitsa. A unique classification of soils

according to their various reactions at short distance is found in Malaysia, whereby people first determine the soil reaction by

taste, and then divide the soils into acid tana masan, sweet (alkaline) tana payan, and neutral units tana tawah.

The origin of some soils is also sometimes difficult to find out. For example, the Dutch name for acid sulfate soils

"kattekleigronden" means cat clays. The origin of this name lies in the belief that a cat always interferes with magic, and

coastal acid sulfate soils, when exposed to air, turn extremely acid (the pH value drops down below 3) in a couple of days and

make suddenly crops die. Of course, in medieval epoch the phenomenon was attributed to witchcraft.

The meaning of every word should be analyzed separately for every classification, as there are no universal keys. For example,

in Bulgarian folk soil classification the name machkan, derived from machka (a cat) means a productive soil "black as a cat".

Some of the terms, in fact, may be derived from secondary soil attributes, like color or texture. In that case the names black

earth or clay do not mean any black or clayey soil, but a particular object with specific complex of properties, i.e. that serve

as a term. Finally, there are soil names, which have no relation to existing common words, or this relation is unknown. For

example, in Russian folk terminology, it is difficult to understand the origin of the names kuliga (forest soil with a mixture of

charcoal) or barda(infertile gravel and stony soils).

3.2.6. Water and Temperature Re gimes

Water and temperature regimes have a decisive importance for crop production. However, many terms used in folk

classifications for excessively humid soils have landscape meaning, and mean literally bog, moor or swamp. These objects

are usually not regarded as soils in peoples perceptions. Also, the soils with a certain water regime are often named by their

morphology or position in the relief rather than by their water content directly. For example, the word gley is used in many

scientific classifications for mineral soils with excessive humidity, which results in iron and manganese reduction and, hence, inthe formation of specific grayish, bluish, and greenish colors in the soil. Initially the term was understood in folk terminology in


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Southern Russia and in Ukraine as bluish clay, mostly found in depressions. Thus, the name was derived from soil color rather

than from humidity.

The same is true for some other names, likesinyuhain Russia orsinyain Bulgaria: both names are derived from the same root

and relate to their blue color. However, in Russia also soil names directly indicating excessive moisture exist, like: potnaya

zemlya (sweating earth) always wet, moist soils, mainly due to springs; plaun sticky moist white soils of spruce forests;

zhem moist mineral soils with water appearing on the surface; tyushklevataya zemlya moist, cloggy earths, inconvenient

for cultivation.

In boreal regions, excessive moisture is also associated with colder soils and, thus, with low soil productivity. In Russia, special

names exist, such aszahlest sandy soils, underlain with clay at a depth of 0,3-2 m, where due to the presence of a water-

impermeable horizon the soil often turns wet; "heavy, cold" zamoristyje zemli wet soils, where crops can be frozen;

pripadlivaya zemlya excessively humid acid soils, where wheat easily falls. In temperate and tropical areas, in contrary,

moist soils are considered to be productive, and their names have a positive meaning, like modra(Bulgaria) or tanah gembur

(Western Java, Indonesia).

However, excessive water content can result in an oxygen deficit for plant roots and in iron and manganese toxicities for crops.Thus, some of the definitions of excessively humid soils have a negative meaning, like lengjintian (China) puddy soils, fed

with cold springs;sab ru li choch(Guatemala, Quieqchu) bog, permanently excessively moist soil; and one kopuru(New

Zealand, Maori people) excessively moist soil.

Dry soils are regarded in all climatic zones as unproductive and/or affected by wind erosion. The examples are:zolaorsuhmen

(Eastern Russia) dry soils, where crops are affected by wind; podsushliva (Bulgaria) stony, light-textured soils, rapidly

drying after rain; tanah gersang(Western Java, Indonesia) dry unproductive soils; and chaki choch (Guatemala) dry

soils, productive only in the rainy season.

The temperature regime alone, with no reference to water regime or internal soil attributes is seldom reflected in folk soil

classifications. The examples can be found mainly in cold and temperate areas. In Russia, cold soils are called holodnaya

pochva, kritsaorzolnik. In Bulgaria, the classification of temperature regimes is more complex and detailed. For example, the

nameprigormeans soils, where plants dry in hot weather;prazharitsa poor soils, where plants die during droughts; martlyk

soils which can be cultivated in March because of rapid drainage and quick heating in spring;yurganplak soils melting later

in spring.

