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Why the Taliban wont succeed inAfghanistan nowTAHIR MEHDI
Published 2013-10-08 12:48:47
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History does NOT repeat itself. If ever it looks like its stuck in a rut and moving
in circles, do take a closer look. Each circle may be wider than the previous
one or it might have tilted along a different axis. The trajectory of events in
Afghanistan cannot defy this basic rule of history.
The Taliban rose to power in mid-1990s and were ousted when the US and its
allies launched military operations in Afghanistan on 7 October 2001, starting
what is termed as 'War on Terror'. The Taliban, however, have managed to
loom large as a specter for the past 12 years and now threaten to make a
comeback or so some want us to believe. Will they be able to do that? I think
not. Here are my five reasons why:
1: There is no anarchy in Afghanistan now
When the Taliban rose to power in the mid-1990s, Afghanistan was in utter
chaos. The decade-long crippling war was succeeded by internecine fights
among the greedy, ruthless and brutal mujahedeen warlords it seemed
endless. The country had lost even a semblance of a state, rule of law had
completely departed and social order rested on simple tribal principles like
might is right. The weakest and the poorest suffered the most.
The Taliban were seen as a glimmer of hope, a saner force in that rubble of a
country, ravaged by savage warriors. Their ranks mostly comprised of
teachers and students of madrassahs. They were revered as the selfless
seekers of divine knowledge. The Taliban capitalised on this deep localtradition to become a political force. As they demonstrated their willingness
and ability to restore order and peace, people flocked around them in droves.
When they advanced from Kandahar on their campaign to defeat warlords and
mujahedeen, provinces fell like nine pins. To conquer a province, it would
take them just as long as it did to drive a four-wheeler from its one corner to
the other; and that too mostly without firing a single shot. People greeted them
as saviors.
The Afghanistan of 2013 is neither as chaotic nor as desperate. It has a
working constitutional government and has held two major elections. It has aregular army, government ministries and public offices. It has companies,
businesses and shopping malls. The government is weak, the elections have
been controversial, the officials are corrupt and the businesses evade taxes
there is no doubt about all this. But rest assured, this is still not 1995.
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Afghanistan is not a devastated and abandoned territory that it was when the
Taliban had triumphed.
There definitely are shortcomings but there is no gap anymore that the Taliban
could fill. In fact, if the Taliban have to find a place, they will have to reshape
themselves to fit the available spaces. In other words, the problems to which
the Taliban were a solution, have altered drastically and since they have been
out of power and, I would say out of touch with the changing ground realities
as well, they have retained their old shape, add to this their characteristic of
inflexibility and they become unfit to any available space in Afghanistans
present socio-political discourse.
The situation bears resemblance with the mythological group of people who go
into deep sleep at an isolated location. When they wake up after years and
come out of their cave, they find a surprisingly different world around them.The Taliban shall be ready for surprises and their abettors for rude shocks.
2: The world is not going to abandon Afghanistan
Soviet troops completed withdrawal from Afghanistan in February 1989. They
left behind the government of President Najibullah that most pundits had
predicted would fall in weeks, if not days. It stayed on though and in fact
successfully defended itself against the mujahedeen onslaught, the most
notable event being the battle of Jalalabad. The Najibullah government
survived on the continued support of Soviet Union which offered it both themilitary supplies and the money.
In November 1989, the Berlin Wall was torn down and the grand socialist
state, the super power, the Soviet Union disintegrated in December 1991.
Russia, the successor of the Soviets in Moscow, continued to support Kabul
for some time but then had to stop even the fuel supply. Najibullahs
government collapsed in April 1992.
By that time, the US had already abandoned its active campaign in the region
and got busy celebrating the Soviets fall. Unbelievable events werehappening at a pace that no one had ever predicted. The worlds focus moved
to the former Soviet states, Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the other
erstwhile socialist states. Afghanistan became a small fry with negligible value
in the new global politics.
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The poor country thus ended up being used by the world powers to upstage
the last round of the Cold War. They pumped in billions of dollars in the
institutions that only specialised in killing people and in justifying their acts on
one pretext or the other. And then, they all left; abandoning the country,
leaving its poor masses at the mercy of those outfits and institutions. TheMujahedeen and then the Taliban operated in this black hole of world
attention.
