econometric estimations of popularity functions: a case study for austria
TRANSCRIPT
Public Choice 91: 57–88, 1997. 57c 1997 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
Econometric estimations of popularity functions: A case study forAustria�
REINHARD NECK1 and SOHBET KARBUZ21Department of Economics, University of Osnabruck, D-49069 Osnabruck, Germany;2UTESAV, TR-80310 Istanbul, Turkey
Abstract. In this paper, we investigate the effects of changes in economic conditions on thepopularity of political parties in Austria. After a brief description of the Austrian politicalsystem, we estimate single equations and simultaneous systems of popularity functions fordifferent parties, based on traditional theoretical foundations. Results show that some effectsof economic variables on popularity exist, although they are different between different pol-icy regimes. Traditional popularity functions nevertheless outperform models based on theassumption of voters’ rational expectations, which claim that only unexpected changes ineconomic conditions affect political popularity.
1. Introduction
Over the past 25 years, the influence of economic conditions on voters’ behav-ior has been one of the central topics of empirical research in public choice,as can be seen from surveys of Schneider and Frey (1988) and Nannestadand Paldam (1994). For many countries, it has been shown that voters takeinto account past and present government performance when evaluating thepolitical parties competing for votes. This is reflected by significant effectsof macroeconomic policy objective variables, such as the rate of unemploy-ment, the rate of inflation, and the rate of growth of real disposable income,on voters’ approval of parties in government as measured by opinion polls.
On the other hand, already Stigler (1973) has criticized the view that votersshould take into account economic conditions when evaluating government
� Earlier versions of this paper have been presented at the 39th International Atlantic Eco-nomic Conference, Vienna, March 1995, and at the Econometric Research Seminar of the Insti-tute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, June 1995. We are grateful to A. Kirschhofer-Bozenhardt(IMAS Linz) for providing us with the Austrian popularity data and to the participants of theabove meetings, especially to M. Deistler and G. Kirchgassner, as well as to B.S. Frey, J.Jaenicke and two anonymous referees for very valuable comments. Financial support from theLudwig Boltzmann-Institut zur Analyse wirtschaftspolitischer Aktivitaten, Vienna, is grate-fully acknowledged. Karbuz acknowledges support from the Institute for Advanced Studies,Vienna. The usual disclaimer applies.
58
performance, because he considered the differences between parties’ plat-forms on macroeconomic issues to be too small. Later on, new classicalmacroeconomics raised doubts about government’s ability to influence realeconomic variables, such as unemployment and output, in a systematic man-ner. If voters have rational expectations, they should not hold the governmentresponsible for the development of these variables. Moreover, results of stud-ies using time series methods indicate that many economic variables seem tofollow random walk processes, so even well-established structural relations,such as the consumption function, might be based on spurious correlations(Nelson and Plosser, 1982; Hall, 1978). This might be even more true of thepopularity function which has been found to be a rather unstable relationshipin many earlier studies.
The question whether the traditional popularity function is valid in spite ofthese criticisms is primarily an empirical one, and answers might be differentfor different countries. For instance, studies for Germany using time seriesmethods and test procedures based on the hypothesis of rational expectationshave found significant effects of unemployment and inflation on the popularityof parties in government (Kirchgassner, 1985). In the present paper, we tryto answer this question for Austria. So far, only Neck (1988) and Hofreither(1988) have dealt with the Austrian case, using data up to 1986. Here, weextend these studies to include more recent developments. Moreover, wecontrast results obtained from estimating popularity functions based on thetraditional theory to those obtained from rational-expectations models. Usingvarious econometric approaches, we arrive at the conclusion that traditionalmodels of voters’ behavior, though (as expected) not stable across politicalregimes, still provide estimates which are superior to those obtained frommodels with rational expectations.
2. The Austrian political system
Austria regained independence from German occupation at the end of WorldWar II. Since 1945, the two biggest political parties are the conservativePeople’s Party (Osterreichische Volkspartei, OVP) and the social-democraticSocialist Party (Sozialistische, now Sozialdemokratische Partei Osterreichs,SPO). The Communist party (Kommunistische Partei Osterreichs, KPO),although strongly backed by Soviet forces occupying parts of Austria until1955, never had a significant share of the votes and was gradually marginal-ized as a political movement well ahead of the demise of the Eastern Bloc.In 1949, another party emerged which later became the Freedom Party (Frei-heitliche Partei Osterreich, FPO). Its voters were to a large extent people withstrong German nationalist background; however, there were also some people
59
committed to classical liberalism (in the European sense) among supportersand activists of the FPO. For about 35 years, the Austrian political systemcould be characterized as a two-and-a-half party system (for details, see, e.g.,Haerpfer, 1991). Starting with the early eighties, a deconcentration of thepolitical party system took place, first with the emergence of ‘green’ parties(environmentalists), one of which was elected to Parliament first in 1986, andthen with the splitting off of the Liberales Forum (a liberal party) from theFPO, elected to Parliament first in 1994. A short summary of the Austrianpolitical system is given in Table 1.
These developments of the political party system in Austria have beensubjects of research by sociologists and political scientists in Austria (see, e.g.,Traar and Birk, 1988). These authors investigate the influence of structuraldeterminants of voting behavior, such as changes in the occupational structureor changes of values and attitudes within the electorate. Apart from these long-run determinants, voting behavior is also influenced by short- and medium-run developments, which can be decisive for the turnover of votes. Public-choice analysis usually concentrates on these determinants of marginal voters’decisions, especially on economic ones. Popularity functions such as thoseestimated here rely on these economic explanations of voting behavior andshould, therefore, be regarded as complementary to sociological empiricalstudies. This implies that we must not expect stable popularity functions overan extended time period characterized by structural changes in the societyand in the political system, such as those having occurred in Austria overthe last twenty years, unless economic and other determinants of electoralbehavior are completely independent of each other, which cannot reasonablybe presumed. Although of obvious importance, the joint consideration oflong-run and economic (and other) factors influencing voting behavior seemsto be precluded in Austria by problems of data availability at present.
3. Theoretical foundations of traditional popularity functions
We start from the public-choice theory of voting behavior developed byDowns (1957), Davis, Hinich, and Ordeshook (1970) and Kirchgassner (1986),which is based upon individual rationality of voters in the sense of optimiz-ing behavior, but does not assume rational expectations of voters (whichmay be justified by prohibitive costs for obtaining the informations requiredfor the rational-expectations hypothesis to hold). Accordingly, each voteri = 1; � � � ; k wants to maximize his (her) utility function Ui defined upon then-dimensional politico-economic space P � <
n. Each voter has an optimalposition x
�
i in P:
x�
i = arg maxx2P
Ui(x); i = 1; � � � ; k:
60
Tabl
e1.
Dev
elop
men
tof
the
Aus
tria
npo
litic
alsy
stem
Peri
odPa
rtie
sin
Form
ofD
ate
of%
ofvo
tes
for
%of
seat
sin
Num
ber
of
gove
rnm
ent
gove
rnm
ent
elec
tion
part
ies
inPa
rlia
men
tfor
part
ies
in
gove
rnm
ent
part
ies
inPa
rlia
men
t
gove
rnm
ent
1945
–194
7O
VP,
SPO
,KPO
allp
artie
s25
Nov
.194
599
.810
0.0
3
1947
–194
9O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on94
.497
.6
1949
–195
3O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on9
Oct
.194
982
.787
.34
1953
–195
6O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on22
Feb.