3.2.7. Complex Criteria

Apart from simple diagnostics (color, texture, specific property) as described above, there are soils named by a complex of


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people in Peru strictly separate the soils around their village, which are believed to be under auspices of good spirits, and forest

soils, where evil spirits live. These soil names are of great interest for ethnographic research, but are almost useless for

correlation of folk and scientific classifications, because the soils found under the same vernacular name differ in properties

between the localities.

3.3. Structures of Folk Soil Class ification

It can be difficult to identify a classification structure beyond an individual naming of soils. Local classification systems areartificial and based on values of the classifier, and in the case of descriptive names such as a black sandy soil, may be more

influenced by the style and grammar rules of the language than any other rationale. That is why a classification system assigned

to local soil names by an ethnopedologist may be an artifact of the scientists perspective and biased, if not carefully and

thoroughly analyzed.

Recent findings show that some folk classifications are not completely flat, i.e., they have some hierarchical organization. In fact,

the majority of indigenous classifications of animals, plants and other objects have a certain hierarchy. For living beings there are

six possible ranks in folk classifications: kingdom, life form, intermediate, generic, specific, and varietal. Of course, not every

classification has all possible ranks.

Most folk soil classifications are flat. In the most complex cases, the number of ranks is limited to kingdom, generic, specific and

varietal levels. Generally, people do not try to group soils into "life form" entities, since the number of soils in a given area is

usually limited. For cognitive reasons, the objects should be grouped if their number exceeds 30 units; otherwise no grouping is

needed. The number of units on specific and/or varietal level may be greater; the number of objects at the lowest level of

classification is called the breadth of classification, while the number of ranks is called the depth of classification. In folk

classifications, as a rule, the names at specific and varietal level are formed by the name of the generic level with a modifier.

The important issue is that for incomplete classifications it is difficult or even impossible to establish the structure. To obtaincomplete data the members of a community should be carefully interviewed and the results should not be mixed with the terms

received from other communities. Unfortunately, earlier reports on folk soil terminology did not follow this procedure: soil

names were collected occasionally, with no context. The people who collected soil terminology reported the results for the

whole area, or even for the whole country, sometimes with no indication of the places, where every term was collected. These

data cannot be used for reconstructing folk soil taxonomies, even approximately.

3.3.1. Simple One-Level Classifications

Simple one-level, or flat classifications exist in some societies with general or limited interest in soils, for example, in foraging

communities. Few single names exist for specific soils of interest, like saline soils, where animals appear to eat salt, or bogs and


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swamps, where particular plants and animals can be met. However, flat classifications can sometimes be found in agricultural

societies where attention is paid to specific soil properties, insofar that the soil may receive its own specific name. This can

occur in small mainly island or mountainous localities, where the number of soils is limited. For example, in the Central

Mountains of New Guinea tugkemeans dense greenish clayey soils, containing ochre concretions;pubutiare chocolate-brown

plastic soils with small grain structure; and aoaiare dense reddish-brown clayey soils. Note that every name gives a complex of

soil properties and no one is a subgroup of another group of soils.

At Trobrian islands (Papua-New Guinea)galaluvastands for a black dry soil of heavy texture; sawewois a soil that forms inponors of forested coral reefs, suitable for yams; malalaare poor stony soils, unsuitable for taro, but suitable for yams; kwala

are black soils near coral reefs, fairly productive, and suitable for cultivation of all crops; dumyaare clayey bog soils, suitable

for taro in the dry season, but unsuitable for yams; and butuma are red-colored light-textured soils near coral reefs, unsuitable

for taro cultivation, but favorable for yams. It is important that the names in flat classifications indicate specific physical or

chemical soil properties and perceptive soil criteria. One should, however, be cautious with flat classifications, since the

hierarchy may be neglected because of incomplete reports.

3.3.2. Hierarchical Classifications

Many researchers try to find hierarchical structures in folk soil classifications. Sometimes these attempts are speculative, since

the hierarchy in indigenous taxonomies is not very strict, and the peasants do not think much about the priority of soil attributes.