The realities of 2013 are, however, completely different. Each and every
power on earth now has a stake in Afghanistan. The world repents
abandoning the country in the 1990s. Terrorism has shifted security paradigms
and redefined response strategies across the globe. The world wants a stable
Afghanistan and is willing to make efforts for that.
The US drawdown from Afghanistan is neither a retreat nor a pull out. The USdoes not want to abandon Afghanistan as this will risk making it a breeding
ground and a sanctuary for terrorists again. It is supported in this cause by a
number of other important powers, including our all weather friend, China. If
Afghanistan drifts back into anarchy, it will have consequences for China and
Central Asian states and through them for Russia. All of these countries have
Muslim populations and a number of active militant separatist outfits. Anarchy
in Afghanistan will provide them a fillip and thats exactly what they dread.
So whether the boots remain on ground or not, the foreign footprint on Afghani
soil will remain large.
3. Peace in Afghanistan makes business sense as well
Afghanistans new found importance in global politics is not solely owed to its
nuisance value. Peace in Afghanistan has economic dividends, not only for
Afghans but for everyone in the region, China, India, Pakistan, Central Asia, all
included. This is a new post-Cold War development. One of the selfish
reasons behind why the world abandoned Afghanistan in 1990s was also that
it had no economic worth.
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New estimates now put Afghanistans mineral wealth at $100 billion. The
country is fencing a side of Central Asian states that are rich in oil and gas and
eager to let these flow out as early as possible. All of these pipelines have to
pass through Afghanistan, and many through Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Read about Afghanistans mineral wealth here.
China is desperate for Afghanistans mineral resources. It is investing $3.5
billion in the Mes Aynak copper field, south of Kabul. The project had started in
2008 and it is likely to go into production in the coming months as the biggest
ever foreign investment in Afghanistans history. China is also investing in
exploring gas and oil in the Amu River Basin area.
The country, however, strictly follows the policy of non-interference in matters
of other countries and restricts itself to the terms of business deals. But China
does not afford to look the other way if the Taliban stage a comeback. It
understands that it will complicate work environment besides strengthening
the separatist movement of ethnic Uighurs in its Xinjiang province.
The Chinese contract might be dwarfed by the one that will be signed by a
consortium of Indian public and private companies next year. The consortium
has won the bid to develop the Hajigak iron ore mines in the Bamyan province
for more than $10 billion. India is believed to have given Afghanistan $2 billion
in aid over the past decade. The two countries had signed a India-Afghanistan
Strategic Partnership Agreement in October 2011 under which India provideslimited level training support and light military equipment to the Afghan forces.
Afghanistans hidden wealth is high in demand in the fast growing economies
of both, India and China. They actually cannot afford to leave these untapped
and this is going to play out as a new determinant in Afghan politics.
4: Now, the Taliban stand for all things wrong
The Taliban stood for all that the Afghans were desperate for in mid-1990s.
They were strict governors and accessible to all. They were committed to highmorals and refused to discriminate on the basis of status. They were hyper
active and super efficient.
But what do they symbolise today?
It is no secret that they are now better known as Pakistans proxies, if not
puppets, by all and sundry. Their leadership is believed to be hiding in
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Pakistan for the last 12 years. They cannot survive and operate without the
active support of Pakistan. Forget the US or other countries, how will these
basic facts go with the common Afghans? Wont they consider the Taliban as
agents of another country? Pakistans overt support for the Taliban is more
likely to play against them in Afghanistans local context.
The Taliban did restore order and put in place an efficient administration. But
they messed up with the countrys economy and played havoc with its social
fabric. Their obsession with expelling women from the public life, gender
segregation in all spheres and punishing crimes in the most horrible of ways
became their claim to fame. The world remembers their stubbornness,
exemplified by their decision to blow up the Buddha statues of Bamyan. They
treated non-Muslims and Muslim sects that they considered heretic dreadfully.