1953
83.4
89.1
4
1956
–195
9O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on13
May
1956
89.0
94.5
4
1959
–196
3O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on10
May
1959
89.0
95.2
3
1963
–196
6O
VP,
SPO
gran
dco
aliti
on18
Nov
.196
289
.495
.23
1966
–197
0O
VP
one
part
y6
Mar
.196
648
.351
.53
1970
–197
1SP
Oon
epa
rty,
min
ority
1M
ar.–
4O
ct.1
970
48.4
49.1
3
1971
–197
5SP
Oon
epa
rty
10O
ct.1
971
50.0
50.8
3
1975
–197
9SP
Oon
epa
rty
5O
ct.1
975
50.4
50.8
3
1979
–198
3SP
Oon
epa
rty
6M
ay19
7951
.051
.93
1983
–198
7SP
O,F
POsm
allc
oalit
ion
24A
pr.1
983
52.6
55.7
3
1987
–199
0SP
O,O
VP
gran
dco
aliti
on23
Nov
.198
684
.485
.84
1990
–199
4SP
O,O
VP
gran
dco
aliti
on7
Oct
.199
074
.976
.54
1994
–199
6SP
O,O
VP
gran
dco
aliti
on9
Oct
.199
462
.663
.95
61
Each of the m political parties takes a position in the politico-economicspace, xp
j 2 P; 1; � � � ;m. Voters estimate the positions of the parties, usingtheir available informations:
xij = fi(xpj ); i = 1; � � � ; k; j = 1; � � � ;m:
Each voter i evaluates these estimated positions for all parties and determinesexpected utility losses Lij arising from the possibility of position xij beingrealized by party j if in power:
Lij = Ui(x�
i )� Ui(xij); i = 1; � � � ; k; j = 1; � � � ;m:
If voter i decides to participate in an election (which is a non-trivial require-ment, as is well known from the literature about the paradox of voting),then he (she) votes for that party j� which (according to his/her estimations)realizes the smallest utility loss for him (her):
j� = arg min Lij:
j 2 f1; � � � ; mg
In determining their expectations about the political positions of the parties,voters have two sources of information. For all parties, they know theirprograms and promises for the future. For the parties forming the government,voters have additional information resulting from the development of thepolitico-economic system in the recent past. A crucial hypothesis of the theoryof the popularity function states that macroeconomic variables are amongthese aspects of the politico-economic system relevant to the voters. If this isthe case, then the evaluation of the party in government (and indirectly thatof the other parties) depends upon those variables. In particular, voter i has anevaluation function Fi(x) for the party in power depending on the actual stateof the politico-economic system x, which includes macroeconomic variables.
These considerations can be extended to a dynamic setting. An electionperiod is defined as the time interval [0, T]. The state of the politico-economicsystem at each time t is given by x(t) 2 P 8t 2 [0; T]. The evaluationfunction of voter i estimating his (her) utility arising from x(t) at time t isgiven by Fi[x(t); t] : <n+1
7! <. The traditional theory of the popularityfunction assumes that voters are looking backwards in evaluating the party ingovernment; in contrast to the theory of rational expectations, voters do nottake into account anticipations of future policies. In addition, they discountpast developments of the politico-economic system by backward-lookingdiscount rates �i � 0, as introduced by Nordhaus (1975), i.e., they exhibitmyopic behavior. At the time of the election T, the utility of voter i fromdevelopments over the last election period is given by
62
JTi =
Z T
0Fi�x(t); t
�exp
��i(t� T)
�dt: (1)
The voting decision is assumed to be based on this utility function: voter ivotes for the party in government if JT
i is greater than some given benchmark.Aggregating over voters (which is again non-trivial) and defining for the
politico-economic system functions �; F and JT analogous to voter-specificfunctions �i; Fi and JT
i gives a collective voting function
G(T) = G(0)exp(��T) +Z T
0F�x(t); t
�exp
��(t� T)
�dt; (2)
with G(T) being the vote share of the party in government at an election attime T. For an empirical operationalization of this function, a discrete-timeformulation has to be used. Applying the Koyck transformation, we obtain
G(t) = �G(t� 1) + (1� �)F�x(t); t
�; (3)
where G(t); t = 0; 1; � � � ;T; is the vote share of the party in government ata fictitious election at time t, empirically measured by the results of opinionpolls, and � = exp(��) measures voters’ “memory” of past as compared tocurrent events, 0 � � � 1. In most cases, a linear approximation of F[x(t); t]is used to arrive at the regression model
G(t) = a0 + �G(t� 1) +nX
k=1
akxk(t) + u(t); (4)
where xk(t); k = 1; � � � ; n; are variables characterizing the state of thepolitico-economic system at time t, x(t) = [x1(t) � � � xn(t)]0; and u(t) is astochastic disturbance term. Both linearity and time-invariance of F[x(t); t]and normality of the disturbance term are only approximations; see Fair(1978) and Borooah and van der Ploeg (1983).
In a two-party system, it is sufficient to estimate a popularity function (4)for the party in government, because the opposition party gets automaticallyO(t) = 100 – G(t), if G(t) and O(t) are the popularity of the government and theopposition party, respectively, measured as percentage shares of those castingvalid votes (or expressing their preference for a party). However, Austriacannot be regarded as having a two-party system, at least not in the recentpast. With m � 2 parties, we get a system of popularity functions instead of(4), namely
Pj(t) = aj0 + �Pj(t� 1) +nX
k=1
ajkxk(t) + uj(t); (5)
63
where Pj(t) denotes the popularity of party j; j = 1; � � � ;m; for which therestrictions hold:
mXj=1
aj0 = 100(1� �); (6)
mXj=1
ajk = 0; k = l; � � � ; n; (7)
mXj=1
uj(t) = 0; t = 0; 1; � � � ;T: (8)
Here it is assumed that the parameter � is the same for each party; then therestrictions (6) to (8) are fulfilled automatically, and only m–1 equations haveto be estimated by seemingly unrelated regressions (SUR) – (see, e.g., Theil,1971).
When a popularity function like (4) or a system of popularity functions like(5) has to be estimated, the variables xk to be taken as regressors have to bedetermined. In most cases, only economic variables are included, althoughsome studies have added dummy variables to capture political developments,too. Among the economic variables, only those should be included whichaffect the voters, which are known to the voters, and which can reasonablybe assumed by the voters to be influenced by the government. Althoughsome international studies have tried various additional economic variables,most estimated popularity functions contain only three economic objectivevariables: the rate of unemployment, the rate of inflation, and an incomegrowth rate, usually that of real disposable income. As for the signs of thecoefficients of those variables, two hypotheses have been formulated in thepublic-choice literature:
(a) The responsibility hypothesis states that the electorate holds the govern-ment responsible for the development of the economic variables, irre-spective of the government’s ideological orientation. If this hypothesisholds true, then voters should withdraw support from the party in powerwhen unemployment or inflation rises and when income growth falls.Hence, the coefficients of the rate of unemployment and of the rate ofinflation in (4) and (5) should be negative and the coefficient of incomegrowth should be positive for a party in government, and have the oppo-site signs for an opposition party. This hypothesis is used in most studiesof popularity functions, and it has been supported by estimates for manycountries.
64
(b) Recently, an alternative hypothesis has been proposed by Swank (1993),which is based upon the partisan theory, originally due to Hibbs (1977).Here ideological differences between political parties are explicitly tak-en into account, as it is assumed that political parties pursue differentmacroeconomic policy objectives. Left-wing parties give higher weightsto employment and income growth than right-wing parties, which aremore concerned about inflation. This hypothesis, combined with a mod-el of optimal government behavior and with a modified model of voters’behavior, gives rise to the following implication: Left-wing parties losesupport if inflation rises, if unemployment falls, and if income growth ris-es, and vice versa for right-wing parties, irrespective of whether they arein office or not. Popularity functions based on the partisan model there-fore should exhibit positive coefficients for the rate of unemployment andnegative ones for the rate of inflation and the income growth for left-wingparties; the opposite signs are expected for right-wing parties. A morethorough empirical examination of this hypothesis would have to takeinto account also possible changes in the trade-offs between the macro-economic objective variables and additional assumptions about voters’expectations of government policies; for details, see Swank (1993).
In the following, we try to obtain empirical evidence for Austria basedon traditional popularity functions, where both of the above hypotheses willbe considered. As an alternative, we estimate popularity functions based onthe hypothesis of rational expectations which denies systematic influencesof past economic developments on voters’ evaluations of political parties.Throughout, we neglect possible non-economic determinants of the popularityof political parties.