For some local classifications clay could be the class and red the modifier but for others it could be the other way around.

Linguistically, it seems that "clay" is a class, and "red" is a modifier, because the first is a noun, and the latter is an adjective, but

not all languages give a chance to solve the problem easily.

Most folk soil classifications were reported to have two ranks, which indicate soil texture and color. In places, soil color serves

as a universal modifier for soil names of the higher rank, which includes terms derived from soil texture and specific physical and

chemical properties. In Bulgaria, the words chervena (red), cherna(black),zholta (yellow) or byala(white) are used withvarious soil names, for example, chervena prast (red earth), chervena zemya (red earth), chervena glina (red clay),

chervena gnilesta (red clay), chervena klisa (red clay), cherven kazlach (red-red soil), chervena smolnitsa (red swelling

clay soil),chervena kapsida (red alluvial soil),chervena ilovitsa (red heavy clay soil), cherven pesak(red sand), chervena

propuskliva (red gravelly sand soil),chervena varovita(red soil with carbonates).

In other classifications the upper rank is soil texture and the modifiers use color and other criteria, such as stoniness. In Nigeria

Yoruba people call boleclayey soil, bole alaadun heavy loamy soil, bole dudu dark heavy loamy soil, bole funfun light-

colored clayey soil, bole olokuta stony clayey soil, and bole pupa reddish-brown clayey soil. In the same manner, the

nameyanrinis used for coarse sandy soil,yanrin dudu dark sandy loamy clay soil,yanrin funfun light-colored sandy soil,yanrin ogidi light, bleached coarse sandy soil, andyanrin pupu reddish-brown sandy loamy clay soil.


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3.3.3. Complex Classifications

Some classifications have a hierarchical structure, dividing soils according to their color and texture, but also have special terms

for soils having particular properties. These classifications have practically the same structure as hierarchical taxonomies. The

general rule is that soils with intermediate properties are classified according to their color, texture and stoniness, while soils with

the best or the worst properties have special names.

3.4. Geographical Distribution of Known Indigenous Soil Classifications

More than 200 ethnic groups were surveyed for their local soil knowledge and classification. However, these constitute less

than 5% of the 5,000 existing languages. Considering that almost every ethnic group should have at least a primitive concept of

soil, one can hardly recognize that the studied indigenous soil classifications are representative. To a great extent the geography

of ethno-pedological studies depends on the accessibility of the region, scientific fashion (some regions are popular among

anthropologists, and others are not), and on the existence of local ethno-pedological communities. In Mexico, where several

research groups are interested in ethnopedology, folk soil classifications of more than 40% of ethic groups are documented, and

in Papua-New Guinea, where more than 1000 languages exist, the classifications of only 15 ethnic groups were studied.

Though ethno-pedological surveys do not represent a real distribution of soil knowledge around the world, it gives a general

idea of the most important locations of soil knowledge. Generally, the widest diversity of local soil classifications is found in

dominantly agricultural societies, while industrial, nomad, and hunting-oriented communities have less interest in soils. Urban

populations in developed industrial countries may as well have very limited interest about soils, if at all. For example in Malibu,

California, USA some residents identify a soil "Malibu blue clay" because it limits property values due to poor infiltration

characteristics for septic tank absorption fields.

Farmers in developed industrial countries are more likely to use scientific soil information, knowledge, and classification system

promoted by agronomists and pedologists, than indigenous systems if they exist. In agricultural societies, the major diversity isfound in areas with a prolonged settling of the same ethnic group. Some of these areas correspond to the world centers of plant

domestication, and thus, to the most ancient agricultural civilizations: South Mexico-Central America, South America (Peru and

Bolivia), Southern Brazil-Paraguay, West Africa, India-Burma, and the Indo-Malayan center.

Also, the diversity of folk classifications depends on linguistic diversity. The countries with high linguistic diversity such as

Papua-New Guinea, Indonesia, Mexico and India, contribute significantly to the overall number of known local soil and land

classifications. Also, biodiversity and diversity of environmental conditions may have an effect on the number of folk soil

classification on a certain territory.

