180

Gradually the office of the Majhi, the Umrao and the

Jhankar became hereditary.14 The Kandh peasant would offer a

present to the Umrao on special occasions, say after the

settlement of a dispute. In addition, the Umraos also started

enjoying some land exclusively for their own maintenance; this

would generally be the best lands of the desh. Their counterpart

Majhi at the village level also enjoyed some land for their

maintenance.lS The Jhankars enjoyed jhankri land for their ritual

functions.

Thus, a hierarchical arrangement of power, based on

differences in access to land and its produce, was noticed by the

colonial administrators in the· 19th century; the egalitarian

relationships of the original lineage system had been .declining

for quite some time in the plains areas of Kalahandi, Bolangir

and Sambalpur where the Kandh had taken to settled cultivation.

Of course this process was more general, observable too in

Phulbani, Ganjam and Koraput districts with some variation but

that is beyond the scope of this study.

NAGAVANSI ORIGIN MYTHS AND STATE FORMATION IN KALAHANDI

We have observed earlier that western Orissa was a frontier

zone of uncertain political control between different powers at

14. Ellf, CP., 1882, Letter from F.C.Berry, Superintendent Kalahandi affairs to H.C. Ward, Additional Commissioner Kalahandi, dated 27.7.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.

15. ~-

181

least upto the 15th century.l6 The uncertainty might have

encouraged an Umrao or a group of Umraos to join hands with a

service holder in the larger state to form an alliance and to

claim Nagavansi status. Later he or they established a kingdom at

Junagarh. A similar process has been observed by us in another

part of Orissa, i.e.,· Patnagarh, in Chapter I. Junagarh is nearly

150 kilometers from Patnagarh where another group emerged

powerful enough to claim'Chauhan Rajput status.l7

Concerning the origin of the "Nagavansi" rulers of

Kalahandi, we may turn to the following sources :

(i) According to Kandh myth several centuries ago they brought a

scion of the Chhotanagpur ruling family and installed him as the

Maharaja of their Rajya at Jugsai Patna.l8 Concerning his

Nagavansi identity, indicated in other sources (see below), this

text is silent. On the occasion of the coronation ceremony,

different Kandh clans performed different functions. One Kandh

folk song also vividly depicts the roles of the different Kandh

16. See chapter II.

17. !hid. Kalahandi was known as Karonde in pre-colonial period. The capital of Karonde was Junagarh. Later in the 19th century the capital was shifted to Bhandeswar or present Bhawanipatna.

18. Collected from Gigina, Dhamniadesh, Kalahandi and Turchi, Sangudesh, Kalahandi

182

lineages on the occasion.18 According to the ~andh, the lineages

participated in .the coronation upto Maharaja Udit Pratap Deo

(r.1853-1881); and one reason for the Kandh meli of 1882 was the

discontinuation of this practice by the dewan and the colonial

rulers. 30

Another folk so~g claims Karonde or Kalahandi as Kandhan

desh, and the Raja of the country as a son of Kandhs.31

19. Kandh Sona

Kule dhara Badaka,

Patbandha Tudaka, Jakdhara Jakaska, Kudhidhara Udaka, Genh dhara Karalka, Kirridhara Karurka, Jhidia Sermelka.

English Translation

Badaka Kandh is to take the Raja on his lap, Tudaka Kandh is to tie the turban, Jakaska Kandh to hold dress box, Udaka is to hold earthen pot, Karalka is to hold the King's back, Karurka is to hold a weapon, Sermelka is to give his daughter.

All the above functions were performed by representa­tives of different Kandh lineages and clans at the Kine's coronation ceremony.

20. F.C. Berry's report dated 24.5.1882. !Df, C.P., 1882, Madhya Pradesh Record Room, Nagpur.

21. Kane karand kane Kandh kete suad kalasur mad sahap nisan cham chimta Karandara raja Kandhara beta.

The meaning of the above folk song is that the first letter of Karonde and Kandh is 'K'. Karonde a Kandha land, kalasur liquor and salap drum are very sweet. The raja of Karonde is a son of Kandh.

183

(ii) Acccording to the claims in Gangavamsi record22 Karonde or

Kalahandi was a part of Gangav~i empire of Orissa upto the

13th century. A younger branch ruled over Karonde on their

behalf from Junagarh. The 10th ruler of the latter branch,

Jagannath Dev, was issueless. To get a son, he and his queen

carried out many -pious works like digging of ponds, construction

of temples and visiting holy places. Finally they proceeded to

the Ganga to bring holy water. In their absence twelve labourers

who had come over to Karonde in search of work from Chhotanagpur

conspired and captured the throne of Junagarh. They attacked and

killed the Raja and Rani on their journey back from the Ganga.

The relatives of the deceased continued their fight against the

usurpers in vain. The new rulers claimed to be Nagavamsis and in

order to gain Kandh support, they married Kandh women. These

"Nagavain5is" were recognised by colonial rulers as tributary

chiefs.

(iii) According to the tradition preserved in the present

Nagavamsi Raj -family of Kalahandi, in Samvat 1062 (1005 C.E), the

then Ganga ruler of Kalahandi adopted a scion of Nagavarnsi Raj

family of Chhotanagpur named Raghunath Sai, and later gave his

daughter in marriage to this scion and declared him his

successor. After the death of the last Gangavansi ruler of

22. Collected from the Madla or record of the family history preserved by a descendant'of Gangavansi ~ulers of Kalahandi named Chaudamani Ganga Dev, aged 70 of Chatiagudapada, a village 14 km from Bhawanipatna, the district headquarters of Kalahandi district.

184

Kalahandi, the Nagavamsi dynasty ruled over Kalahandi

uninterruptedly upto the merger of the princely states with the

Union of India in 1949.21

The origin-myths do not constitute reliable narratives of

events; yet their structure has much to tell us.

All the myths refer to a Chhotanagpur connection. The third

myth indicates the 11th· century as the possible beginning of

Nagavamsi rule in Kalahandi, though it was only around the

13th century or even later that the Nagavamsi kingdom was formed

in Chhotanagpur.24 This myth further says that Raghunath Sai was

from the 4th generation from Phani Mukut Rai who was the founder h~!

of Nagavam&i rule in Chhotanagpur and ruled there for 98 years. A -

In 13th and 14th centuries Karonde was a zone of uncertain

political control between the Ganga rulers of Orissa, the

K~l~churis of Ratanpur and Chinqakanagas of Bastar and Telugu

Chocyas of South India.25 We have evidence of extension of Naga

empire of Chakrakota upto Suvar~apura in western Orissa in the

23. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, pp.50-63.

24. Romila Thapar and Majid Hayat Siddi~i, 1979, 'Chota Nagpur : the precolonial and colonial situation', Trends in ethnic group relations Asia and Oceanic : Race and SocietY, UNESCO P.28. K.S.Singh, 1987, 'Chhotanagpur Raj : Mythology, Struc­ture and Ramifications', S.Sinha (ed), Tribal Politics and State sYstems in Pre-Colonial Eastern and North Eastern India, K.P.Bagchi, Calcutta, p.62.

25. N.K.Sahu, P.K.Mishra, J.K.Sahu, 1980, HistorY of Orissa, Nalanda, Cuttack, pp.186-197.

185

11th century.28 In these circumstances, one qf the local groups

may -have foisted its rule on its people and claimed Nagavamgi

origin later. The story of the adoption and of making the adoptee

one's son-in-law could then be later additions because, at least

in 12th century, there was no Nagavamsi rule in Chhotanagpur. If

at all there were Nagavamsi rulers in Chhotanagpur, they were

not well known; the Nagas of Chakrakota were by that time more

prominent. Chakrakota is nearer to Karonde than Chhotanagpur.

THE RAJA - THE PATRIMONIAL HEAD OF THE POLITY AS A SOCIETY

The claim of Kandh of .Kalahandi that they brought a scion

of Chhotanagpur Raj family to install as the ruler of Karonde was

perhaps prompted by the long practice of coronation ceremony of

Karonde in which the Kandh played an important role. C.Eliot, the

then Deputy Commissioner of Raipur, has recorded in detail the

practice of the coronation ceremony of Karonde in 1856.27 This

practice was prevalent upto 1853, when Udit Pratap Deo was

installed as the Raja according to the tradition. A Kandh folk

song28 also mentions the different functions of Kandh lineages in

,the coronation ceremony.

26. lhld, pp.188-89; B.K.Rath,1983, Cultural HistorY of Origsa, Sundeep Prakasani, Delhi, p.38.

27. C.Elliot, 1856, "Report on the affairs of Karonde Dependency", .cllli, VIII, 124, Sl.no.55, dated 28 July 1856: MPRR, Nagpur.