The Taliban were completely inflexible in their policies and never gave anyconsideration to the consequences of their decisions be those economic,
social or political. Their mindless self-righteousness and pervasive willingness
to shed blood could only be matched by some medieval kings.
Afghanistan suffered hugely during their reign. No Afghan who has witnessed
that period is likely to wish them back. Most in fact dread their return and are
likely to resist them tooth and nail.
In todays Afghanistan, areas under the influence of the Taliban have a
complete overlap with those that are rich in poppy cultivation. The country hasa monopoly in the global opium market as its share in supply of this raw
material for heroin is over 90 per cent. Half of this comes from the province of
Helmand alone, the bastion of Taliban power. They not only abet and protect
poppy cultivation in their area; they, in fact promote it by providing farmers with
inputs and guarantees of purchasing their produce. The association between
the Taliban and the drug mafia is so close that it is difficult to assess who is
supporting whom. They both have a stake in keeping the area lawless.
Read the Afghanistan Opium Survey 2012 by the United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime here.
The Taliban today, carry heavy historical baggage. They are remembered as
tyrants. They are no political sovereigns and are active partners of drug lords.
Does this all add up to make them a popular force in Afghanistan in 2014?
5. The Talibans main ally does not have a free hand now
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The Taliban were recognised as the official government of Afghanistan by only
three countries, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Pakistan was their biggest direct supporter.
The Taliban provided Pakistan the rare relief from its perceived fear of being
surrounded by an enemy from both of its long borders, the eastern and the
western. It is called the strategic depth syndrome. Something Pakistan suffers
from since its birth. It finds its exposure to India, the length of its eastern
border, disproportionately larger than its geographic depth.
Pakistan has been locating its strategic installations, like its nuclear plants, at
points that are at equal distance from its eastern and western edges. The
other measure it considers important is to have a friendly government in
Afghanistan so that it could focus exclusively on the eastern side without
fearing a stab in the back or bearing the strain of defending both of its longborders.
But to its utter dismay, the governments in Kabul have almost always been
friendlier to India. All of its presidents during the Soviet occupation, and before
that, had close ties with India. The last of them, President Najibullah, when
ousted by the mujahedeen in 1992 took refuge in a UN office compound. He
remained holed up there for years trying to negotiate a safe passage to India.
Even from within the warring Afghan factions, most of the non-Pashtuns allied
closely with Delhi. The mujahedeen though jockeyed for Pakistan, proved tobe futile when it came to delivering a government in Kabul. The Taliban
showed promise of a stable and pro-Pakistan government in Kabul and thus
became the darlings of Pakistans security strategists. Their dream of
achieving strategic depth on the western border came true.
Afghanistan was practically left for Pakistan to handle in 1990s. Everyone else
had more important and urgent matter to attend to. Pakistan had the moral
courage to engage in the battle of Jalalabad. It felt obliged to round up Afghan
mujahedeen and fly them to Saudi Arabia to make them sign a pact. It had the
guts to let its madrassah graduates, the Taliban, become a militant force inAfghanistan.
But Pakistan does not have that latitude in 2013. In fact, the opposite is true as
each and every of its move is closely watched and contested by a number of
stakeholders. So strategic day-dreaming aside, Afghanistan offers a free ride
to none now.
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CHINA CRISIS
KASHGAR, China Job seekers looking for opportunities in this ancient oasis town in
Chinas far western Xinjiang region would seem to have ample options, based on a quick
glance at a local help-wanted Web site. The Kashgar Cultural Center has an opening for anexperienced dance choreographer, the prefectural Communist Party office is hiring a driver
and nearby Shule County needs an archivist.
Connect With Us on Twitter
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The New York TimesEnlarge This Image
Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times
At a tailors shop in the old city section of Kashgar, mannequins eyes are covered by paper, in deference to Islamicstrictures on representing women.
Enlarge This Image
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Gilles Sabrie for The New York TimesUighur women at a Sunday bazaar in Kashgar, China. Amid rapid development, Muslims have held on to their traditions.