3.4.1. Europe


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In Europe, most countries are industrialized and almost no folk soil knowledge persists. During the last century there was a

drastic decrease in the number of rural communities. Only 8% of the total ethno-pedological studies were made in Europe. Less

than 100 years ago more than 200 local soil names were documented in Russia, and currently almost no one can be found. In

the 1950s a detailed study of folk soil terminology in Bulgaria showed the presence of almost 500 soil names, derived from

Bulgarian, Turkish, Greek, and Romanian languages. Nowadays, very few of these names are still alive.

Many scientific soil names were derived exactly from European folk classifications, such as rendzina shallow soil on

limestone, podzol strongly leached soil with whitish surface horizon, chernozem dark humus-rich soil, gley water-saturated grey and blue soil, marsh marine meadows and related soils,gyttja mud or clayey soils of sea and lake banks,

terra rossa red-colored weathering soils formed on carbonaceous rocks, till glacial sediments with boulders and soils

formed on it, and many others. However, in actual folk languages these names are not used, or are used in their new scientific

meaning. Nowadays, only in Southern Europe, especially in the Balkans, is it still possible to find communities with limited

traditional soil knowledge.

3.4.2. Asia

Asia is a traditional center of agriculture, where until now most countries have still an agriculture-based economy. A significantpart (26%) of enthno-pedologic studies was conducted there. The most diverse and studied countries are Nepal (30 ethno-

pedological reports) and India (21 ethno-pedological reports). Also a lot of studies (more than 10 for each country) were made

in The Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand. These countries are known for their millennium-long agricultural history and for high

linguistic diversity. However, it seems that it would be possible to extract much more local soil knowledge in Asia.

China is still poorly studied from an ethno-pedological point of view. The Middle East has almost no reports, though these

zones are important centers of agriculture. Far East folk soil knowledge was not studied at all. Some scientific names from arid

zones of Middle Asia were accepted in scientific literature, such as takyr(desert soils with clayey surface, broken with cracks

into polygonal structure) or arzyk(gypsum crust accumulated in soils of toeslopes). It seems that in most countries of Asia it isstill possible to find communities that possess indigenous soil knowledge.

3.4.3. North and Central America

On the North American continent, most folk taxonomic research appears in Mexico, which takes the first place in ethno-

pedological studies in the world. More than 70 publications on folk soil classifications and management practices were

published on Mexico, apart from numerous theses of students of various levels. The high amount of reports on ethno-

pedological research in Mexico are due to the high ethnic and linguistic diversity, the relatively well-preserved system of

ownership and management practices from pre-Hispanic epoch, and to the existence of several research groups of specialistsworking in ethnopedology in this country.


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In Central America and the Caribbean the number of works on indigenous soil knowledge is much lower. The number of folk

classifications should not be very high in Caribbean islands, since the population is relatively recent, consisting of migrants for the

last 500 years, who speak mainly European languages. Thus, both low linguistic diversity and the lack of traditions do not

permit the development of numerous folk classifications. However, several examples in Cuba show that the people do have

knowledge about soils, and potentially both in Caribbean islands and in Central America one could find still undiscovered

vernacular systems of soil knowledge.

3.4.4. South America

In South America, ethno-pedological studies have been carried out in most countries. Though all the studies made in North and

South America together, constitute only 23% of the ethno-pedological studies, the number of studies per country is relatively

high (since the states are bigger and fewer in South America than for example in Africa). The most addressed countries are Peru

and Brazil. Wide range of environmental conditions (from cold mountainous to hot tropical rain forest), high biodiversity,

linguistic diversity, and relatively preserved cultural traditions in most countries result in richness of local soil knowledge.

3.4.5. Africa

More than 40% of the total amount of ethno-pedological studies was made in Africa. Most studies were conducted in the Sahel

zone (Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal) and Eastern Africa (Tanzania and Kenya). These are important areas of

agricultural production, while desert regions of Northern and Southern Africa mostly have nomad cultures, and Equatorial

Africa has less developed hunters communities. Ethic diversity and traditional way of soil use permit maintaining various

indigenous soil knowledge systems in Africa. Also, the anthropological research is traditionally active on this continent.

However, until now a significant part of local soil knowledge is still unknown to the scientific community.