4. Specification of the Austrian popularity function: OLS results
For this study, we use popularity data provided by the Institut fur Markt-und Sozialanalysen (IMAS) Linz. These are quarterly data, based on a quotasample representative for the Austrian population aged 16 years and older;in cases where more than one observation was available for a quarter, theirarithmetic mean has been used. Popularity and economic data are availablefor the period 1975.4 to 1993.4. For the political parties SPO, OVP, andFPO, data are available for the entire period. For other parties (Communists,Green Parties, Liberales Forum), data cover only some subsets of this period(the latter coming into existence only during this period), hence they wereaggregated to a fourth “party” called the remainder; cf. also Hofreither (1988)
65
for this procedure. The sum of the shares of these four “parties” is always100.
First, popularity functions were estimated separately for the four parties,with particular emphasis to those for the SPO, as this party was in governmentover the entire period for which popularity data are available. We denote theproportion of the population indicating their intention to vote for the SPO,the OVP, the FPO, and the “remainder party” if there were general electionsat the time of being asked (t) by SP(t), VP(t), FP(t), and R(t), respectively.For the independent variables, seasonally adjusted data for the rate of unem-ployment [UR(t)], the rate of inflation [IR(t)] (relative fourth difference of theconsumer price index), and the growth rate of real disposable income [GR(t)](relative fourth difference of real disposable income) were used; all data are ofquarterly frequency. To investigate the stationarity properties of the politicaland economic variables, augmented Dickey-Fuller tests for unit roots werecarried out. The results were ambiguous, depending on the number of laggedfirst differences taken into account and on the presence or absence of a deter-ministic trend. As non-stationarity could not be excluded, cointegration testsand attempts at estimating error-correction models have been undertaken.Due to the low power of the tests, again the results were not unambiguous,and error-correction estimations failed to yield acceptable results. Althoughthis question deserves further investigation, for the present study we followNannestad and Paldam (1994) in considering it reasonable to assume popu-larity and the economic variables to be trendless and cointegrated in the longrun.
We start from estimating equation (4) for SP(t) with the three independentvariables mentioned over the entire period 1976.1 to 1993.4. Results of anOLS regression show that only the lagged dependent variable and the rateof unemployment have a significant influence on the popularity of the SPO.The estimated coefficients of the rate of inflation and the growth rate of realdisposable income are insignificant; the coefficient of the inflation rate ispositive, which contradicts both the responsibility and the partisan theoryof the popularity function. A slight improvement over this specification interms of statistical goodness-of-fit measures could be obtained when laggedinstead of current values of economic variables were used as regressors. Thereason for this can be seen in the fact that data about economic conditionsare published with some time lag in Austria, hence they do not get knownto voters immediately. As this improvement remained true for most of thespecifications tried and also for popularity functions for the other parties, wedecided to retain this modification. The results of this estimation are given inequation (9) in Table 2. Now the growth rate is significant at the 90% level,the rate of unemployment is highly significant, both with the sign expected
66
under the responsibility hypothesis, but the rate of inflation has still a positive(though insignificant) coefficient.
One of the questions which deserve further investigations is that of thestability of the popularity function over the entire time period. It is possibleto argue that for the SPO, the function could be stable even in the presenceof the change from a one-party government to a “small coalition” and thento a “grand coalition” both under the responsibility hypothesis and the parti-san theory. At least for the OVP, this cannot be true under the responsibilityhypothesis, because this party was the major opposition party until the end of1986 and a party in office afterwards. This may also affect the popularity of theSPO and the other parties, hence stability of the popularity functions seemsto be a questionable presumption. Several tests were performed to check thisissue. For instance, we consider the three periods of the one-party governmentof the SPO (until 1983.2), the “small coalition” SPO-FPO (1983.3 to 1986.4)and the “grand coalition” SPO-OVP (since 1987.1) and estimate popularityfunctions separately for one or two of these subperiods. In this case, coef-ficients of economic variables show clearly different values and sometimeseven different signs between different subperiods. As an example, equations(10) and (11) in Table 2 show the results for the combined periods of the SPOone-party government and the SPO-FPO coalition and for the period of theSPO-OVP coalition, respectively. Here especially the positive coefficient ofthe unemployment rate for the period of the “grand coalition” is incompatiblewith the responsibility hypothesis; this and results from alternative specifi-cations seem to point towards a loss of a stable relation between economicvariables and the popularity of the SPO since 1987. Statistically, a Chow testrejects stability of the regression coefficients at the 0.98 significance level inthis and similar specifications.
As the stability hypothesis is rejected also for other specifications and forthe popularity functions of the other parties, in the following we always con-sider the two samples of 1976.1 to 1986.4 and 1987.1 to 1993.4 separately;it should be kept in mind, however, that the latter sample consists of only 28observations. Separate estimations for the period of the “small coalition” arenot possible due to deficient degrees of freedom. For both samples, laggedeconomic variables give a better fit than contemporaneous ones. Nevertheless,from the point of view of theoretical presumptions, both estimated popularityfunctions are not quite satisfactory. For the first sample, the positive coeffi-cient of the rate of inflation is annoying. In the second sample, the positivecoefficient of the rate of unemployment accords with the partisan theory,whereas the positive coefficient of the income growth rate is compatible withthe responsibility hypothesis. In both cases the coefficient of the inflationrate is insignificant. A fairly large number of additional estimations has been
67
Tabl
e2.
Pop
ular
ity
func
tion
sfo
rA
ustr
ia,O
LS
.Dep
ende
ntva
riab
le:S
P(t
)
Equ
atio
nT
ime
Exp
lana
tory
vari
able
sR
2 cSE
h
num
ber
peri
odC
onst
ant
SP(t
–1)
UR
(t–1
)IR
(t–1
)G
R(t
–1)
GN
(t-1
)
(9)
1976
.1–
16.5
448
0.66
476
–0.5
5427
0.16
851
0.10
687
0.88
967
1.22
06–1
.272
6
1993
.4(3
.745
0)(8
.028
4)(–
2.90
06)
(1.4
276)
(1.6
717)
(10)
1976
.1–
28.7
938
0.43
413
–0.7
8971
0.11
117
0.12
807
0.75
210
1.15
400.
6419
6
1986
.4(3
.898
2)(3
.035
7)(–
3.24
00)
(0.8
6701
)(1
.671
0)
(11)
1987
.1–
12.6
803
0.50
127
1.16
620.
0979
450.
4424
00.
4151
61.
0915
–2.5
595
1993
.4(1
.789
2)(3
.317
6)(2
.145
0)(0
.371
22)
(3.2
327)
(12)
1976
.1–
30.1
075
0.39
955
–0.7
9642
0.16
247
0.76
410
1.12
570.
5215
6
1986
.4(4
.161
8)(2
.783
7)(–
3.60
60)
(2.0
152)
(13)
1987
.1–
10.1
272
0.58
080
0.87
218
0.43
058
0.44
732
1.06
10–1
.841
2
1993
.4(1
.446
3)(4
.039
0)(1
.931
5)(3
.441
6)
Num
bers
inbr
acke
tsbe
low
estim
ated
coef
fici
ents
are
t-ra
tios.
R2 c
isth
eco
effi
cien
tof
dete
rmin
atio
nad
just
edfo
rth
ede
gree
sof
free
dom
.SE
isth
est
anda
rder
ror
ofth
ere
gres
sion
.his
Dur
bin’
sh-
stat
isti
cfo
rfi
rst-
orde
rse
rial
corr
elat
ion.
68
performed to obtain a more satisfactory popularity function. Most of theseattempts, such as introducing different functional forms, additional explana-tory variables or dummy and trend variables, did not yield better results.