28. See above, fn.19.

186

This practice in a way indicates that a group which emerged

as rulers wanted to keep all the Kandh lineages with them, a

relationship expressed in giving them a role in the coronation

ceremony : a wider Brahmanical motif which we encountered in the

Patnagarh case earlier.

On the other hand, the folk songs assert Kandh supremacy.

These folk songs proclaim that Karonde is the country of Kandh

and the Raja was the creation of the Kandhs.29 Another practice

also indicates the historic importance of the Kandh in the

kingship in Kalahandi. The ruling family was polygynous, and the

first queen was always a Kandh woman.ao It may be that in course

of time the ruling family of Kalahandi were able to establish

marriage relations with other Rajput families in Orissa, and thus

to claim superior status, but they could not overlook their Kandh

29. See above, fn.19.

Kandh Song

Patmajhi muthamajhi nagaraja keline dekh dekh to sangu desh rai bhage nelene.

English Translation

Patmajhi and muthamajhi made the Naga king of Karonde.

Collected from : Turki, Sangudesh, Kalahandi.

Kandhan deshe Kandh raja. Kandh is the king of Kandhan tract.

Talbhira, Majhidesh, Kalahandi.

A jhar bar bandhle sahai lame raja patmajhi muthamajhi padare pupura pupurare chutia naga raja.

Gigina,

Amongst the grass sahaj tree grows, amongst the patmajhi and muthamajhi a boy of Chhotanaga family grew

hammadesh, Kalahandi.

30. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, p.97.

187

origin; for without Kandh support, both material and military, it

would not have been possible for them to continue to rule. The

Kandh were a very large part of the area's population, nearly 93%

even upto the 19th century.Sl The Raja of Kalahandi took a Kandh

woman as his wife in the beginning, and, on this basis, the Raja

couldlater claim to be the raja mahapuru, with its suggestion of

divinity, as the head of the Kandhs, especially by the 19th

Century.

For his maintenance he obtained the produce of some land

called bhOgra and khamar.32 Furthermore, the Kandh of each

village were supposed to present a goat or sheep and seasonal

fruit and crop to the Raja annually, preferably during the

dussera festival.SS In addition, each village was supposed to

present a goat or a sheep during the life cycle ceremonies of the

Raj family i.e., birth of a new baby, sacred thread ceremony of a

scion of the royal family, marriage, coronation etc.34 For these

occasions, the Kandh Majhis and Umraos received formal invitation

31. ~. supplement p.471, Khandh population, 80,000 in Karonde in 1856.

32. Bhogra - Land, the produce of which was meant to be enjoyed (bhog) by the ruler or his subordinate. Khamar - Villages and land held rent-free by the ruler for the maintenance of his family members, generally bhogra and khamar land are the best lands of the state.

33. ~. VIII-124, sl.no.55, 28 July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.

34. ~. From C.B.Lucie Smith, Commissioner· Chhatisgarh to Chief Commissioner, Central· Province, dated 19.9.1881 Report of 1880-81, MPRR, Nagpur.

188

from the Raja, i.e., through sending haldi, turmeric, and harida,

terminalia chebula.35 The Raja did not collect regular revenue

from the Kandhs even upto the coming of the colonial rulers.36

Thus, a group who claim to be Nagavamsis in Karonde secured

symbolic support for their position on the ground through ritual

and marriage relationship with the Kandh. At the aame time, they

extended their marriage alliances to the nearby Rajput

kingdoms.37 They also invited the Brahma~as, service performing

,non-tribal communitites, and artisans to settle in their

kingdom.38 The ruler needed qertain service holders for personal,

military and administrative purposes. For personal services to

the royal family, the Gauda, a caste group to supply water and

milk, ~umbhar, the potter, to supply earthern pots, Bhandari,

barber, to cut hair, and Dhobi, washerman, to wash clothes were

given land for their service. Ganda and Ghansi beat the drums

and performed manual services. For military purposes, paiks or

soldiers were recruited, and for their service they were paid by

35. The sending of invitation in this form is a general practice even now.

36. Reported by C.Eliot, Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur on 28 July 1856 and C.B.Lucie Smith, Commissioner Chhatisgarh on 14.9.1881, ~. MPRR, Nagpur.

37. Marriage relationships with the adjoining kingdoms of Patna, Sambalpur, Sonepur, Bamra and Gangapur estates in 19th century. Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.60.

38. Mohapatra, K., 1943, "Research Papers on Kalahandi History" (manuscript) Sambalpur University Archives, Acc.no.40-B, pp.9-12.

' I

189

way of service land.39

With the expansion of Nagavam3i kingdom of Karonde, these

services were not performed only for the royal family;

especially the services of Gauda, Kumbhar, Ganda were extended to

the desh and village levels too, and were claimed by the Umrao

and Majhis.

Another aspect of the expansion of Nagavamsi kingdom~n

Karonde was that the younger branches of the ruling family got

lands and villages for their maintenance.40 In this way, the

ruling family spread to the Kandh hinterland, i.e., Asurgarh,

Thuamul, Mahulpatna, Karlapat, Lanjigarh etc. Following the model

in Karonde, the younger branches established their zone of

influence and invited the service performing communities,

artisans, and peasants, to settle in their territories. They also

tried to settle the Kandh as peasants and invited non-tribal

peasants to settle in their rajya but without displacing the

tribals. They never transgressed the limit of acceptability or

rather they dared not do so. The availability of fallow land and

forest helped them to expand without touching tribal land and

villages.

39. R.K.Ramadhyani, 1956, Report on Land Tenures and the Revenue System of the Orissa and Chhatisgarh states, Indian Law Publication, Berbampur, p.21.

40. ~. VIII-124 sl.no.55, 28 July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.

190

The division of the kingdom took place in the 16th and 17th

Centuries.•l This produced results similar to those we have

observed earlier at Patna and Sambalpur, i.e., the younger branch

was able to. share in the legitimacy and charisma of the parent

kingdom and could entrench itself in its respective area.

FROM A PATRIMONIAL HEAD TO A FEUDAL CHIEF

It was only colonial period t~at the ruling

family transgressed

during tthe

the limit and alienated the tribals from

their land under protection of the colonial rulers. The mutuality

of the earlier period came to an end. It resulted in Kandh meli

of Bolangir and Kalahandi in 1869 and 1882 respectively.

The colonial rulers recognized the stratification implied

in the roles of Umrao and Majhi. The importance of community

ownership of land collectively by a lineage broke down.

' Individual land holdings and associated differences of status and

power followed. The pace of change was felt within individual

life spans.

Colonial rulers realised the special position of these

rulers in the relatively unproductive and inaccessible hill and

forest regions of Kalahandi and Bolangir.•2 Their initial

experience in Sambalpur persuaded them not to interfere directly '

41. IQig. Also, Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, 1980, pp.50-63.

42. FDP (Poll, 13 Sept 1833, no.56-57, NAI, New Delhi.

191

in the internal administration of these kingdoms.43 These rulers

were retained under the all India colonial policy of "protection

of ancient families and continuation of their dignity and

representation."44 This policy was a political necessity, for the

colonial state, and later it paid them rich fruit e.g., during

the tribal movement of Sambalpur, in the 1830's, and during the

revolt of 1857, these feudatory chiefs and Zamindars cooperated

with the British and helped them in capturing some of the leaders

of the movement.45

BREAKDOWN OF THE PREVIOUS ORDER

This policy of colonial rulers had other far reaching

consequences also.

In the 1790s the British worsted the Bhonsalas of Nagpur in

western Orissa. In the changed political circumstances the local

rajas realised that the colonial rulers were powerful enough to

protect them against both internal and external dangers. The

British wanted an alliance with local rajas for their own

reasons.46 So the alliance was struck between colonial rulers and

43. lhiQ Also 13th June 1833, no.71-75.

44. FDP (Pol), 13 September, 1833, no.56-57; July 1881 letter no.1778/90 dated 18.5.1880, and 1777/90 dated 18.5.1881. NAI, New Delhi.

45. FDP (Pol), 6 February, 18t4, no.102-103~NAI, New Delhi; QDR, IX, 49, sl.no.50J9th July 1856. MPRR, Nagpur.

46. See previous chapter.

--~-----

192

local rajas of western Orissa. These rajas agreed to pay a

certain annual tribute, and the former agreed to help them as and

when required so long as these rajas' loyalty to the British

crown was assured.47

In the emerging ·situation,, a four-tier stratification

followed (1) the elder branch of Junagarh Raj family as

feudatory chiefs, (2) their younger branches and a few tribal

chiefs as Rajas and Zamindars, (3) Umraos and Majhis as gaotia/

thekedar of the villages, and (4) the general mass, both tribal

and non-tribal as peasants. Secondly, the Rajas and Zamindars

enjoyed police and magisterial power under the protection of the

colonial regime48. This upset the previous balance. Previously,

these rajas had not d~red to antagonise the •

tribals, there was

no sustained displacement of tribals, and the rajas had never

transgressed the limit of acceptability.