3.4.6. Australia and Oceania

In Australia, no research has yet been published on folk soil knowledge. The aborigines of this continent, hunters and gatherers,

did not create a system of soil knowledge, since their living hardly depended on soil properties. In Oceania, most studies were

made in Papua-New Guinea, but only a small part of the existing soil knowledge has been documented. Only 15 publications

are available on local soil knowledge in this country, while the number of linguistic groups is estimated about 1,000 there. Even

less information is available on soil knowledge of the islands of Oceania. Generally, the Pacific region is the most neglected in

ethno-pedological studies: only about 5% of the total amount of publications on the subject deal with the data obtained in

Oceania.

4. Use of Ethnopedology
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4.1. Soil Knowledge as a Cultural Heritage

Folk soil knowledge is an important part of the world cultural heritage. Local knowledge on plant and animals (ethno-botany

and ethno-zoology) is recognized by anthropologists as a valuable source of information on the spiritual life of an ethnic group.

Nowadays, more and more people recognize that soil knowledge as well is a basic source as well for understanding the way of

thinking of a community. Agrarian and soil-related myths form a fundamental layer of collective understanding of the world.

Ignoring the soil component would definitely impoverish our knowledge on the diversity of mainly rural cultures. The destruction

of traditional ways of life results both in the loss of the diversity of languages and the loss of soil knowledge in ethnic groups.This valuable knowledge should be documented and preserved for future generations.

4.2. Indigenous Soil Classifications Use in Soil Survey

Starting from the 1990s, the use of ethno-pedological information in soil survey attracts special attention. The idea is not new:

in places, even in 18-19thcenturies soil mapping have been done by interviewing farmers, until it was replaced by "spade and

auger" survey. For a long time folk soil information was considered to be imprecise and "non-scientific". However, present soil

surveyors face the necessity for mapping vast areas in completely unknown regions in developing countries. In that case, folk

soil information can help traditional soil survey: several research works made in Africa and Mexico showed impressive outputs.

Using folk taxonomies can assure the quality of land assessment by survey teams. Over a relatively brief period, outsiders can

learn about soil characteristics throughout the year and over decades, and assure that seasonal changes in soil characteristics are

considered as well as those expressed only during climatic extremes. This approach saves time in conducting a resource

inventory, assures that inventory and development of local resources will be culturally relevant.

Technicians with limited soils training can be used to conduct soil surveys once reconnaissance surveys establish general

lexicons, mapping legends, and/or correlations of classifications. Community members can identify what soils are typical and can

help mapping their soils; the pedologist only needs to verify the information. Soils that are identified by farmers may closelyresemble those of scientific systems. In some cases folk taxonomies have made finer distinctions between soils than would

normally be made by pedologists. For example, farmers and pastoralists in drought-prone Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal make

very fine distinctions between soils with respect to their frequency and period of flooding, which would be difficult for a

pedologist to determine from a site visit.

Collecting soil and other natural resource information would require a large amount of time and expense if pedologists work

independently of farmers and pastoralists. Folk taxonomies can guide to separate soils in the landscape for mapping and to

identify class separation of characteristics used in classification. For example, women peanut farmers in the Senegal select soils

with a textural range that are unlikely to crust and allow peg penetration. For these women farmers class boundaries of surfacetexture need to coincide with those they use in order to be functional.


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Pedologists tend to be biased towards the soil classification system they know and commonly delimitate soils based on their

systems class breaks. This can complicate the soil survey with irrelevant information or disregard soil boundaries that are

important to land-users. Indigenous soil classifications are locally valid. Hydrology, geology, topography, and other factors

affect the development of soils and change from community to community and local classifications may not consistently

represent the same soil characteristics. For example, the characteristics of a black sandy soil in one community are likely to

be different than that of another community. To overcome this type of limitations ethno-pedological surveys can be regionalized

and present locally specific information as annexes.

The problem of cross-referencing local classifications to regional and scientific classifications can be surmounted by using a GIS

and relational databases to access soil information.

4.3. Indigenous Soil Knowledge and Soil Management and Conservation Practices

Natural resource development projects financed by donor organizations (e.g. United Nations, World Bank, US Agency for

International Development) are requiring improved reporting of project impacts in order to justify funding. Many projects use

monitoring methodologies that are based on interviewing land managers. Minimal field validation is employed (e.g. plot-based

observations) to keep monitoring costs small relative to funds used to achieve projects goals. Socio-economic tools used forproject monitoring and evaluation, such as household surveys, have well developed methodologies. They provide part of the

context for which land management decisions are made. However, they neither document with sufficient accuracy the quality of

natural resources that are managed nor the location of project activities.