One alternative specification, however, provided acceptable results for thesample 1976.1 to 1986.4. Here we omitted the insignificant rate of inflationand replaced the growth rate of real disposable income by that of nominaldisposable income [GN(t)]. This eliminates possible multicollinearity prob-lems between inflation and income growth. The results for the SPO are givenin equation (12) in Table 2. The goodness-of-fit measures are better than inspecification (10), and the signs of the coefficients are in accordance with theresponsibility hypothesis. Unfortunately, this does not remain true when thesame specification is estimated for the sample of the “grand coalition”, as isshown by equation (13) in Table 2. Nevertheless, we consider this specifica-tion to be satisfactory for the longer first sample. In terms of an economicinterpretation, it means that voters have some “money illusion” when hold-ing the party in government responsible for economic developments, becausethey do not discriminate between increases in disposable income due to priceincreases and those due to quantity (real income) increases. For the sam-ple 1976.1 to 1986.4, the responsibility hypothesis seems to outperform thehypothesis based on partisan theory. Apart from problems with the numberof the degrees of freedom, one reason for the failure of both hypotheses tobe confirmed for the sample 1987.1 to 1993.4 may be the apparent changein the economic constraints. A first regression and correlation analysis of thePhillips curve relation indicates that there is a trade-off between inflation andunemployment only in the first subperiod, whereas in the second subperiodthey show a positive relation. This means that the structure of the economicsystem in Austria has changed, too, and this may have induced voters to alterthe way in which they evaluate political parties.
The same specifications as for the popularity of the SPO have been esti-mated for the OVP, the FPO, and the “remainder party”. The results for thespecifications discussed in detail for the SPO are given in Tables 3 to 5 forthese parties, respectively. In all cases, a structural break at the end of 1986 isindicated by Chow tests and is also obvious from a look at the coefficients ofthe regressors in the two different samples. To summarize the results of alter-native specifications for the individual parties, it turns out that the popularityof the OVP is nearly unaffected by all economic variables tried in the period1976.1 to 1986.4. For the period where the OVP was in office, all traditionaleconomic variables exert a negative influence on its popularity; this remainseven if trend variables are included to account for the dramatic losses of theOVP since 1986. This result is consistent with both hypotheses for the rate ofunemployment, with the responsibility hypothesis for the rate of inflation, and
69
with none for the income growth rates. The traditional economic variableshave negative insignificant coefficients in popularity functions for the FPO inthe first period. Here the theoretical hypotheses are not very clear as this partywas to some extent supportive of the SPO government and was in office from1983 to 1986, but was formally an opposition party for most of the period until1986. Attempts at taking this into account by introducing dummy variablesdid not yield interpretable results. After 1986, the economic variables havepositive (mostly insignificant) coefficients in regressions for the popularity ofthe FPO, in accordance with the responsibility hypothesis for the unemploy-ment rate, with the partisan theory for the growth rates, and with both for theinflation rate. Again, introducing a trend variable (positive coefficient for thisperiod) does not change the signs of the coefficients. Finally, the results forthe “remainder party” are those expected for an opposition party under theresponsibility hypothesis for both subperiods: increases in the rate of inflationand the rate of unemployment increase support for these parties, increasesin the income growth rate decrease their vote share, ceteris paribus. Takingthese results for all parties altogether, the specification with the rate of unem-ployment and the growth rate of nominal disposable income gives results inaccordance with the responsibility hypothesis for all parties for the subperiod1976.1 to 1986.4, whereas no specification gives results unambiguously inaccordance with any of the two theories for the later subperiod.
5. Simultaneous estimations of Austrian popularity functions
Next, we estimate systems of popularity functions for all four parties simul-taneously by seemingly unrelated regressions, using the approach (5) withrestrictions (6) to (8). We start from the specification with the three (lagged)economic variables rate of unemployment, rate of inflation, and growth rateof real disposable income as regressors. First, the restrictions of equality ofthe coefficients of the lagged endogenous variables (�) are tested pairwise forthe OLS regressions. The restrictions are rejected at all conventional signif-icance levels for the entire period 1976.1 to 1993.4, which again shows theinadmissibility of estimating over the entire sample due to the presence ofthe structural break. For the subperiod 1976.1 to 1986.4, in most cases therestrictions cannot be rejected at the 90% significance level, although in onecase (coefficients in the OVP and the FPO equations) the significance levelis only 50%. In the subperiod 1987.1 to 1993.4, the lowest probability ofrejection is again about 50%, this time for the coefficients of the OVP and the“remainder party” equations. Therefore we decide to accept the restrictionson � as a working hypothesis and estimate this specification simultaneouslyfor the two subperiods 1976.1 to 1986.4 and 1987.1 to 1993.4. The results are
70
Tabl
e3.
Pop
ular
ity
func
tion
sfo
rA
ustr
ia,O
LS
.Dep
ende
ntva
riab
le:V
P(t
)
Equ
atio
nT
ime
Exp
lana
tory
vari
able
sR
2 cSE
h
num
ber
peri
odC
onst
ant
VP(
t–1)
UR
(t–1
)IR
(t–1
)G
R(t
–1)
GN
(t–1
)
(14)
1976
.1–
25.2
370
0.41
039
0.10
680
–0.0
3900
–0.0
1007
80.
1344
71.
1576
–
1986
.4(3
.993
3)(2
.767
7)(0
.632
17)
(–0.
3059
1)(–
0.14
243)
(15)
1987
.1–
46.3
674
0.35
744
–3.3
007
–1.8
228
–0.4
3960
0.87
049
1.47
330.
4342
2
1993
.4(4
.251
9)(2
.125
7)(–
3.76
86)
(–2.
9638
)(–
2.36
17)
(16)
1976
.1–
25.6
704
0.39
999
0.11
510
–0.0
2970
80.
1574
41.
1421
1.35
70
1986
.4(4
.046
0)(2
.738
1)(0
.780
93)
(–0.
4044
9)
(17)
1987
.1–
32.2
964
0.66
021
–3.2
081
–0.5
5163
0.86
597
1.49
87–0
.414
13
1993
.4(3
.944
4)(6
.731
4)(–
3.67
92)
(–3.
0336
)
Tabl
e4.
Pop
ular
ity
func
tion
sfo
rA
ustr
ia,O
LS
.Dep
ende
ntva
riab
le:F
P(t
)
Equ
atio
nT
ime
Exp
lana
tory
vari
able
sR
2 cSE
h
num
ber
peri
odC
onst
ant
FP(t
–1)
UR
(t–1
)IR
(t–1
)G
R(t
–1)
GN
(t–1
)
(18)
1976
.1–
3.63
320.
5885
7–0
.245
33–0
.060
109
–0.0
6112
10.
4787
01.
0112
–
1986
.4(2
.203
6)(3
.619
8)(–
1.36
14)
(–0.
5403
6)(–
0.91
245)
(19)
1987
.1–
0.57
252
0.49
574
0.68
448
1.10
120.
2539
50.
6766
01.
6844
–
1993
.4(0
.111
34)
(2.7
861)
(0.8
0369
)(1
.754
6)(1
.184
0)
(20)
1976
.1–
3.76
330.
5916
4–0
.254
83–0
.073
742
0.49
512
0.99
513
–
1986
.4(2
.388
3)(3
.833
8)(–
1.49
21)
(–1.
1055
)
(21)
1987
.1–
–2.3
629
0.67
776
1.05
640.
3108
90.
6738
41.
6916
0.47
911
1993
.4(–
0.48
180)
(5.8
136)
(1.2
607)
(1.5
060)
71
Tabl
e5.
Pop
ular
ity
func
tion
sfo
rA
ustr
ia,O
LS
.Dep
ende
ntva
riab
le:R
(t)
Equ
atio
nT
ime
Exp
lana
tory
vari
able
sR
2 cSE
h
num
ber
peri
odC
onst
ant
R(t
–1)
UR
(t–1
)IR
(t–1
)G
R(t
–1)
GN
(t–1
)
(22)
1976
.1–
–1.3
156
0.47
066
0.97
820
0.00
1469
6–0
.032
693
0.88
483
0.85
734
–0.5
3316
z198
6.4
(–1.
6093
)(3
.528
1)(3
.872
5)(0
.015
217)
(–0.