The rajas, no more dependent on the support of the tribals,

invited skilled cultivators from outside, settled them in tribal

villages, and initiated regular revenue collection from each

village. For the regular realisation of revenue, villages were

given on theka or auctioned.

47. FDP (Poll, July 1881, 18/5/1881, MPRR, Nagpur.

no-6-9/1777 & 1778/90 dated

48. C.M.Aitchesan, 1929, A Collection of Treaties. Engagement and Sanads, I & V relating to feudatory states of Orissa and Central Provinces.

193

Feeling more secure and protected, these rajas took

repressive measures wherever the tribals opposed them. Not only

the Zamindars but their officials also exploited the tribals. The

Zamindar of Sindhekela, in the feudatory state of Patna,

increased the revenue of his territory arbitrarily.49 Kandh

gaotias were replaced by his own men as gaotias.so Under the

leadership of Mohan Majhi, a headman of village Mohagaon, near

Sindhekela, the Kandhs opposed the Zamindar.Sl

The Zamindar sent his mukteer, a court official, in 1869 to

collect the revenue. He further took Mohagaon village away from

the Kandh gaotia and gave it to the mukteer.52 The latter took

oppressive measures. In retaliation the Kandhs killed the mukteer

and his five followers. A large body of Kandhs surrounded the

house of the Zamindar. His guard opened fire and killed one

Kandh; the Kandhs dispersed.SS Immediately, the Zamindar brought

50 match-locks from Kalahandi and Khariar and, with 100 paiks,

attacked the Kandh villages indiscriminately. Six villages were

looted and burnt. Hands and noses of the captured Kandhs were cut

off. Women and children were also not spared. Immediately, the

revolt spread to Olanda, Gumsar and Saitala of Patna feudatory

49. FDP CPol l, June 1875, C.P., dated 29/6/1875, MPRR, Nagpur.

50. .llWi.

51. .l.1Wl .

52. .lhlJi.

53. .I.hlJi.

194

state but was ruthlessly supressed.54 The atrocities resulted in

large scale migration of the Kandhs from this area to the nearby

feudatory state of Kalahandi.SS

The atrocities and mismanagement attracted the attention of

colonial rulers. They appointed· an enquiry commission.56

Camberlege, a British officer, submitted his report, and on that

basis in 1870, Biswanath, the Zamindar of Sindhekela, was removed

to Raipur and the management Patna feudatory state was taken

under direct control of British government (Court of Wards) on

account of mismanagement.57 The raja of Patna Sur Pratap, was

kept at Sambalpur under the supervision of the British. The

British take-over did not solve the problems of the Kandhs.

Instead of the Zamindar and his man, now the police officers

began to oppress them.58 The Kandhs resorted to raids and

dacoities. They resisted the police force. Discontent

continued.59 The oppression of police on the tribals continued

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

.llWi.

.Ililii.

lld.d.

.lhi.si. dated

~. 1873

Approved vide British government's letter no. 1835 10.10.1870.

1873, dated

CP; letter in 1421 dated 8.8.1872, no. 3, July 1. 7. 1876, Central Provin'ce, MPRR, Nagpur.

59. Ellf, 1876, (Report) dated 1.7.1876, MPRR, Nagpur.

195

even under the British management.60 This was observed by the

Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur during his tour in 1872,61 who

came across incidents of police taking bribes from the tribals at

Sindhekela and Belpada.62 He reported, "Kondhs need careful

watching through order and subjugation",63

In Kalahandi, another feudatory state, the Kandh movement

was more serious. In 1840s and 50s Fateh Narayan Deo, the

Maharaja of Kalahandi, invited skilled cultivators from Sambalpur

and settled them in the tribal villages.64 After him his son Udit

Pratap Deo (r.1853-81) continued the above policy.65

Fateh Narayan discontinued the Kandh desh system and

abolished the post of Umrao in 1844.66 Each village was assessed

for revenue separately, and the village instead of desh became

60. ED£, C.P. 1873, letter no. 1421 dated 8.8.1872, No 3, July 1873 dated 1.7.1873, MPRR, Nagpur.

61. ED£, C.P. 1873, From M.M.Bowrie, Officiating Deputy -Commissioner Sambalpur to Commissioner Chhatisgarh, vide letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872.

62. .lhi.si.

63. .IJWi,

64. FDP <Pol), July 82, 523/26. Also FDP <Pol A), July 82, No 396/429 NAI, New Delhi.

65. .I.lU..d.

66. ED£, C.P, March 1884, From F.D.Berry, Political Agent Kalahandi to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, MPRR, Nagpur.

196

the unit of revenue administration.S7 This policy was continued

by his successor vigorously.

Villages were auctioned for a three year term.S8 Nazrana

or a levy was demanded at the time of auction from the thekedar/

gaotia or lease holders.Si The oLd system of 'One Umrao,. one

desh' or single patriarch for a circle of villages was

abandoned. 7 o The effects were wide-ranging. Umraos, Majhis and

Kandhs in general, unaccustomed to regular revenue payment, now

became liable to pay it. These traditional heads failed to

collect revenue from their own clansmen. They could not compete

in the auction, and moneyed men, mostly outsiders (Kulta, Sundhi

etc:), gradually took the villages in auction and became the

gaotia/thekedars.71 Not all tribal headmen were removed, but the

traditional heads, Majhis and Umraos, lost their power, position

and prestige.

In the meantime the colonial rulers, on humanitarian

grounds, initiated a campaign against human sacrifice and sale of

67. .I.hi.Q.

68. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi; tration pp. 267-301.

69. ED£, C.P., March 1884 MPRR, Nagpur.

70. ED£, C.P., 1873, MPRR, Nagpur.

Revenue

71. FPP CPol)., July 1882, no.523/26, NAI, New Delhi. FDP (Pol)., July 1882, no.396/429, NAI, New Delhi. EDf, C.P., July 1882, MPRR, Nagpur.

Adminis-

197

children in Kalahandi, Boad, Ghumsar, Jeypore.72 It was an attack

on the age old ·practice of Kandhs called 'meriah or human

sacrifice for their earth goddess lTaripennu' ,73 In the initial

stage the policy of persuasion was followed but later force was

used. In Kalahandi, the political agent for the hill tract of

Orissa, with the help of Raja of Kalahandi took vigorous measures

to suppress meriab.74

THE KANDH MEL! OF 1855-56

In these circumstances, it is not a surprise that the Kandh

of Kalahandi actively participated in the Kandh meli against the

British in Ghumsar, an adjoining Zamindari of Kalahandi feudatory

state, in 1856,75 and gave protection to its leader, Chakra

Bishoi. He was popularly known as the staunchest (champion of

meriah' all over Khondmal.78 The Kandhs of Majhidesh, Madanpur

Zamindari, Kalahandi attacked the camp of Macneil, officiating

72. · J.Campbell, 1864, Personal Narrative of Thirteen Years Service among the Wild Tribes of Kbondistan for the Suppression of Human Sacrifice, Hurst and Blackett, London. S.C.Macpherson, 1863(reprint) Report upon the Kbonds of the Distric~ of Ganjam and Cuttack, Madras, (~. XIII, 1852). CDR, VII, 1856 sl.no.45 dated 26.5.1856, MPRR, Nagpur.

73. For detail see Chapter III.

74. ~. IX, sl.no.37, 10th March 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.

75. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856, MPRR, Nagpur. ~. Proceedings, May 1881, dated 30.5.1881, MPRR, Nagpur.

76. D.Behera, 1984, Freedom Movement in the State of Ghumsar in Orissa, 1836-1866, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, p.90.

. I

198

Agent, Hill tracts of Orissa, at Orladhani in December 1855.77 In

this attack both Bqrikiya Kandh, or plains Kandh, and Kutia Kandh

or hill Kandh, joined together although they had bad blood

between them traditionally.78

Another aspect of the Kandh mov~ment of 1856 is clear from

the report of 5th March 1856 by Maliah Sirdar, a military officer

in the hill tract, Jugganath Mahanti.79 This clearly indicates

the Kandh attitude towards this raja, sircar (colonial rulers)

and Ooryahs (thekedar, moneylender, Kultas). In the words of

Mahanti's report :

A Khond named Bhulloo Mallicko an inhabitant of Balliapoda

near Jayeepoor of Kalahandy, 2 days distance from

Bellegodo came to the village named Aska on the frontier

of Kalahandy and proclaimed to everybody that he had been

bestowed by the Gods with the power of Rajah over all the

Khonds that thus the Khonds should come to him and pay

their respect ....