Only large impacts on agricultural productivity and natural resources are detectable at specific locations. Extrapolation of site-

specific impacts to the entire project area is often weak. When perceived land values by the local population and pedologists

are very different then major opportunities or constraints for development interventions can be identified. For example, in the

West African Sahel, eroded, sandy soils (e.g. karan karan) form a crust and are abandoned even though they would be

productive if more intensive management is used.

The perceived low value of this eroded soil by local people contrasts strikingly with a pedologists perspective. This contrast in

perceptions helps to identify potential interventions that would produce large beneficial impacts, such as water conservation

techniques. In another example, the Zuni Indians of semi-arid New Mexico, US, have a known history of rain-fed agriculture

using water conservation and have indigenous soil taxonomy to differentiate the important characteristics of their soils. Ironically,

US government pedologists described their land as non-arable, even though the Zuni have been farming the land for over 2000

years.

An ethno-pedological reconnaissance survey of a project area could determine if indigenous knowledge was sufficient to

support a monitoring program as well as to provide a good understanding of local natural resource management. If indigenous


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knowledge provides sufficient information, pedologists can develop a lexicon of soil related terms that could be used in

household questionnaires and for interpreting household reported impacts. Ethno-pedological surveys would allow translation of

local perceptions to scientifically based ones in order to help development workers more effectively implement agriculture and

natural resource management projects.

5. Indigenous Soil Knowledge in Danger

A significant proportion of local soil knowledge has been lost, and even a bigger part is expected to vanish in the near future. Of

the 5000 existing languages about 90% are expected to disappear during the 21st century, mainly those of small ethnic groups.

Cultural erosion has wiped out many folk taxonomies and is threatening many others. Conversion and evolution of

socioeconomic systems have eliminated soil-related knowledge. In industrial societies, farmers depend on scientifically

developed soil management and conservation practices that are more relevant to modern scales of production and productivity

demands; as a result their cultural heritage is not transferred to the next generation.

Scientifically based systems replace indigenous knowledge because it is not considered relevant to new land management

techniques and scale of operations, such as chemical fertilization, mechanized cultivation, new crops, and irrigation thataccompany modern economic systems and world markets. Year after year, local soil names and traditional agronomic

techniques are replaced by scientific classifications and expert recommendations. Farmers tend to follow recommendations of

university-educated specialists. For example, farmers in Mexico call these specialists los que saben (those who know) in

contrast to themselves, los que no saben(those who do not know).

Politically and economically forced migrations of whole communities have eroded site-specific knowledge of soils, which is lost

if its members do not return. Voluntary or imposed changes to the way the land is managed can lead to loss of indigenous

knowledge. Such losses were notably large in the Americas through the extinction and relocation of many cultures and

languages as a result of European colonization. At least 100 of the estimated 300 North American languages are no longerspoken. In Eurasia, the greatest cultural erosion occurred in countries with planned economy, where the decisions of

governments could not be discussed and no local experience was taken into account. For example, in the 1960s the Soviet

Union leader Khrushchev ordered maize to be cultivated all over the country, even north of the Arctic Circle, without regard to

local experience or common sense; the farmers just had to follow orders.

Migrations result in cultures discarding their knowledge of local soils because it is no longer relevant to their new residence.

Widespread and intensive migrations of indigenous populations occurred in the Americas, and soil knowledge was certainly

discarded. In North America for example, the United States (US) government in 18381839 forced most of the Cherokee

people to move a thousand kilometers west from the forested region of the southern Appalachian Mountains to the wooded hillsof eastern Oklahoma, in what is referred to as the "Trail of Tears". Forced migrations occurred also in post World War II
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Europe when Stalin ordered deportation of people belonging to "traitor nations", whose representatives collaborated with Nazi

Germany such as Crimea Tatars, Chechens, and Karachajs, to Siberia and Middle Asia. Traditional knowledge in those lands

and their management was lost. During the same period, lands included in the Soviet Union after the Second World War were

settled by people from other parts of the country that had little knowledge of the land, mostly from Ukraine and southern

Russia. The displaced occupants were quickly relocated, preventing a transfer of indigenous knowledge.