6272
6)
(23)
1987
.1–
–0.6
3938
0.70
485
0.71
181
0.06
1368
–0.2
6481
0.78
644
1.06
00–0
.397
52
1993
.4(–
0.19
530)
(3.6
439)
(1.1
621)
(0.2
1656
)(–
1.98
73)
(24)
1976
.1–
–1.1
244
0.45
647
0.98
022
–0.0
3009
10.
8873
30.
8479
7–0
.723
24
1986
.4(–
1.62
95)
(3.5
269)
(3.9
325)
(–0.
5529
8)
(25)
1987
.1–
–1.1
118
0.84
683
0.71
404
–0.2
2798
0.78
534
1.06
27–1
.367
2
1993
.4(–
0.34
145)
(5.0
457)
(1.1
397)
(–1.
8176
)
72
given in Tables 6 and 7, respectively. They show that for all coefficients thesame signs are obtained as in the OLS regressions. The parameter � is about0.5 for both samples, which is comparable to estimates obtained for othercountries and can be interpreted to imply a fairly modest amount of myopia.This specification seems acceptable except for the rate of inflation not beingsignificant in any equation in the first subperiod.
Therefore we estimate the system with the (lagged) rate of unemploymentand the (lagged) growth rate of nominal disposable income as an alternative.This embodies the assumption of “money illusion” for the voters. Again, forthe entire period the restrictions on � are clearly rejected, showing again thestructural break in the data. For the first subperiod, equality of coefficientsof lagged endogenous variables cannot be rejected for the SPO and the FPOequation only with probability 0.34; in all other cases, the hypothesis of equalcoefficients cannot be rejected at conventional significance levels. For thesecond subperiod, equality of coefficients is accepted with probability 0.19only for the SPO and the remainder party equation and with probabilitiesabove 0.5 for the other pairs of coefficients. In spite of this weak evidencefor equal �, especially for the period 1987.1 to 1993.4, we also estimate thissystem of equations for these two subperiods. Results are given in Tables 8and 9. Again, for both samples the signs of all coefficients are the same asin the OLS regressions, and some parameters are significantly different fromzero which are not so in the OLS regressions. For the period 1976.1 to 1986.4,these estimates are also satisfactory from the point of view of the underlyingtheory, as they confirm the responsibility hypothesis. For the period since1987.1, none of the two systems (and none of several alternatives which wetried) gives estimates whose signs are without exception in accordance withone of the two hypotheses of the traditional popularity function, hence thisperiod deserves further investigation, which might not become conclusivebefore the emergence of additional observations.
From the point of view of public choice theory, it is not quite unexpectedthat during a period of a “grand coalition” government supported by a two-thirds majority of the electorate voters do not behave according to predictionsof either of the two hypotheses examined. In such a situation, political compe-tition takes place between the parties in office as well as between governmentand opposition. The two parties in government make each other responsi-ble for adverse economic developments; their success with the electorate indoing so may depend also on their ideological positions. For instance, whenunemployment rises, voters may hold the OVP but not the SPO responsiblefor that and may change their votes between the coalition parties instead ofbetween government and opposition. This means that elements of both theresponsibility and the partisan hypothesis will have to be combined to obtain
73
Tabl
e6.
Sys
tem
ofpo
pula
rity
func
tion
s,S
UR
.3ex
plan
ator
yva
riab
les.
Tim
epe
riod
:197
6.1–
1986
.4
Dep
ende
ntE
xpla
nato
ryva
riab
les
R2
SE
vari
able
Con
stan
tP j
(t–1
)U
R(t
–1)
IR(t
–1)
GR
(t–1
)
SP(t
)26
.603
–0.7
3548
0.10
533
0.11
882
0.77
461.
0877
(6.4
608)
(–4.
0205
)(0
.878
29)
(1.7
413)
VP(
t)22
.439
0.08
8287
–0.0
4328
3–0
.006
7576
0.21
091.
0927
(6.5
348)
(0.5
6538
)(–
0.36
038)
(0.1
0156
)0.
4769
9
FP(t
)4.
5644
(6.1
059)
–0.3
2049
–0.0
6453
3–0
.079
384
0.52
150.
9577
3
(4.1
462)
(–2.
2043
)(–
0.61
328)
(–1.
3317
)
R(t
)–1
.306
40.
9676
80.
0024
873
–0.0
3267
90.
8955
0.80
718
(–1.
7275
)(5
.597
9)(0
.027
781)
(–0.
6659
7)
Tabl
e7.
Sys
tem
ofpo
pula
rity
func
tion
s,S
UR
.3ex
plan
ator
yva
riab
les.
Tim
epe
riod
:198
7.1–
1993
.4
Dep
ende
ntE
xpla
nato
ryva
riab
les
R2
SE
vari
able
Con
stan
tP j
(t–1
)U
R(t
–1)
IR(t
–1)
GR
(t–1
)
SP(t
)12
.062
1.16
140.
1041
40.
4427
10.
5016
0.98
944
(2.4
775)
(2.3
617)
(0.4
4224
)(3
.569
1)
VP(
t)36
.981
–2.8
451
–1.3
428
–0.4
1761
0.88
541.
3609
(5.3
977)
(–3.
9226
)(–
3.16
41)
(–2.
4412
)0.
5162
0
FP(t
)5.
2465
(5.5
909)
0.66
553
1.04
510.
2496
00.
7244
1.52
71
(0.1
1280
)(0
.872
95)
(2.3
818)
(1.2
972)
R(t
)–1
.188
01.
0181
0.19
349
–0.2
7471
0.81
060.
9803
5
(–0.
3966
6)(2
.000
4)(0
.809
17)
(–2.
2337
)
74
Table 8. System of popularity functions, SUR. 2 explanatory variables. Time period:1976.1–1986.4
Dependent Explanatory variables R2 SE
variable Constant Pj(t–1) UR(t–1) GN(t–1)
SP(t) 26.842 –0.71988 0.14570 0.7794 1.0761
(6.7702) (–4.3859) (2.0417)
VP(t) 22.882 0.10340 –0.025174 0.2124 1.0917
(6.6597) (0.74223) (–0.36104)0.46478
FP(t) 4.9047 (5.9933) –0.34929 –0.090868 0.5224 0.95680
(4.9050) (–2.5969) (–1.4698)
R(t) –1.1070 0.96578 –0.029661 0.8952 0.80855
(–1.7667) (5.7025) (–0.57431)
Table 9. System of popularity functions, SUR. 2 explanatory variables. Time period:1987.1–1993.4
Dependent Explanatory variables R2 SE
variable Constant Pj(t–1) UR(t–1) GN(t–1)
SP(t) 5.6056 0.89433 0.44270 0.4983 0.99276
(1.3555) (2.1205) (3.8077)
VP(t) 30.621 –3.0652 –0.53987 0.8806 1.3892
(4.8644) (–4.2406) (–3.2541)0.68371
FP(t) –2.3150 (9.9467) 1.0343 0.30784 0.7101 1.5662
(–0.51540) (1.4527) (1.6521)
R(t) –2.2831 1.1365 –0.21068 0.8017 1.0030
(–0.78803) (2.4622) (–1.7943)
an adequate theoretical model for a political system characterized by a “grandcoalition” whose predictions can be confirmed empirically. Developing sucha model is outside the scope of the present paper.
From an empirical point of view, one possibility to discriminate betweenthe two systems of equations reported in this section (and between them andother alternatives tried, which are not reported here) consists in examiningtheir predictive performance. For this purpose, within-sample forecasts forthese two systems were calculated; both static (one-step ahead) and dynamicforecasts were determined. We also tried out-of-sample forecasts for thesecond subperiod derived from the equations for the first subperiod, but, asexpected, they result in very high forecasting errors due to the structuralbreak. The results of some forecast statistics for the within-sample forecastsderived from the systems summarized in Tables 6 to 9 are given in Tables 10
75
to 13, respectively. They show that for the subperiod 1976.1 to 1986.4, the twosystems deliver comparable forecasting performances, with the popularity ofsome parties being better predicted by one system and that of some othersby the other system. Although we cannot discriminate empirically betweenthe two systems for this period, we prefer the specification with the nominalgrowth rate (Tables 8 and 12) to that with the inflation and the real growth rate(Tables 6 and 10) for reasons of conformity with theoretical presumptions. Forthe sample 1987.1 to 1993.4, the system with the three independent variables(Tables 7 and 11) performs better than the one with the two regressors (Tables9 and 13), which shows that the rate of inflation has indeed an independentinfluence upon the popularity of the political parties in this period. Whetherthis specification stands up to scrutiny when more data become available,remains to be seen.