The above Bhulloo Mallicko informs us that he is appointed

as Raja over the Kandhs, that they must not bring Ooryahs

77. QfR, 122, E.A.Samuels to Col.J.Mansion, No.154, 24 December 1855, Also E.A.Samuels to Government of Bengal, No.156, 24 December 1855. QSA (OSA) Bhubaneswar.

78. P.K.Mishra, 1983, Political Unrest in Orissa in the 19th Century, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, pp.90-91.

79. ~. IX-34, dated 18 April 1856. Hallah means hill tract; Sirdar means a military officer or commander.

He

199

before him, that he is a person to make them all well and

that if Ooryahs came before him will certainly die

therefore no Ooryah but only Khonds visit him.80

further reported the emergence of a new God

This God has 4 hands but the rest of the body is of the

human shape, that it is a brass idol and has a mark on the

back and some ornament on the body, its height is about 4

inches but it cannot speak, the Sowrah had his wife in

whose house this God had been born had proclaimed that in

the month of Joisto or June there will be darkness which

will last day and night and continue so for 7 days from the

time it begins that all those who will keep in their houses

black cows, black sheep, dogs and boars at the period of

darkness, and they will become tigers and they will eat the

people who reared them. That after the darkness has

passed away the Ooryahs will be changed into Khond and the

Khond into Ooryah, that permission will be granted for

meriah sacrifice and the sircar will be removed. Sircar's

elephant and horse proceeding towards God had become

stones and the soldiers jackfruit trees. Tiger will become

'bison' and eat all those but who disobey the sircar.81

On 18th March he further reported that

80. .IlW\.

81. .ll2.iJ;i.

In the district

collected at the

receiving present

delighted at the

200

of Kalahandy large bodies of Khonds had

birth place of the new God and were

of cloths there. That they appear quite

new turn events had taken and

congratulating themselves that they got a God and a king

and that their hope in good will not hereafter fail. What

need we fear for the sahib, the sahib has through fear left

our country ....

O~y~s

anything to

were in great terror and have little if

say to the Khonds and that they are quite

by the threats of Khonds who tell them that

the parties who brought the sahib into this

intimidated

they are

country and they will not allow them to escape punishment.

Bhulloo Mulliko is the person who distributes cloths and

tells the Khonds that you receive cloths from Sahibs who

prevents you from practicing human sacrifice but I give

you cloths and shall also permit you to sacrifice.82

Colonial rulers acted quickly. Kalahandi Raja was

instructed to capture Bhalloo Mallick and arrest him.83 They

instructed the Commissioner of Nagpur to enquire about the

emergence of a new deity and be careful while taking action. The

Zamindar of Madanpur was threatened for his links with the Kandhs,

82. lQid.

83. ~~ IX-49 sl.no.50, 9th July 1856, MPRR, Nagpur.

201

and his Zamindari was confiscated and placed under the direct

management of the Raja of Kalahandi.84 The Raja of Kalahandi

captured Bhulloo Mallicko, who was locally known as Majhee, and

confined him to the fort.as The Sowrah and his wife, in whose

house the god had appeared, lived 16 to 17 miles away from

Junagarh the capital of Kalah~ndi.86 They were taken into

custody, with the help of the Kalahandi Raja, from their village.

Strong measures were taken and the movement was suppressed. Rajas

and Zamindars were warned to be careful in future to check such

disturbances.87

~

NATURE OF THE RISING

In the above movement the Kandhs could not carry forward

their movement against their exploiters. It was confined to a few

pockets though the suffering of the Kandhs was throughout these

areas. This movement was directed against outsiders who were all

seen to be in alliance, especially the Oriyas. This became clear

with the appearance of a Messiah, Bhalloo Mallick, and of the

story of a new deity.88 The Sarkar-Raja alliance was quick enough

to react, and Bhalloo Mallick's attempt was nipped in the bud.

84. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856.

85. ~. IX-49, sl.no.50, 9th July 1856.

86. ~. VIII-106, sl.no.51, 12th July 1856. Sowrah belongs to the Sabara tribe.

87. ~. IX-22, sl.no.44, 24th May 1856.

88. See page 199-200.

202

This alliance was so strong that during the revolt of 1857 this

area was comparatively calm.

CONSEQUENCE OF THE RISING

An attempt to revive the old Kandh system and meriah

sacrifice had failed. Colonial rulers with the help of local

rajas continued vigorous steps to suppress human sacrifice

through Meriah Agency. Barring some stray instances, cases of

meriah were not seen after 1860. So the Meriah Agency was

abolished on 31st May 1862.89

New police posts were opened in tribal areas to maintain

law and order.90 New roads were constructed to the tribal areas,

but the Kandh tracts of Bolangir and Kalahandi were conspicuously

lacking in missionary activities because this area was under the

control of the semi-independent feudatory chiefs who did not

allow missionary activities. On the other hand, missionaries were

very active in the adjoining territories, i.e., Ghumsar,

Kandhmal, Khariar, which were more or less under the direct

management of British government. In Kalahandi, very little

89. j

OHB (Loose Correspondences), of Governor General of India OSA, Bhubaneshwar.

Extract from the Proceedings in Counci 1, 18 December, 186 2·,

90. EDP, C.P., 1873, letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872, MPRR, Nagpur.

203

attempt was made to educate the Kandhs.91

IMMIGRATION AND PRESSURE ON THE KANDHS

With the opening of new roads to the tribal areas,

improvement of law and order, and the abolition of meriah

sacrifice, traders and money-lende~s felt secure enough to enter

Kandh areas freely. The raja also wanted money so he encouraged

the moneyed men to enter Kalahandi.

The raja needed money to construct a big palace.92 The raja

of Kalahandi came in contact with different rajas and their

courts on way to the Delhi Durbar and during other travels.93

This might have persuaded him to build a big palace and a court.

A big palace of the king was absent in Kalahandi prior to 1881.94

91. Upto 1881, there was only one Middle English School and 15 Primary Schools; these too were confined to the capitals of Kalahandi Rajya and different Zamindaris. There was no school in Kandh hinterland. One Middle School and 15 Primary Schools were meagre for the population of Kalahandi in 1881, namely 2,23,568.

92. During the rule of Fateh Narayan Deo, r.1836-1853, the capital of Kalahandi was shifted to Bhawanipatna from Junagarh, and during the rule of Udit Pratap Deo (r.1853-1881) the construction of a big palace began.

93. Udit Pratap Deo (r.1853-1881) visited North India and South India, and also attended Delhi Darbar in 1877, Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.60.

94. C.Eliot, Deputy Commissioner of Raipur, in his report of 1856 reports that "the principal town of Karonde contained 500 houses, principally of thatch and bamboos. Raja's house was of brick and chunams and one part had two stories with a terraced roof". Reporting about Bhawanipatna he mentioned that it is situated 20 miles north-east of Junagarh and contains about 200 houses. He did not notice any big palace. C.B.Lucie Smith,Commissioner, reported on 14.9.1881 that the palace of the raja of Kalahandi was under construction.

204

Not only in Kalahandi but also in Bolangir and Khariar, big royal

palaces were built in 19th and 20th centuries.95 During the same

period the capitals of these estates were shifted to plain arid

open areas, i.e., from Junagarh to Bhawanipatna, from Komnagarh

to Khariar.98

This required more surplus than the Kandhs with their low

level of agricultural technology could generate; so the raja

encouraged the immigration of Kulta, skilled cultivators of

Sambalpur, to Kalahandi, in order to raise the revenue of the

estate.97 Secondly, though the old Umrao system of the Kandh was

abolished in Kandh desh in 1844, still they were influential; and

the Kandh were so emotionally attached to their leaders that any

threat of punishment did not deter them from following their

leaders.98 These traditional leaders could not demand or collect

revenue from their own people, who were unaccustomed to regular

revenue payment. Their Majhis or headmen had held their villages

for generations; but in the new system the gaotias had no durable

right and were given theka for three years only.99 During the

95. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, p.64. Orissa Dis­trict Gazetteers. Bolangir. see history chapter.

96 . ll2.i.d .

97. IDf (Pol), July 1882, no.396/429, NAI, Also letter no 2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, para 9, NAI.

98. ED£, C.P., March 1884 MPPR, Nagpur.

99. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., p.12. Also ED£, C.P., March, 1884, MPRR, Nagpur.