But these and dozens of other job openings share one caveat: ethnic Uighurs, the Muslim,
Turkic-speaking people who make up nearly 90 percent of Kashgars population, need not
apply. Roughly half of the 161 positions advertised on the Civil Servant Examination
Information Web site indicate that only ethnic Han Chinese or native Mandarin speakers
will be considered.
Such discrimination, common across the region, is one of the many indignities Chinas 10
million Uighurs face in a society that increasingly casts them as untrustworthy and prone to
religious extremism. Uighurs are largely frozen out of the regions booming gas and oil
industry, airport jobs are mostly reserved for Han applicants, and truck drivers whose
national identity cards list their ethnicity as Uighur cannot obtain the licenses required to
haul fuel, an unwritten rule based on the fear that oil and gas tankers could easily be turned
into weapons, according to several trucking companies.
Despite its name the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region this strategically pivotalexpanse of desert and snow-draped mountains that borders several Central Asian nations is
tightly controlled by Beijing. Top government positions as well as critical spots in the
sprawling security apparatus are dominated by Han Chinese, many of them recruited from
the eastern half of the country.
The bottom line is that the Chinese dont trust us, and that is having a corrosive impact on
life in Xinjiang, said Ilham Tohti, a prominent Uighur economist in Beijing. And the way
things are going, its going to get worse.
After a summer of violence that claimed at least 100 lives, analysts, human rights advocates
and even a handful of Chinese academics are raising alarms over what they call repressive
policies that are fueling increased alienation and radicalization among Uighurs, many of
whom subscribe to a moderate brand of Sunni Islam. These policies have been tightened
since ethnic rioting four years ago left at least 200 people dead in Urumqi, the regional
capital.
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The Chinese government blames outside agitators, among them members of a separatist
movement it contends has links to global jihadists, for much of the unrest. While there have
been a number of unprovoked attacks on Chinese police officers or soldiers in recent years,
most experts say the threat from Islamic militants is far less potent and organized than that
portrayed by Beijing.
In August, paramilitary police officers not far from Kashgar shot at least 32 men, killing a
dozen, during a raid on what was described as a secret munitions center; a few days later
at least a dozen other Uighurs were killed as they prayed at a farmhouse in Yilkiqi township,
according to Radio Free Asia. The authorities said the men were taking part in illegal
religious activities and training for a terrorist attack, but did not provide further details.
Other episodes include a shooting outside a police station in Aksu Prefecture that wounded
50 and left three dead, and a violent skirmish in Hotan, another Silk Road outpost, duringwhich dozens of men were reportedly shot while protesting the detention of a local imam.
The Chinese state news media described these and other episodes as terror attacks; exile
groups say they were peaceful demonstrations crushed with brute force.
Local residents say these and other clashes have been fueled by the dispiriting realities of
daily life here: the institutionalized job discrimination, the restrictions that prohibit those
under 18 from entering mosques and the difficulty that many Uighurs face in obtaining
passports. Those Uighurs lucky enough to travel abroad say they are often interrogated
upon their return by security officials who demand to know whether they have engaged inseparatist activities.
The government should realize that reckless and inappropriate decisions by local
authorities are only causing more instability, said Yang Shu, a professor of Central Asian
studies at Lanzhou University, referring to rules that discourage women from wearing head
scarves and young men from growing beards.
Many Uighurs are also convinced that Beijing is seeking to wipe out their language and
culture through assimilation and education policies that favor Mandarin over Uighur in
schools and government jobs. Since 2004, a so-called bilingual education initiative has
required teachers in much of the region to use Mandarin for nearly every subject. The
authorities insist that the policy is aimed at helping Uighurs compete in a country where
Mandarin is the lingua franca, but many parents, teachers and Uighur intellectuals are
unconvinced.
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My 17-year-old daughter speaks decent Chinese, but she cannot get through a piece of
Uighur literature, said a government employee in Urumqi, who asked to remain
anonymous because such criticism can have serious consequences. A generation from now,
I fear our people will be functionally illiterate in Uighur.