6. Rational-expectations models of political popularity for Austria
So far, we have gathered evidence about the influence of economic condi-tions on voters’ evaluations of political parties in Austria which at least forthe period of the SPO one-party government and the “small coalition” isconsistent with the responsibility hypothesis. In the international literature,several critical points have been raised about these kinds of popularity func-tions. Here we concentrate on one particular aspect of popularity functionswhich has been criticized, namely the assumption of backward-looking evalu-ations of political parties by voters, which presumes voters’ myopia or at leastadaptive expectations. If voters have rational expectations, on the other hand,their expectations of future values of economic (and non-economic) variableswill affect political popularity. Two models of voters’ behavior incorporat-ing rational expectations have been proposed by Holden and Peel (1985); seealso Byers (1991). Both are based on an analogy with Hall’s (1978) consump-tion function, according to whom consumption follows a random walk; theyimply that the best predictor of future political popularity is the current levelof political popularity. The essential ideas of these models are also containedin Kirchgassner (1985).
In their “permanent benefits” model, Holden and Peel assume that votersprefer that party which gives them the highest expected stream of futureutilities by its policies. In this case, political popularity depends on expectedutilities derived from the party being in power. If expectations are formedin a rational manner, then changes in expected utility occur only when newinformation arises, and hence are white noise processes; in particular, they donot depend on past informations. If also a random walk disturbance reflecting
76
Tabl
e10
.Fo
reca
stst
atis
tics,
with
in-s
ampl
efo
reca
sts.
Sys
tem
ofTa
ble
6
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)1.
0876
70.
7844
71.
6267
30.
0112
641.
1846
00.
8785
51.
8204
80.
0122
73
VP(
t)1.
0926
60.
8352
61.
9315
70.
0126
961.
1796
80.
9036
92.
0860
60.
0137
12
FP(t
)0.
9577
30.
6281
910
.977
900.
0815
791.
0659
70.
8230
014
.986
710.
0903
73
R(t
)0.
8071
80.
5733
625
.553
020.
1044
90.
8589
60.
6265
628
.302
320.
1120
4
RM
SEis
the
root
-mea
n-sq
uare
erro
r,M
AE
isth
em
ean
abso
lute
erro
r,M
APE
isth
em
ean
abso
lute
perc
enta
geer
ror,
The
ilis
The
il’s
ineq
ualit
yco
effic
ient
.
Tabl
e11
.For
ecas
tsta
tistic
s,w
ithin
-sam
ple
fore
cast
s.S
yste
mof
Tabl
e7
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)0.
9894
50.
7876
61.
8759
50.
0117
860.
9356
70.
7463
41.
7868
10.
0111
48
VP(
t)1.
3609
01.
0894
83.
1944
40.
0201
801.
3819
71.
0698
13.
1005
40.
0205
05
FP(t
)1.
5270
81.
2517
28.
2265
20.
0466
501.
7211
51.
3753
58.
9483
60.
0527
04
R(t
)0.
9803
60.
8003
210
.259
440.
0565
181.
1850
10.
9346
511
.735
140.
0678
41
77
Tabl
e12
.Fo
reca
stst
atis
tics,
with
in-s
ampl
efo
reca
sts.
Sys
tem
ofTa
ble
8
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)1.
0760
60.
7830
81.
6247
10.
0111
441.
1459
20.
8515
31.
7661
20.
0118
72
VP(
t)1.
0916
60.
8304
81.
9202
10.
0126
841.
1800
60.
9122
22.
1056
50.
0137
16
FP(t
)0.
9568
00.
6255
110
.943
730.
0815
101.
0685
80.
8187
414
.916
030.
0906
25
R(t
)0.
8085
50.
5696
724
.960
970.
1046
70.
8615
40.
6166
027
.140
130.
1124
4
Tabl
e13
.For
ecas
tsta
tistic
s,w
ithin
-sam
ple
fore
cast
s.S
yste
mof
Tabl
e9
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)0.
9927
60.
7880
51.
8663
50.
0118
251.
0813
50.
7751
41.
8347
20.
0128
82
VP(
t)1.
3892
31.
1284
23.
2974
00.
0206
021.
5833
11.
2844
43.
7168
00.
0235
21
FP(t
)1.
5662
01.
3152
88.
6390
30.
0478
501.
8916
81.
5557
710
.183
180.
0580
58
R(t
)1.
0030
40.
7976
310
.439
390.
0578
561.
4328
11.
1088
114
.990
640.
0819
21
78
measurement error in the opinion polls is taken into account, the “permanentbenefits” model results in the following specification:
∆G(t) � G(t)� G(t� 1) = bu(t) + v(t)� v(t� 1); (26)
where u(t) and v(t) are white noise processes reflecting new information andmeasurement errors, respectively. It can be shown that the right-hand sideof equation (26) follows a first-order moving average process with a nega-tive coefficient. Thus, according to the “permanent benefits” model, politicalpopularity follows an ARIMA (0,1,1) process.
The second model of Holden and Peel, the “stock of goodwill” model,combines the assumption of rational expectations with the idea of loyalty to aparty. Voters evaluate political parties according to their accumulated “stockof goodwill”. The stock of goodwill changes due to depreciation and whennew information becomes available; again, new information follows a whitenoise process. If there is also a disturbance term in the relation between thestock of goodwill and political popularity, then this model gives the followingspecification:
G(t) = c0 + �G(t� 1) + �u(t) + v(t)� �v(t� 1); (27)
where u(t) and v(t) are again white noise processes reflecting new informationand the disturbance in the stock of goodwill-to-popularity relation, respec-tively; � is equal to one minus the depreciation rate of the stock of goodwill.Now the popularity of the party in government follows an ARIMA (1,0,1)(or ARMA (1,1)) process, again with a negative coefficient of the movingaverage parameter. Both models imply that popularity is only determinedby its previous value and an error term, but not by other current or laggedvariables. Analogous equations can be formulated for other parties than theone in office.
Both rational-expectations models have been estimated for Austria usingBox-Jenkins techniques. Tables 14 and 15 give the results for the ARIMA(0,1,1) process for the two subperiods, and Tables 16 and 17 give those forthe ARMA (1,1) process for all four parties. Estimations have also been triedfor the entire period 1976.1 to 1993.4, but can be rejected again: At leastfor one party, the moving average term becomes positive, which contradictsthe underlying theory, and for the ARMA process, the autoregressive termis close to one (or even greater than one) in all cases, indicating unit rootsagain. From the results of Tables 16 and 17, we conclude that the ARMA(1,1) process is also unacceptable for the two subperiods, because the movingaverage term is positive for two parties in the first subperiod and for one partyin the second; the autoregressive term is greater than one for one party inthe second subperiod. Moreover, the restriction that popularity must not be
79
Table 14. ARIMA (0,1,1) model of popularity. Time period: 1976.1–1986.4
Dependent Constant Moving average R2c SE Q Q�
variable parameter
∆SP(t) –0.1653571 –0.3348655 0.035209 1.284777 9.40 11.50
(–0.8532063) (–2.2651592)
∆VP(t) –0.0272009 –0.2313613 0.038925 1.287991 10.64 13.09
(–0.1395581) (–1.9737700)
∆FP(t) 0.0969651 –0.0144962 –0.023676 1.056831 4.45 5.54
(0.6037239) (–0.0715320)
∆R(t) 0.1248703 –0.3487361 0.077588 0.944029 13.30 15.99
(0.8761091) (–2.3521794)
Q is the Box-Pierce Q (12)-statistic, Q� is the Ljung-Box Q (12)-statistic.