I

205

currency of the lease, i.e. three years, the right of the son to

succeed was commonly recognised; but on its expiry, the raja was

at liberty to give it to anybody else.lOO The opportunity was

utilised by the Raja of Kalahandi. The villages were given to

those who offered the highest bid for the revenue.lOl Besides,

the revenue, the Raja collected nazrana and salami or presents at

the time of the renewal of the lease,102 Lucrative villages

fetched high nazrana for the Raja. Kulta, 'possessed of money,

industry and thrift', could afford large nazrana.103 Other than

Kultas, the horse traders, Sundhis or distillers also became the

new thekedars.104

The establishment of the royal court and the maintenance of

records needed persons with prior experience. For this function,

Brahrna:q.as, Karans or Mohanty (a writer caste of Orissa) were

invited from coastal Orissa.lOS Some of the Brahrna~as were also

brought from Sambalpur by Udit Pratap Deo in 1867.108 Malis or

100. lhisi.

101. FPP fPol) Secretary Government 10.6.882.

July 1882 no.396/421. Letter from Officiating to Chief Commissioner, C.P. to the Secretary, of India, Foreign Department no.2027/ll8 dated

102. ED£, C.P., March, 1884. Letter from Political Agent Kalahandi to Commissioner Chhatisgarh.

103. lhl.d.

104. l.hid.

105. Oriss·a Pi strict Gazetteers. Kalahandi, pp. 85-86.

106. Jhid. p.85.

206

gardeners·were brought from Nagpur.l07 Muslims who came to Kala-

handi from North India as horse traders were also asked by the

raja to help him in the managament of the estate.lO& For their

services the Brahma~as, Karans and Muslims etc. were granted some

maufi or rent-free lands and villages. Thirty six such villages

and 100 plots were granted maufi to different service holders

during the rule of Udit Pratap Deo, 1853-1881.109 Further, 34

villages and 14 plots were given to different deities and

temples, called debottar grants.llO .. Debot;-t:ar grants "do not

connote anything more than the diety taking the place, through

the agent or marfatdar, of a zamindar or kh~rposhdar or the

village headman".lll With the establishment of new palaces and

capitals, new temples were also constructed in the 19th century.

This phenomenon was prevalent in other parts of Orissa also.ll2

The burden of the revenue fell upon the peasants because,

previous to 1905, the revenue settlement in Kalahandi was

107 . .QfB, correspondence from Commissioner, Chhatisgarh to Chief Commissioner, C.P.Nagpur dt 14.9.1881, Report of 1880-81, MPRR, Nagpur.

108. F.Deo, 1984, "Tribal non-tribal interaction with special reference to Nawapara Sub-division, Kalahandi district, in Western Orissa", M.Phil dissertation, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, p.143.

109. ED£, C.P., March 1884, MPRR, Nagpur.

110. Th.i.s;l.

111. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., pp.18-19.

112. H.Kulke, 1976, "Kshatriyaization and Social Change", S.D. Pillai (ed), Aspects of Changing India, Bombay, p.403.

207

irregular.ll3 Gaotia or thekedars paid their annual lease amount

to the raja and they themselves were free to distribute the

burden amongst the peasants of their village.ll~ The gaotia

enjoyed bh~gra or rent-free land for his maintenance, generally

the best lands of the village.llS Other than that, the gaotia had

absolute control over the wasteland, and was free to bring it

under cultivation and lease it out to others.ll8 Gaotia had no

right to transfer the raiyati land but had the power to allot

wasteland, and the lands accruing from failure to pay land

revenue or from emigration to new persons.ll7

During such allotment, the gaotia collected salami or .

presents from the new settlers.l18 This was a good source of

income for the gaotia. He also exacted the services .of hal, or

two bullocks with a plough and a man, at the time of sowing and

da-bhetti, or gift of labour with sickle, at the time of reaping,

from the peasants of his village.ll9 This system was advantageous

113. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, Chapter XI, Revenue Administration, pp.267-301.

114. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., pp.l1-12.

115. lJU..d.

116. ~- p.l3.

117 . .llilii.

118. lhl..d.

119. Orissa. District Gazetteers. Kalahandi, p.272. Da-bhetti means gift of labour with sickle but actually it is a form of forced labour.

208

for the non-tribal aaotia, who came to Kalahandi with prior

knowledge of cultivation, in exploiting the peasants to the

fullest extent.120 These gaotias. became very influential and

powerful later. On the other hand, the traditional Kandh gaotias

could not develop such a system of exploitation.of their own

people.l21 So the raja preferred the non-tribal as gaotia or

headman so as to be able to meet his new expenses.l22

For the construction of the new palaces and temples, the

people of Kalahandi had to carry an additional burden of bethi or

forced labour.12S

Further, some tribal gaotias had to borrow money from

money-lenders, especially from the Kultas, by mortgaging their

lands,124 in order to retain their gaotiaship and to meet the

demands of the raja. Not only the tribal gaotias but the Kandh in

general suffered in this system.125 They mortgaged their land to

the money-lenders and failed to recover these.128 Later they

120. F.Deo, op.cit., 71-72.

121. !hid.

122. FPP (Pol), July 1882 , no.1882 no.396/429, NAI, New Delhi.

123. R.K.Ramadhyani, op.cit., p.30.

124. FDP <Pol), July 1882, no.523/26, NAI, New Delhi; IDf C.P, 1882, Dt.27.7.1882. MPRR, Nagpur; EDf C.P., 1884, March, MPRR, Nagpur.

125. lQid.

126. ~-

209

became bahabandha or bonded servants of the moneyed man.127 Their

womenfolk became the menial servants. Gradually, the Kandhs

·became labourers on what had been their own land.128

Other than the invited non-tribal groups, there was also a

larger scale immigration of Kandh to Kalahandi from adjoining

Patna estate between 1859 and 1870128 due to the oppressive

action against the Kandhs by Patna Zamindar.130 Consequently,

there was · strong competition for land. It helped the raja of

Kalahandi to increase his revenue because the bids at successive

auctions were higher.l31 By 1870, the revenue rate in Kalahandi

was higher than that in any other part of Raipur district.l32

In 1870, Patna state was taken under the direct management

of British government and the local Kandh Zamindars of Patria were

restored.l38 These Zamindars invited those Kandh who had migrated

to Kalahandi during the oppressive rule of Patna Zamindar to

reutrn.l34 So there was a reverse flow of population after 1871.

127. .lhi5i. Bahabandh!, a local term·. (baha means hands and bandh~ means mortgage)

128. .l.l;Wl.

129. IDf, May 1875, No.1585 dated 11.5.1875, MPRR, Nagpur.

130. .l.l;Wl.

131. .l.b.iJl.

132. .ll;Wi.

133. FDP (Pol), C.P, June 1875 approved vide British government letter no.1835 dated 10.10.1870, MPRR, Nagpur.

134. EDR CPol), C.P., May 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.

I 1

:r

210

Since taxes were growing in Kalahandi at this time, even the

Kandh of Kalahandi, now migrated to Patna state.l36 It had its

impact on the Kandhs who remained. Land continued to be given by

auction. The thekedars' level of bidding remained high. This high

level was distributed over a relatively small number of peasants . left in the villages. So each of them had to pay more than

before. Land revenue on those who remained in Kalahandi became

greater year by year. Here it may be recalled that the revenue

of a village was fixed for three years. It was the reponsibility

of the gaotia/thekedar to collect the same from his village.

While the peasants of Kalahandi were over-burdened and

suffering under the exploitative order, nature was also cruel.

There was a heavy flood in 1872 followed by a draught the next

year, 1873; both of these damaged crops.l37 The troubles of the

people were aggravated by a rise in the price of rice.

While the people in general and Kandhs in particular were

suffering the raja went on increasing the revenue to meet

extravagant expenses. He put a tax on everything which was

'susceptible

135. .IQlii.

136. .llWi.

137 . .Th..1Jl.

of taxation' .138 He borrowed money from the

138. FDP (Pol), July 1882, no.396/429, NAI. letter no.2027 dated 10.6.1882, NAI, New Delhi. U.P.Deo imposed 12 new magan or subscriptions {cesses levied by Raja for special purposes).

211

moneylenders and adjoining estates. By 1881, he had already

borrowed Rs.70,000/-. The financial condition was precarious but

he carried on the construction of the new palace.l39 He spent

Rs.30,000/- on the marriage of his relative in Patna estate.140

His dewan, Sadashiva Nanda, was instrumental in this policy.l41

Nanda was virtually the de facto ruler of Kalahandi between 1875

and 1881 because Udit Pratap Deo, the raja, was suffering from

rheumatic gout which developed into an ulcer.142 In 1875, he

was completely crippled, unable to move his hand, and unable to

talk.l43 He could manage to attend the Delhi durbar in 1877 when

there was a slight improvement in his health, but after 1877 he

was virtually confined to bed. Sadashiva Nanda, the dewan, could

therefore, continue his oppressive rule unabated.144 He was

shrewd enough to suppress the opposition through intrigue and

force, as we shall .see below, so this opposition did not dare to

express itself publicly. So the British civil officers who paid

their annual visit to Kalahandi were kept in the dark till

139. ~ (Report), September 1881, letter dated 14.9.1881, MPRR, Nagpur.