In Africa, civil war, drought, and famine have displaced people from their homes with little hope of returning to their land. The

migrations that have occurred in Sudan and Ethiopia are widely known current examples. Loss of indigenous soil knowledgewill continue to occur with the inevitable expansion of scientific knowledge, migrations of populations, and economic evolution.

Folk taxonomies have current economic, social, and cultural value and need to be documented and studied before they are lost.

They tell us something about the land and the people who manage it.

6. Conclusions

Soil knowledge is an important part of the life of any community. Apart from scientific knowledge, folk soil classification and

management systems should be recognized as an important base for land use and conservation at local scale. Of course, folksoil knowledge cannot replace scientifically developed systems, but it should be preserved and documented both as a cultural

heritage and as a source of information for decision-making in land management practices.

Related Chapters

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Glossary

B. P. :Before Present

Ethnoecology :A scientific discipline focused on the indigenous understanding of the environment people live in, and the

relationship of various ethnic groups with these.

Ethnopedology : A scientific discipline at the interface between soil science and cultural anthropology, which studies local

knowledge of soils, their origin, distribution, properties, quality, management, and esoteric significance.

Lacustrine :Related to lakes; lacustrine sediments deposits at the bottom of the lake.

Mineratropic

peat

:Partially decomposed organic material formed in a bog; "mineratrophic" means that a bog has a contact with

mineralized groundwater that results in better decomposition of organic matter and better supply of nutrients.
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Pedology :A branch of soil science that deals with soil genesis, classification, and geography.

Plinthite :A hard soil horizon, formed due to cementation of kaolinite clay by iron oxides and hydroxides brought by

groundwater; this horizon forms mainly in tropical soils with groundwater level close to the surface.

Ponor :Karst (carbonate rock dissolution) forms, narrow vertical or inclined holes, originating from cracks crossing.

Smectite clay :Type of clay containing mainly minerals of the group of smectites, which swells when wet and shrinks when

dry.

Swellingmineral

:Clay mineral of the group of smectites (montmorillonite, beidellite, saponite etc.), which swell when wet andshrink when dry.

Vernacular :Indigenous, folk, original.

Vertisol :Clayey soil, in which the clay fraction (0-2 micron diameter) is dominated by swelling minerals (smectites);

turns hard and forms wide cracks in dry season.

Bibliography

Barrera Bassols, N. and Zinck, J.A. (2000).Ethnopedology in a Worldwide Perspective: An Annotated Bibl iography , 635 pp. International

Institute for Aerospace Survey and Earth Sciences (ITC), Publication 77, Enschede, The Netherlands [Comprehensive bibliography of ethno-

pedo logical papers , including "gray" literature, with brief annotations ].

Barrera Bassols, N. and Zinck, J.A. (2003).Ethnopedology: A Worldwide View on the Soil Knowledge of Local People. Geoderma, 111(3-4), 171-

195. [Provides the philosophical bases of indigenous soil knowledge, and summarizes the up-to date s ituation with ethno-pedological research].

Conklin, H.C.(1954)An Ethnoeco logical Approach to Shifting Agricu ltu re. Transactions of New York Academy of Science, 17(2). 133-142.

[One of the first serious ethnoecological and ethnoag rarian s tudies].

Holman, E.W. (2005).Domain-spec ific and General Propert ies of Folk Classificat ions. Journal of Ethnobotany, 25(1), 71-91. [An analys is of the

structures and cognitive aspec ts of folk classifications].

Krasilnikov, P.V. (1999).Early S tudies on Fo lk Soil Terminology. Eurasian Soil Science, 32(10), 1147-1150. [This g ives examples of early studies

of folk soil knowledge].

Krasilnikov, P.V. and Tabor, J.A. (2003). Perspectives on Utili tarian Ethnopedology. Geoderma, 111(3-4), 197-215. [A review of the history,

current situation, and perspectives of ethno-pedological research with emphasis on practical applications. Includes also a discussion on the

loss of folk soil knowledge].