Table 15. ARIMA (0,1,1) model of popularity. Time period: 1987.1–1993.4
Dependent Constant Moving average R2c SE Q Q�
variable parameter
∆SP(t) –0.0864080 –0.4470450 0.104919 1.331467 8.17 12.04
(–0.3433736) (–2.5398221)
∆VP(t) –0.5012713 –0.5840291 0.079398 1.776195 9.67 12.43
(–1.4757022) (–3.6747283)
∆FP(t) 0.2938552 –0.1401586 –0.030466 1.891302 5.09 6.58
(0.8221266) (–0.7178313)
∆R(t) 0.3402800 –0.2432095 0.019210 1.176591 8.56 12.71
(1.5272862) (–1.5623163)
greater than 100% is violated for the implied long-run values of two parties’popularities in each subperiod. This means that the “stock of goodwill” modelhas to be rejected for Austria. The ARIMA (0,1,1) process, on the other hand,gives estimates in accordance with the theory: The moving average termsare always negative (though not always significant), and the constants arenot significantly different from zero, as implied by the “permanent benefits”model. On the basis of conventional diagnostic statistics or of an examinationof the autocorrelations and partial autocorrelations, this model cannot berejected for either subperiod.
To examine the comparative advantages of the structural models of popu-larity of the previous section and those of the rational-expectations models,the explanatory economic variables have been included in the estimation ofthe ARMA (1,1) and the ARIMA (0,1,1) processes. The ARMA (1,1) and theARIMA (0,1,1) model with explanatory economic variables added can also be
80
Tabl
e16
.A
RM
A(1
,1)
mod
elof
popu
lari
ty.T
ime
peri
od:1
976.
1–19
86.4
Dep
ende
ntC
onst
ant
Mov
ing
aver
age
Aut
oreg
ress
ive
R2 c
SEQ
Q
�
vari
able
para
met
erpa
ram
eter
SP(t
)45
.460
9191
–0.2
3753
200.
9433
296
0.68
8760
1.29
3014
7.00
8.73
(7.0
3795
31)
(–1.
2331
453)
(8.4
9838
09)
VP(
t)42
.996
100
0.09
1594
40.
3690
761
0.15
7410
1.14
2158
9.58
11.8
5
(157
.354
82)
(0.3
0821
97)
(1.3
8997
28)
FP(t
)5.
9900
018
0.26
5270
50.
6440
096
0.48
6102
1.00
3977
3.68
4.64
(13.
6224
30)
(1.2
3756
32)
(4.8
6187
84)
R(t
)9.
8310
190
–0.3
2144
750.
9821
856
0.85
7548
0.95
3468
13.6
416
.45
(0.3
4652
17)
(–1.
8270
190)
(14.
5414
78)
Tabl
e17
.AR
MA
(1,1
)m
odel
ofpo
pula
rity
.Tim
epe
riod
:198
7.1–
1993
.4
Dep
ende
ntC
onst
ant
Mov
ing
aver
age
Aut
oreg
ress
ive
R2 c
SEQ
Q
�
vari
able
para
met
erpa
ram
eter
SP(t
)41
.768
639
–0.2
8385
000.
7126
611
0.21
9248
1.26
1111
8.47
12.4
5
(45.
4190
59)
(–0.
6352
692)
(1.8
0424
75)
VP(
t)24
.061
787
–0.3
7365
020.
9468
845
0.80
2423
1.81
9689
7.12
9.43
(1.3
0879
49)
(–1.
7228
241)
(9.8
4723
03)
FP(t
)16
.901
024
0.10
1599
70.
7226
162
0.65
6365
1.73
6331
3.76
5.47
(13.
4086
67)
(0.4
5501
63)
(6.2
7927
49)
R(t
)6.
5232
043
–0.5
8856
891.
1998
523
0.78
1347
1.07
2538
10.8
916
.76
(4.6
5268
22)
(–3.
0935
238)
(10.
1125
30)
81
interpreted as traditional popularity function models including depreciationof popularity and measurement errors, respectively; the rational-expectationsmodels are then nested within these general models and can easily be tested bychecking whether the economic variables have significant influences (whichthey should not according to the rational-expectations hypothesis) withinthese encompassing models. Estimating such ARIMAX-models also servesto invalidate the objection of unfairness against comparisons between timeseries models containing measurement errors and depreciation of popularityon the one hand and structural models lacking these aspects on the other oneby integrating both within one equation. For the ARMA (1,1) process witheconomic variables included, we get the result that the economic variableshave nearly always significant coefficients in those equations where they do soin the OLS regressions without a moving-average term; in addition, in somecases the moving-average term is positive. This means again a rejection of the“stock of goodwill” model. For the ARIMA (0,1,1) process with economicvariables added, fewer economic variables have significant coefficients thanin the OLS regressions, but some do, especially for the second subperiod. Thiscasts some doubt also on the “permanent benefits” model, because accordingto the theory of rational expectations no systematic influence should be exert-ed by any (lagged) economic variable beyond that contained in the laggedendogenous variable.
We have also examined the predictive performance of the two rational-expectations models in the same way as we have done for the structuralmodels of the simultaneous popularity functions. Tables 18 and 19 show theforecast statistics obtained from the ARIMA (0,1,1) processes for the two sub-periods. They can be compared directly to those obtained from the structuralmodels given in Tables 10 to 13. It turns out that the within-sample fore-casting performance is virtually always better for both structural models thanfor the rational-expectations model of the ARIMA (0,1,1)-type, regardlessof the forecast statistic applied. Analogous simulations have been done withthe ARMA (1,1) process estimates; here the forecast performance is mostlystill worse than with the ARIMA (0,1,1) process. From this, we concludethat both rational-expectations models are outperformed by the structuralpopularity functions, at least as far as their within-sample predictive perfor-mance is concerned. This verdict need not hold for out-of-sample forecasts,on the other hand. For instance, when forecasts for the second subperiodare based on ARMA (1,1) or ARIMA (0,1,1) results from the first subperi-od, they are in several cases better (though still of poor quality) than thoseobtained from the structural models for the first subperiod. This means thatfor purely predictive purposes, time series models of political popularitymight be superior to those of the traditional popularity function, at least when
82
structural breaks are present. Tentative estimations of ARMA and ARIMAprocesses of higher orders than those implied by the rational-expectationsmodels show that they may produce better forecasts. Higher-order autore-gressive and moving-average terms in several cases become significant andimprove goodness-of-fit measures. However, this does not say anything aboutrational expectations models, as these processes have to be considered aspurely statistical time series models without any politico-economic theoreti-cal background. For those models where such a background can be provided,rational-expectations models show inferior performance than those based ontraditional popularity functions.
Another type of test for the rational-expectations hypothesis concerningpopularity functions has been proposed by Kirchgassner (1985), based on asimilar procedure for other macroeconomic variables due to Mishkin (1983).According to the rational-expectations hypothesis, voters should not hold thegovernment responsible for the expected parts of the economic variables; atleast, expected changes in economic variables should not affect the popularityof the party in office (or of any other party). One has, therefore, to distinguishbetween expected and unexpected economic developments. This can be doneby explaining economic variables by regressions on past values of economicvariables and regarding the systematic part of such a regression as the expect-ed and the residual as the unexpected part of the economic variable. Both partscan then be included separately in the regression equations of the popularityfunction. We have implemented this procedure for both systems of popularityfunctions shown in Tables 6 to 9. As a first step, the independent economicvariables of each regression have been decomposed into expected and unex-pected parts according to VAR estimations of these variables regressed on allthose economic variables lagged up to the fourth quarter which appear in therespective specification of the popularity function. Next, both the expectedand the unexpected part of each economic variable were taken as regressorsin the popularity functions; again systems of popularity functions using spec-ification (5) with restrictions (6) to (8) were estimated. Tables 20 and 21 givethe results for our preferred specifications (with nominal income growth forthe first and real growth and inflation for the second subperiod); the resultsfor the other specifications (and for alternatives not reported here) are quitesimilar. In most cases, the expected part of the respective economic variableexerts a more significant influence on the popularity of the political partiesthan the unexpected part, although the absolute value of the influence ofthe unexpected part may be larger. Moreover, in most cases the directionof the influence of the expected and the unexpected part of the respectivevariable is the same. These results can be seen as another argument against
83
Tabl
e18
.Fo
reca
stst
atis
tics,
with
in-s
ampl
efo
reca
sts.