140. .I.l;ilil.

141. FDP (Pol), July 1882 no 396/4-29 letter no. 2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, NAI, New Delhi.

142. Ibid, Also FDP, 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.

143. ED£, C.P., May 1875, MPRR, Nagpur.

144. FDP (Pol), July, 1882, no.396/429, NAI.

212

1881.145 But the discontent was very serious, as was seen later.

When Udit Pratap Deo became the Raja in 1853, the

assessment of Kandh villages was Rs.22,000/-; it had been raised

to Rs.1,27,500/- by 1881.146 In achieving this, the Kandh were

ousted and their villages given to moneylenders, Kultas, and the

position of the Kandh Umrao and Majhi was lowered.147 The Kandhs

were systematically beaten down to the level of "helpless

drudges".148 These reports and judgement will be considered

later.

DEATH OF THE RAJA AND CONTROVERSY OVER SUCCESSION

The

behind a

issueless,

raja of Kalahandi died on 19th April, 1881, leaving

controversial question of succession.l49 He was

so he had adopted Ram Bhadra Singh in 1865, but in

1874 he disowned him on the. charge of the latter's illicit

involvement with Urmila, a cuncubine of the raja.l50 Later, on

12th April, 1881, seven days before his death, he adopted Ram

Mohan Singh (later identified as Raghu Keshari Deo), a minor, and

wrote to the British authority asking for his recognition as

145. ~.

146. !hid.

147. IQid.

148. IQid.

149. lhid.

150. FDP (Pol), July 1881, no.6-9-NAI, New Delhi.

213

heir.161 The British government recognised the minor son as the

raja of Kalahandi, with Asha Kumari Devi, the widow Rani, as his

guardian.152

Ram Bhadra Singh complained to the British authority that

he was a victim of intrigue by the dewan, and the charges

levelled against him were false.153 But the British did not

listen. He and his followers now supported the dissatisfied

Kandhs who had been deprived of their power, position and land.

They promised to restore the old Kandh system in case Ram Bhadra

Singh was restored as the raja of Kalahandi.154 They further

reminded the Kandhs that Raghu Keshari was made ruler of

Kalahandi by the Sarkar ignoring the Kandh tradition.155

In the meantime, Rani Asha Kumari also complained that her

husband had been murdered by the dewan.l56

KANDH GRIEVANCES

In June 1881, some Kandh delegates went to Sambalpur to

151. ~.

152. Ibid.

153. !hid, Ram Bhadra Singh's statement, recorded by M.M.Bowrie, Officiating Deputy Commissioner.

154. EDf (Pol), June 1882, no 396/429, NAI; Ellf, C.P., July 1882, dated 27.7.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.

155. ~. Report of 8th December 1881.

156. !hid, Rani's letter to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, dated 7th Nov., 1881.

214

complain before the Deputy Commissioner against the atrocities of

the dewan and the gaotias.157 In October 1881, the Commissioner

of Chhatisgarh received news that \there was considerable

commotion amongst the Kandh' and he requested the British

government to appoint a special officer to enquire into the

charges leveled against the dewan and to investigate the

grievances of the Kandhs.158

The Kandhs refused to pay the revenue.l59 Twenty-four Kandh

headmen representing 121 villages went as far as Raipur to

present a petition to the Chief Commissioner against enhancement

of assessment and the exaction of nazrana.160 These leaders also

complained that Ram Bhadra Singh had been deprived of his throne

by a plot of the dewan.l61 They appealed to the Chief

Commissioner to order an enquiry on the spot and look into the

condition of the people.l62 Mr.Ismay, the Assistant Commissioner,

was deputed to enquire into the grievances. He reached Kalahandi

on 28.1.1882 and arrived at Bhawanipatna, the capital of

Kalahandi state, on 30.1.1882. A large gathering of Kandhs gave

157. .lJllii.

158. ll2.i.d.

159. .llllii.

160. .lhl._d.

161. .l.Qi.d.

162. l..lll.d.

215

him 96 petitions relating to 749 villages.163

The complaints alleged loss of old rights and privileges,

ejection from villages, and enhancement of revenue.!64 They also

recommended the restoration of Ram Bhadra Singh. Ismay conveyed

to them the government's decision not to restore Ram Bhadra

Singh.16S On 31st January 1882, the Kandhs plundered 85 villages

in daylight;l88 police, pXik and officials became silent

spectators. Perhaps they were afraid of the Kandhs. Later another

65 villages were plundered.167

Immediately, Ram Bhadra Singh's supporters were imprisoned,

and Kalahandi was taken under direct management (Court of Wards)

by the British government.l68 The police force were reinforced

from Sambalpur, Raipur, and Ganjam.169

Kandhs were approached through their Majhis. They were

assured of a reduction in assessment.l70 The colonial rulers

163. l.bid, Report of 7.2.1882.

164. l.bid.

165. .lillii-

166. .llWi-

167. .llWl.

168. lbi.d.

169. .lhlJi.

170. .lillii, Para 20.

l

216

tackled the dewan very carefully. They utilized the ability and

knowledge of the dewan but d~d not recognise him as dewan.l71 The

Kandh leaders of the movement, Khandu Majhi, Rajigaon Majhi and

Dugni Pradhani and nearly 100 Kandh Majhis were called by the

Commissioner, Chhatisgarh.l72 He issued a proclamation ordering

the restoration of plundered property and promising enquiry into

their grievances.l73 He moved round the country and found the

grievances of the Kandhs to be genuine.l74 He made a settlement

of their grievances and on 15th March, announced its terms in a

meeting of leading Kandhs.l75 Kandh leaders expressed their

satisfaction. Out of 150 villages plundered, the property of 77

villages worth Rs.51,037/- were surrendered by the Kandhs.l78 The

Commissioner appointed Mr.Berry, a British officer, as superin-

tendent of Kalahandi to manage the estate. He took the minor raja

with him to Raipur in March 1882.177

171. lQig

172. FPP<Poll July 1882, no.396/429, letter from officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner Central Province to the Secretary to Govt. of India, Foreign Department, letter no.202q/118 dated 10.6.1882, para-3.

173. lhid

174. lQid, Para-9.

175. FDP(Pol), July 1882, no.396/429 Chief Commissioner's letter no.2027 dated 10 June 1882, Para 4.

176. ED£, July 1882, no.376/421, no.2027/118 dated lOth June 1882 para-8.

177. ~. para-4.

l

217

Berry visited the spot to enquire into the grievances.178

The Kandhs complained that "'Kultas are grinding them down to the

position of servants on their own land"'.l79 Kandhs further

justified their act of plunder by saying : "they had taken back

their own produce which had been appropriated by Kultas".l80

They wanted restoration of the Umraos and the Majhis to

their positions.18l They also complained that the Kulta with the

help of the Sarkar were demanding more than they had looted, so

the Kultas should leave their desh, for "tiger and goat cannot

live together" .182

In Boskadesh, Kalahandi, the Kandh objectd to the presence

of Kultas even as ryots because the latter abused and oppressed

them .18 3 ''Even as ryots Kul tas would be able to oust them again.

They did not want a Kulta village in their desh."l84

Kultas complained that "not only the Kandhs but also the

Doms and other low caste people had been subsisting on plunder

178. .ED,f, C.P, July 1882, Berry's report. MPRR, Nagpur.

179. .IQid, report of 16.4.1882.

180. .llllii.

181. .l.b.i,g' report of 11.4.1882.

182. l.J:U.d, report of 16.4.1882.

183. .l.J2i..d, report of 18.4.1882.

184. Ibid.

l

L

218

since the beginning of the disturbance."l85

On 22nd April, Berry threatened to use police force if the

Kandhs refused to restore the property of the Kultas.186 On 25th

April, the Kandhs of Boskadesh surrendered 320 cattles of Mandel

Gaotia but later on a Kandh named Magho Kandh captured 3 pairs of

bullocks out of this lot.l87 Berry immediately arrested Magho

Kandh. Kandhs demanded his release.l88 Between April 26 and May

11, Berry received fifty six petitions from Boskadesh, fourteen

from Dhamniadesh, seventeen from Kotbaksadesh, four from

Pradhanidesh, nine from Sangudesh and Garhatdesh, and twelve from

Majhidesh. In this area, the Kandh complained against the Teli,

Kumbhar and Gond gaotias in addition to Kultas.l89

KANDH MELI OF 1882 - VIOLENT PHASE

Let us describe the immediate circumstances which

transformed the Kandh movement into a violent struggle.