Fear and mistrust between the two ethnicities has hardened in recent years as a growing
number of Han Chinese migrants settle into heavily guarded enclaves, especially in the
southern crescent of Xinjiang that remains predominantly Uighur. Even in Urumqi, where
ethnic Han Chinese make up 75 percent of the population, knots of heavily armed police
officers in fatigues are positioned throughout Uighur neighborhoods; after dark, Uighur
men are barred from the front seats of taxis, according to a local ordinance cast as an
anticrime measure.
Huang Xiaolin, a Han engineer who was recently lured to Hotan from coastal ShandongProvince with a generous salary and subsidized housing, said colleagues frequently warned
him against entering the citys Uighur quarter. The local people here are uncivilized and
prone to violence, he said, standing near a propaganda banner that read, The Han and the
Uighur cannot live without one another.
Beijing has coupled its strike hard security approach with turbocharged economic
development, but even that has stoked resentment among Uighurs, who say the best jobs go
to newly arrived Han. The Chinese government is focused on a very outdated
understanding of macroeconomic development, thinking that it will bring everyone up tothe same level, but its clearly not working, said Sean R. Roberts, a professor at George
Washington University who studies development in the region.
Part of the backlash, experts and local residents say, has been prompted by increasingly
intrusive restrictions on religion. Civil servants can be fired for joining Friday afternoon
prayer services, and Uighur college students say they are often required to eat lunch in
school cafeterias during the holy month of Ramadan, when observant Muslims fast. In cities
across the region, signs warn people against public prayer, and video cameras are pointed at
the doorways of local mosques. Residents also say the government maintains an extensiveweb of paid informers and monitors Internet traffic and cellphone conversations.
Such policies are born out of concern that the radical Islam that has destabilized
neighboring Afghanistan and Pakistan will take root in Xinjiang, a fear not entirely
unfounded given the regions proximity to lawless countries that have provided a haven for a
kaleidoscope of jihadists from across the Muslim world, including some Uighurs.
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But experts say the raids on unsanctioned religious schools and other restrictions have
prompted even greater religiosity. Five years ago, you would have been shocked to see a
veiled woman in Urumqi, but not anymore, said a Han academic at Xinjiang University
who is critical of Beijings policies in the region. For a lot of Uighurs, growing a beard and
asking your wife to cover her head in public has become an act of defiance.
Despite the growing death toll, analysts say Chinas new leadership is unlikely to reconsider
its hard-line policies any time soon. During a state visit to four Central Asia nations last
month that sought to bolster Xinjiangs role as the linchpin of a revitalized Silk Road,
President Xi Jinping vowed to continue the battle against what he described as the three
forces of separatism, terrorism and religious extremism, according to the official Xinhua
news agency.
By failing to consider the root causes of Uighur discontent, Beijing could unwittinglyradicalize a generation of young people, said Nicholas Bequelin, a researcher for Human
Rights Watch who is based in Hong Kong. The entire Uighur ethnicity feels asphyxiated,
having become suspect as sympathetic to extremism, he said. Xinjiang is trapped in a
vicious circle of increased repression that only leads to more violence.
Shi Da contributed research.
China police target online 'jihad' talk amidrumor crackdown
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BEIJING | Tue Oct 8, 2013 6:40pm EDT
(Reuters) - Police in China's Xinjiang region are cracking down on
people who promote jihad online, state media reported on Tuesday,amid a nationwide campaign against internet rumors that activists sayis a blow to freedom of speech.
Sprawling Xinjiang is home to the mostly Muslim Uighur ethnic minority, many of whom harborresentment of what they see as Chinese repression of their culture and religion. Some arecampaigning for a separate Muslim state and there have been incidents of violence.
Xinjiang police were investigating 256 people for spreading "destabilizing rumors" online, theXinjiang Daily newspaper said. Of those, 139 spread rumors about jihad, or Muslim holy war, orother religious ideas. More than 100 had been detained.
"Our local public security bureaus are strongly cracking down on those who engage in illegal
activities online," the newspaper said. "Xinijang must not allow the internet to become a platform forcrime."
Authorities frequently detain and arrest Uighurs for activities that they say extol religious militancyand ethnic separatism. But the latest crackdown is linked to a nationwide campaign against onlinerumors.