Sys
tem
ofTa
ble
14
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)1.
2552
380.
9712
182.
0097
800.
0130
001.
7524
541.
3886
592.
8422
210.
0183
67
VP(
t)1.
2583
780.
9315
132.
1602
450.
0146
211.
3402
481.
0791
452.
4883
940.
0155
61
FP(t
)1.
0325
330.
7040
1912
.182
100.
0874
352.
3356
551.
7655
4437
.770
650.
1838
05
R(t
)0.
9223
250.
6179
3928
.652
820.
1192
611.
6366
651.
3413
7710
9.07
470.
2038
01
Tabl
e19
.For
ecas
tsta
tistic
s,w
ithin
-sam
ple
fore
cast
s.S
yste
mof
Tabl
e15
Var
iabl
eSt
atic
sim
ulat
ion
Dyn
amic
sim
ulat
ion
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
RM
SEM
AE
MA
PET
heil
SP(t
)1.
2830
340.
9430
152.
2393
140.
0152
831.
3798
941.
0781
932.
5823
600.
0164
38
VP(
t)1.
7115
841.
4164
684.
2267
010.
0253
782.
1590
311.
7059
855.
1918
570.
0313
66
FP(t
)1.
8225
041.
4956
249.
7806
930.
0554
743.
5423
193.
0553
7618
.398
740.
1192
44
R(t
)1.
1337
920.
9114
4511
.470
880.
0656
172.
8814
032.
4680
8130
.497
780.
1454
78
84
the rational-expectations hypothesis, showing that also anticipated economicdevelopments change voters’ evaluations of political parties in Austria.
It may be criticized that we have only gathered indirect evidence againstthe rational-expectations hypothesis for political popularity here. More recentstudies on the importance of expectations in the popularity function for oth-er countries apply a more direct approach, using survey data on measuredexpectations. This provides a promising approach for building new micro-foundations of voters’ behavior. Although most of these recent empirical stud-ies confirm backward-looking behavior of the voters, thereby also rejectingthe rational-expectations hypothesis (see Nannestad and Paldam, forthcom-ing, for Denmark), some contrary results are available, too (see Price andSanders, 1995, for the UK). In the light of these studies, the issue of forward-versus backward-looking expectations is still an open question, and our neg-ative results on the implications of the rational-expectations hypothesis forAustria should be considered as preliminary evidence only.
7. Concluding remarks
In this paper, we have presented econometric evidence on the influence ofmacroeconomic variables on the popularity of political parties in Austria. Therate of unemployment and the growth rate of disposable income, more recent-ly also the rate of inflation have been identified as economic determinants ofvoters’ evaluations of political parties. There is clear evidence for a struc-tural break in the popularity functions related to the change from a one-partyand “small coalition” government to a “grand coalition” government. For theformer period, the predictions of the responsibility hypothesis for the popu-larity functions are confirmed, whereas for the latter period, results are moreambiguous. It has been shown that the structural popularity function modeloutperforms rational-expectations models of political popularity; implica-tions of the rational-expectations hypothesis have been falsified. Althoughsome doubts remain about the explanation of political popularity during the“grand coalition” period, the superiority of traditional popularity functionsover rational-expectations models seems to be well established by our resultsfor Austria.
Further research should try to bring together the largely unrelated publicchoice and sociological attempts at explaining voters’ behavior in Austria inorder to arrive at a more comprehensive view of political-economic processesin this country. Sociological studies, which focus on voters’ social posi-tions, party identifications, leadership images and issue positions as well ason economic perceptions, usually use individual-level survey data, in con-trast to popularity function studies using aggregated data. Recently, however,
85
Tabl
e20
.S
yste
mof
popu
lari
tyfu
ncti
ons,
SU
R.
Exp
ecte
d(e )
and
unex
pect
ed(u
)ex
plan
ator
yva
riab
les.
Tim
epe
riod
:19
77.1
–198
6.4
Dep
ende
ntE
xpla
nato
ryva
riab
les
R2
SE
vari
able
Con
stan
tP j
(t–1
)U
Re (
t–1)
UR
u(t
–1)
GN
e (t–
1)G
Nu(t
–1)
SP(t
)27
.364
3–0
.720
587
–0.0
4685
50.
2377
440.
0710
220.
7846
371.
0469
0
(6.6
1205
)(–
4.30
975)
(–0.
0464
17)
(2.0
4499
)(0
.554
674)
VP(
t)24
.276
00.
1119
42–1
.589
58–0
.076
542
0.02
6414
0.30
4007
1.05
262
(6.4
8641
)(0
.798
264)
(–1.
5635
1)(–
0.68
1680
)(0
.205
002)
0.44
0354
FP(t
)5.
1204
3(5
.364
48)
–0.3
8902
01.
0537
9–0
.084
317
–0.1
0891
70.
5532
160.
9702
32
(4.2
3289
)(–
2.72
865)
(1.1
2631
)(–
0.82
0357
)(–
0.92
2487
)
R(t
)–0
.796
101
0.99
7665
0.58
2643
–0.0
7688
5–0
.011
480
(–0.
9399
44)
(5.6
0703
)(0
.725
694)
(–0.
8610
14)
(–0.
1133
01)
86
Tabl
e21
.S
yste
mof
popu
lari
tyfu
ncti
ons,
SU
R.E
xpec
ted
(e )an
dun
expe
cted
(u)
expl
anat
ory
vari
able
s.T
ime
peri
od:1
987.
1–19
93.4
Dep
ende
ntE
xpla
nato
ryva
riab
les
vari
able
Con
stan
tP j
(t–1
)U
Re (t
–1)
UR
u(t
–1)
IRe (t
–1)
IRu(t
–1)
GR
e (t–1
)G
Ru(t
–1)
R2
SE
SP(t
)14
.064
51.
1390
93.
6476
20.
1160
530.
5948
420.
4956
030.
3668
520.
5393
800.
9512
33
(2.7
7483
)(1
.931
45)
(1.8
9282
)(0
.427
214)
(0.9
1251
3)(2
.738
89)
(2.1
3641
)
VP(
t)39
.959
8–3
.073
552.
1330
0–1
.451
38–0
.319
181
–0.3
2455
0–0
.581
685
0.90
8801
1.21
579
(5.6
5113
)(–
3.94
693)
(0.8
6606
5)(–
3.32
322)
(–0.
3766
86)
(–1.
4102
0)(–
2.65
166)
0.46
6765
FP(t
)2.
3367
2(5
.172
31)
0.63
9775
–5.6
9816
0.98
1498
0.08
8999
0.02
3231
0.50
8700
0.78
9692
1.33
445
(0.4
3025
3)(0
.782
896)
(–2.
1075
0)(2
.158
45)
(0.0
9746
9)(0
.091
938)
(2.0
7261
)
R(t
)–3
.037
531.
2946
8–0
.082
466
0.35
3830
–0.3
6466
0–0
.194
284
–0.2
9386
7
(–0.
7774
88)
(2.1
2397
)(–
0.04
2020
)(1
.268
01)
(–0.
5480
56)
(–1.
0561
5)(–
1.70
261)
87
there have been attempts in the international literature to combine individualcharacteristics, voters’ assessments of their own and of the macroeconomicsituation, and objective economic factors in explaining political popularity.Pure or pooled cross-section analyses are usually applied for this purpose,and actual measurements of voters’ expectations from survey data are used.Data requirements preclude such an analysis for Austria at the moment, butit should be ranked highly in the agenda for further research.
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