Berry arrested Jagat Gaur, who had participated in the

plunder of Iswar Gaotia of Asurgarh.190 Jagat was from a caste

group, was not a Kandh, but the Kandh came in a large number

under the leadership of Kamal Majhi to Berry's camp and demanded

185. lQig, report of 27.7.1882.

186. ~. report of 22.4.1882.

187. lhi.d, report of 27.4.1882.

188. .ll;W:l.

189. lhid, Reports between 26th April to 11th May 1882.

190. ~. Report of 2.5.1882.

219

Jagat's release.191 Berry refused· to release him and took him to

Mohangiri under police protection.182 Kandhs asked Iswar Gaotia

to proceed to Mohangiri to ask Berry to release Jagat.

Accordingly, Iswar reached Mohangiri and appealed to Berry to

release Jagat.183 Be a;I.so. informed Berry that "in case Jagat was

not released the Kandhs were definitely going to kill him."l94

Berry did not take the words of Iswar Gaotia seriously and

refused to release Jagat.185 Iswar became the first victim of the

Kandhs on his return empty handed.186

Kandhs collected the head, flesh and liver of Iswar Gaotia

and circulated these through out Kalahandi as a message of the

beginning of a meli.l97 The Doms, a low-caste group, were the

messengers of the Kandhs to spread the message.198

191. lhid.

192. .lhi.d.

193. ~' Report of 17.5.1882.

194. .llU.d.

195. .llWl.

196. !hid, Report of 19.5.1882.

197 . .llU.d.

198. FPP<Pol) July, 1882, no.396/421 letter no.2027/118 dated 10.6.1882, para 19. Also a Kandh folk song :

Kandh song

Pargana gana dhaela ganda dhaele Kandh atharagana.

English translation

The Ganda or the Kandh desh message, Kandh ber assembled.

Dom went round to spread the in large num-

220

Kamal Majhi issued an order to 32 Kandhan tracts

Sahib (Berry) had taken possession of Raja's tent and elephants and imprisoned Jagat Gaur and the Babus, imprisoned with Brida Patra's son [one of the supporters of Ram Bhadra Singh] and you are the servants of that. Sahib (Berry) gave ryot right to Kulta. So the Kulta be removed ... Sahib arrested Jagat. If he will not release he [Jagat] should be freed by force.l99

199. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 17.5.1882. A folk song depicts the role of Kamal Majhi and other Kandh leaders ·

Kandh song

Sajna, dekh Kandh melir bhabna age chaligala khanda taruari pache pache tar bhabna. Beska chake padla dak, Asur­gadar beskechak Kamal Majhir hak, chair dik ke dal patar bulai Kandh ke dak.

Beska chakara jhalia ganja gabder gade dake, Kultiake kati balte Kandhara tangi pak pake.

Pargana gana dhaela gana dhaele Kandh athargana.

Bajala meria baja, Gubria bhai tekara sal dhariche udaijajha, Milkideshara Khand Majhi muchh mudi mudi aase, Palakia Jura Bhoi Balaspure mise, Gadam chakar Aendra Jani Aaele bahaduni dhuni hate tangi dhera Beska maru dak diyachhesusta, kete meli kera.

English translation

Sajana ! see the philosophy of Kandhmeli.

Sword and weapon went, call came from Beska desh.

The message of Kamal Majhi began from Asurgarh, Beska desh Branches and leaves were spread to four directions as message to raise a revolt.

The axes of the Kandh are dancing to cut the Kulta.

Ganda went to four directions to spread the message, Kandh in large number assembled.

Meriah instrument was played; (at the time of meriah sacri­fice the Kandh play drum and pipe)

from Gabridesh Tekarsai came, from Milkidesh Kandh Majhi came, Jura Bhoi of Palkiade­sh joined them at Balaspur, Aendra Bhoi of Gadamdesh came with his axe waving. They came when the invitati­on of Beskadesh reached them.

Collected from: Budhipadar, Kotbaksa, Gigina, Dhamniadesh, Kalahandi.

221

The uprising spread to other areas of Kalahandi. 400 Kultas

were killed, 200 142 villages plundered.20l On 5th may 1882,

nearly 600 Kandhas proceeded to Bhawanipatna to attack the

treasury but were stopped by the Tahsildar.202 Berry took

suppressive measures to stop the rising. British forces burnt

down Kandh villages, Kandh leaders were arrested and publicly

flogged, and seven leaders were instantly hanged without the

approval of.the Commissioner. 203 In this way the Kandh movement

was ruthlessly crushed in 1882 by British might.

RATURB OF UPRISIRG

Let us now assess the Kandh aeli of Kalahandi in the light

of the above information. The recognition of the Raja of Karonde

as a feudatory chief by the British gave him the backing of

latter's power, and this upset the relationship between

200. FDP <Pol> July 1882, no. 396/429, NAI, Telegramme no. 405 .dated 3. 5. 1882.

201. mf_. C. P. , 1882, From H. L. E. Ward, Additional Commissioner, Kalahand~ Affairs to Secretary to Chief Commissioner C.P., dated 5.8.1882.

202. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 22.5.1882.

203. FOP <Pol A), July 1882, no.523/26 letter dt 30.8.1882, ,HAL

One folk song also depicts :

Kandh song

Meli · uthe bhabi sumina Saheba sanyadhariasi akaraprakare bedhile deshara palatana chaparasije hasti. ghoda sahite nali, khanda, bandhuka kete je.

Rnglish translation

Saheb came with his paltan (force) and ohaprasi (chowkidar) and surrounded the desh (Kalahandi) within a night.

• (Contd.) ..

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222

the raja and the Kandhs. The relation of the Kandh and the raja

gradually collapsed, and the raja became more and more the

collector of rent and revenue. Colonial rulers could not

understand the peculiarity of patrimonial head, at least until

the Kandh meli of 1882. Under the protection of the colonial

rulers, the raja invited peasants, thekedar~, and money-lenders

from outside, and the latter grabbed tribal land; the traditional

Kandh leaders, Umraos and Majhis, were replaced. The raja

introduced a series of magan or subscription or cess, not less

than twelve in number, by 1881.

cultivators suffered.

Ref. no. 203 Contd.

Chhinna chhinna kari desa madhye gheri maele hoi nisoka gramegrame pasi aagni jali dele, deshe padigala daka, kehi maranati pasi, bane dia­nti phasi je, Kahaku bandhan­ti pathara ladina jale pakanti

Balu ganti dei maile Kandhaku ke pariba taku kali, thoke palai le jhok parabate jai luchile, desha Majhi mana sabui bandhi darinele.

Kalapani kete jamidaranela Raipura abasti noile, prani sarbe hoile nasa tabu santi lavila desh je.

Kandh leaders as well as

Sahib came with horse, ele­phant, sword, gun, cannon etc. they entered the vill­ages, burnt down the houses captured the Kandhs, hanged them on the trees, killed them.Some of the Kandh were thrown into the water with big stones tied to their neck. How many kandh were killed, it is very diffi­cult to count.

Some khands fled to jhad and parbat(forest and moun­tain) some kandh leaders were sent to kalapani (ban­ished) some were taken- to Raipur as prisoner. At last peace prevailed~

(Collected from Bagpur, Kotbaksa, Kalahandi.)

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223

The regular revenue payment and the introduction of

thekedari system changed the relatively egalitarian tribal

structure, associated with the traditional shifting cultivation,

to one of increasing landlordism in 1840s and 1850s. The

introduction of colonial law and order and the opening of roads

to the tribal hinterland had a direct impact on the Kandh : the

sense of freedom associated with shifting cultivation had to give

way to the constraints of settled cultivation and to the

obligations to thekedars. ·

Unaccustomed to making regular revenue payment; the Kandh

began to mortgage their land and themselves to talien' Kultas,

who came from Sambalpur, to money-lenders, and to horse traders.

The raja invited experienced men, for managing the

elaborate administrative apparatus of the estate, and moneyed

men, to meet the high costs of maintaining his new status of

feudatory chief. This accelerated the process of immigration of I

non-tribals, especially Brahmanas, Kultas, Karans and Muslims to

Kalahandi from the 1840s onwards. These incoming groups gradually

became gaotia/thekedar, replacing Kandhs. It altered the terms of

existence for the Kandh population. Of course, the non-tribal

immigration to Kalahandi began much earlier, but the population

had been sparce then, and the forest plentiful; the immigration

did not make much difference then. Moreover, the incoming groups

in the earlier phase had accepted the Kandh system and had

224

respected the Kandh Umrao and Manjhi and their deity. They became

active participants in Kandh ceremonies, festivals, and material

culture. The Kandhs also accepted these groups : Gonds as sons

of mother's sister", Nagavamsis as juanpila or son-in-law, Dom

as sahankar or friend, Gaud as mita or service performing

brother. The Kshatriyaised section of the Kandh and the

immigrants were found places in the Kandh social order.