Krasilnikov, P.V., Tabor, J.A. and Arnold, R.W. (2009) Folk Soil Terminology, Listed by Regions. In P.V. Krasilnikov, J.-J.Ibez Mart, R.W.

Arnold and S.A. Shoba eds. Handbook of soil terminology, correlation and classification. Earthscan Publ. Co, London, pp. 347-403. [A collection

of about 1500 folk soil names sorted by regions all around the world]

Niemeijer, D. (1995).Indigenous So il Classificat ions: Complications and Considerat ions. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor,
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3(1), 1-5. [This paper analyses the difficulties in the transfer of indigenous soil knowledge into s cientific knowledge sys tems].

Osunade, M.A.A. (1988). Soil Suitability Classification by Small Farmers. Professional Geographer, 40(2), 194-201. [A case study of soil

suitability c riteria among small farmers in Nigeria, with an analysis of the structures and decision-making schemes of thes e class ifications].

Pawluk, R.R., Sandor, J.A. and Tabor, J.A. (1992). The Role of Indigenous Soil Knowledge in Agricultural Development. Journal of Soil and

Water Conservation, 47, 298-302. [This discusses the practical use of local soil knowledge in soil management practices].

Sandor, J.A., Winkler Prins, A.M.G.A., Barrera Basso ls, N. and Zinck, J.A. (2006). The Heritage of So il Knowledge among the Worlds Cultures.

In:B.P. Warkentin, ed.: Footprints in the Soil, Elsevier Publ. Co, Amsterdam, pp. 43-84. [Overview of ethnopedological studies in a worldwidescale, with an emphas is on indigenous soil management practices].

Tabor, J.A. and Hutchinson, C.F. (1994). Using Indigenous Knowledge, Remote Sensing and GIS for Sustainable Development. Indigenous

Knowledge and Development Monitor, 2(1), 2-6. [Example of practical application of folk soil knowledge for soil management in combination

with nove l techniques].

Williams, B.J. and Ortz Solorio, C.A. (1981). Middle American Fo lk Soil Taxonomy. Annals of the Ass ociation of American Geographers, 71,

335-358. [This is a seminal case study, where the s tructures of scientific and folk soil classifications were compared. Also this paper introduced

the word "ethnopedo logy" into s cientific literature].

Biographical Sketches

Pavel Krasilnikovreceived h is Ph.D. at t he Faculty of Soil Science of Moscow State University. He worked as a head o f the laboratory of Soil

Ecology and Soil Geography in the Inst itute o f Biology of Karelian Research Center of Russian A cademy of Sciences. He is a Full Profess or of

the Faculty of Sciences o f the National Autonomous University o f Mexico. Currently he is a research officer in Teagasc, Ireland. He has more

than 100 scientific publications, mainly in the area of soil genesis, geography, and classification. He published several papers on

ethnopedology, organized session on folk soil classifications at the International Conference "Soil Classification 2004" and at the World

Congress of Soil Science (Philadelphia, 2006). Elected vice-chair of the Commission "Soil Classification" of the International Union of Soil

Sciences.

Joseph A. Tabor has a Ph.D. in epidemiology, M.P.H. in environmental health, M.S. in soil physics, and B.S. in agronomy. He began hisprofessional career with the United States Natural Resource Cons ervation Service in Tenness ee, where he was mainly active in soil mapping.

He has over 30 years of experience in natural resource management, agriculture, and public health in North America, Caribbean, Africa, and Asia

where he conducted environmental impact ass ess ments , project monitoring, program evaluation, natural resou rce mapping, project identification

and design, research, training, and teaching. He is currently conducting research at the University of Arizona in Tucson, Arizona, on the

epidemiology and ecology of coccidioidomycosis , a disease caus ed by the s oil borne fungi Coccidioides immitisor C. posadasii.

To cite this chapter

Pavel Krasilnikov, Joseph Tabor, (2009), ETHNOPEDOLOGY AND FOLK SOIL TAXONOMIES, in Soils, Plant Growth and Crop Production,

[Ed. Willy H. Verheye], inEncyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS),Developed under the Ausp ices of the UNESCO, Eolss Publishers ,

Oxford ,UK, [http://www.eolss .net] [Retrieved February 11, 2014]
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UNESCO-EOLSS Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems

ethnopedology and folk soil taxonomies

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