The 19th century immigrants came in a totally different

context one of the commercialisation of land and agriculture.

The new system of taxation, and the commutation of feudal dues

and service into rent, monetized the economy.204 Triennial

revenue settlement and reassessment were made, taxes on liquor

imposed, commercialisation of forest initiated, police stations

opened, and the Khand practice of. meriah sacrifice banned. The

Kandh could sense their loss of grip over their own environment

in the 19th century.

After the suppression of Kandh meli, the Chief Commissioner

reported to the British Government :

204.

In October 1853, the late Raja succeeded to Chiefship. At

that time the assessment of Kandh villages was Rs.22,000/-,

but on chief's death in 1881 it had been increased to

Even upto 1856 monetisation had not developed in Kalahandi. C.Eliot writes, "No money passes in the country not even cowries and during my tour it has been found necessary to pay the coolie in grain", Eliot report, 28 July 1856, reprinted in Orissa District Gazetteers, Kalahandi, p.468.

l

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225

Rs.1,27,500. In order to do this the chief ousted the

Khonds and gave their villages to the more industrious

• Kultas, lowered the position of their headman or Umrao and

he· put on a tax on everything which was susceptible of

taxation and he systematically strove to beat down the

Khonds to the level of hopeless drudges.

In the policy he was abetted, if not instigated by the

Dewan ....

All this time, i.e., during the rule of the late chief, the

Khonds were much discontent but being a very timid people

they were afraid to complain. One or two who ventured to do

so were imprisoned by the chief and his Dewan.

Consequently, the civil authority were quite ignorant

regarding discontent. About June 1881, complaints began to

be made to the Deputy Commissioner Sambalpur but he merely

sent them to the Rani for report.205

The above report correctly assessed the excesses of the

raja and dewan but wrongly observed that "the civil authorities

were quite ignorant regarding discontent." As early as 1875, the

Deputy Commissioner of Raipur had reported to the Commissioner,

Chhatisgarh, about the discontent of the gaotias, the raja's

205. EDf(Pol) July 1882 no 396/429, NAI, New Delhi, Report of the disturbance in the feudatory state of Kalahandi, by Chief Commissioner Central Province, vide letter no.2027 and 2028 dated 10.6.1882.

226

state of failing health, and the role of the subordinates of the

raja in concealing the facts from the raja and their mischief. He

observed that tharm has been done' and unless remedial measures

were taken immediately, further harm would go on unabated.208

No remedial step was taken; rather, the raja was presented.

by the British government with an armlet with a precious stone as

a token of appreciation for his work. In 1877 at Delhi durbar he

was received with a nine gun salute and the Governor General

presented him a gold medal and a sword.207

Therefore, the Kandh meli of Kalahandi (1882) was directed

against the raja-sarkar-thekedar nexus. It was the result of the

steady pressure· on the Kandhs described above.

The Kandh meli was put down by the strength of British arms

and Kalahandi was taken under its direct management. Settlement

work was begun, and wherever the Kandh could prove their right

over land and village, these were restored. The British

government refused to revive the old Umrao system of Kandhs

because they feared that the recognition of Umraos, men of

traditional influence, would be dangerous as their loyalty to the

206. ,1 1r

ED£, C.P, 1875, MPRR, Nagpur. Report of 5.5.1875 from M.M. Bowrie, Deputy Commissioner Sambalpur to Commissione!r, Chhatisgarh.

207. Orissa District Gazetteers. Kalabandi, p.60.

227

British was doubtful.208 They found the rajas, the zamindars,

and the gaotia/thekedars as loyal and faithful allies.

From the information available regarding Kandh meli of

Kalahandi in 1882, the following points emerge clearly. The

movement was broad based. Though the deprived·traditional Umraos

and Majhis organised it, the Kan~hs in general and the lowly

placed service-performing caste group Ganda, Ghansi and Gaud

participated .in it actively.aos It was above ethnic differences

and was directed against land grabbers and exploiters, that is

the thekedar-raja-sarkar nexus. Both tribal and non-tribal land

grabbers, the British and the raja's agents and officials were

attacked. Out of the 142 villages plundered, 98 belonged to

Kultas and "rest belonged to wealthiest and most prosperous

group", including 12 Gond villages. 21 o The grievance·s of the

Kandh were that, earlier, the raja had done injustices to them,

that later the dewan appointed a raja without their consent in

the form of their involvement in coronation ceremonies, and·that

the Kultas were always demanding gr~ins and saying that "they

will make Khond their slave and Khond women menial servants." The

208. ED£, C.P. March 1884, Report of F.C.Berry, Political Agent, Bhawanipatna to Commissioner, Chhatisgarh, MPRR, Nagpur.

209. EDf, C.P., 1882, Berry's report. Also FDP CPol-A), March 1888, _no.59-83.

210. ID£, C.P., 1882, letter dated 5.8.1882, from Additional Commissioner, Kalahandi Affairs to Secretary to Chief Commissioner, C.P., MPRR, Nagpur.

l

228

first sahib came and went making promises, the second sahib did

not do anything, and the third sahib gave ryot right to Kultas

and arrested Jagat Gaud. Berry notes the Khond as saying that

"If they [Khond] kill, they will be hanged, but their heirs will

. retain the land. In old thatch pieces of grass will always fall,

so it is better to remove the old thatch"U 1 .

This clearly indicates that if not a mature and fully

evolved class consciousness, we have here the point, in Ranajit

Guha's terms, "where ethnicity stopped and an incipient form of

class consciousness began".212

Another aspect of the movement was the role of the paiks or

raja's militia during Kandh meli of 1882. To colonial eyes, "at

Dadpur the paik behaved with down right treachery, at Narla they

made no attempt to resist the Khond, at Junagarh [the paika are]

charged with looting". 218 It is no cause for surprise that the

paiks, recruited from the local community, many being Kandhs,

unpaid for months, were *eluctant to act against their people,

and in many cases connived at or even assisted in the bloody

211. !Df., C.P., 1882, Berry's Report.

212. R.Guha, 1983, Elementary Aspects of Peaoant Insurgency in Colonial India. Oxford University Press, Delhi, p.23.

213. IDf, C.P., 1882, Letter from Additional Commissioner in Chhatisgarh to officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner Chhatisgarh, dated 20.7.1882 and from officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner C.P, to Additional Commissioner in Chhatisgarh dated 11.9.1882, MPRR, Nagpur.

229

scene.214 At Dadpur 60 plriks refused to obey the order of their

superior to use arms against Kandh.215

The attitude of the British officials and government

towards the Kandh, seen in relation to the movement, also merits

attention. Lucie Smith, Commissioner, Chhatisgarh Division,

opposing

knowledge

the imposition of excise tax, observed that 'our

of these people is imperfect' .216 Again he was

sympathetic towards the Kandh and observed on 26th November 1881

that "'the grievances of the Khond should be heard" .217 He was in

favour of reviving the old Khand system of desh and Umrao. On the

other hand, F.C.Berry, Political Agent, Kalahandi thought the

recognition of Umrao, men of influence, whose loyalty could not

be taken for granted, would be dangerous.218 He criticised the

policy of L.Smith.219 Berry believed in the use of force against

the Kandh, while Smith believed in persuasion. Berry was very

severe on the Kandh during the movement. His severity attracted

the attention of British press and British government.220 The

214. .I.Qi_g.

215. Berry's report, op.cit., dated 24.5.1882.

216. ED£, C.P., 1873, letter no.1421 dated 8.8.1872 MPRR, Nagpur.

217. ED£, C.P., 1881, dated 26.11.1881 MPRR, Nagpur.

218. ED£, C.P., 1882, dated 27.7.1882 MPRR, Nagpur.

219. .li2.lil.

220. FDP (Pol.A) July 1882 no 522 NAI, New Delhi.

230

Chief Commissioner o£ Central Provinces was asked by the British

government to institute a thorough and searching enquiry into

Berry's proceedings.221

The result of the enquiry reflects the colonial attitudes

towa~ds the Kandhs. Berry was praised for this presence of mind

and courage' .222 The burning of villages by Berry and the

flogging of Kandh was considered as a loss of ta few grass huts'

and tthe men flogged were the lowest of the low, semi-savages, to

whom the pain of the punishment appeals but who are not sensitive

to disgrace' .223 This remark reflects the British colonial,

racist attitude, and the logic behind their use of force.

221. lQiQ.

222. FDP (Pol.A-1) March, 1888, no.59-83.

223. Ibid.

\