The newspaper did not say whether those detained were Uighur or from the majority Han ethnicgroup.
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Rights activists say the action against internet rumors is a new way for authorities to curb criticism.
Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for the exiled World Uyghur Congress, said the government campaignwas aimed at stopping Uighurs from getting information on the Internet.
"Those Uighurs who were detained were expressing online their dissatisfaction at China'sdominance of their localities and systematic repression," Raxit said.
Some of those detained had filmed videos or started groups on an instant messaging site thatspread militant religious ideas, the newspaper said.
A farmer in the prefecture of Hotan was arrested after he uploaded material that authorities saidcontained separatist content, which violates Chinese law, the newspaper said.
(Reporting By Megha Rajagopalan and Ben Blanchard; Editing by Robert Birsel)
Weekend unrest in Kashgar, in China's western Xinjiang region, has left at least 15
people dead, state media say.The violence began on Saturday when two men killed
a truck driver, then drove his lorry into pedestrians and attacked them with knives,
killing six. One of the attackers also died.On Sunday an explosion killed three
people and police shot dead "four suspects", the Xinhua agency said.Xinjiang has a
Muslim Uighur minority and has seen serious ethnic tension.
The BBC's Martin Patience in Beijing says there are reports of further clashes in the
city on Sunday.Migration disputeA local official was quoted as saying that both of
Saturday's attackers were Uighurs.According to tianshannet.com, a Xinjiang
government-run website, the assailants hijacked a truck waiting at traffic lights,
stabbing the driver to death before ploughing the vehicle into bystanders.
They then got out of the vehicle and started attacking people at random, the report
said.It said the crowd then turned on the men, killing one of them. The second man
was captured.State-run news agency Xinhua said the attack had been preceded by
two explosions.Twenty-eight people were reported to have been taken to
hospital.On Sunday, Xinhua reported another explosion, which it said killed three
people, including a police officer, and injured three others.It also said police had
shot dead "four suspects" in the city, without giving further details.
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This is the second outbreak of violence in Xinjiang in a month.On 18 July, several
police officials and a number of civilians were killed in an attack on a police station
in the city of Hotan.Chinese officials blamed the attack on "terrorists" from the
Uighur minority.Uighur activists said the security forces had provoked clashes by
opening fire on a peaceful demonstration.
The majority of Xinjiang's population is ethnically Uighur - who are Muslims with
strong cultural ties to Central Asia.Our correspondent, Martin Patience, says many
Uighurs are unhappy about what they say is the repressive rule of Beijing and are
angered by the migration of the majority Han Chinese to the region.In 2009, riots
erupted in Xinjiang in which nearly 200 people died after tensions flared between
the Uighurs and the Han.
Read more
athttp://www.liveleak.com/view?i=920_1312143422#vzRISG6itwpZgw0C.99
Chinese Culture and the Uniqueness of Islamic Jihad
by Fjordman
In March 2013, the writer Harold Rhode at the website of Gatestone Institute commented
on a recent Chinese report that tried to explain what holds the Muslim world back compared
to other countries and cultures. Some Chinese observers, in behind-the-scenes discussions,
kept saying they were perplexed about the Muslim worlds and particularly the Arabworlds inability to deal with the challenges of modern society.
The Chinese and the Muslims, they thought, had both suffered humiliation by foreigners
over the past two centuries, but their reactions to these experiences are very different. We
also suffered, the Chinese said, but now we control our destiny, and are doing everything
http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=920_1312143422#vzRISG6itwpZgw0C.99http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=920_1312143422#vzRISG6itwpZgw0C.99http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=920_1312143422#vzRISG6itwpZgw0C.99http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=920_1312143422#vzRISG6itwpZgw0C.99 -
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we can to learn from these foreigners so that we can benefit from the modern world and
ensure that we do not suffer this humiliation again.We Chinese look to the future.
The Muslims, on the other hand, seem to have a different approach: Instead of looking to
the future they are mired in the past, more concerned about taking revenge against
foreigners who they believe humiliated them long ago than about dealing rationally withcontemporary problems to improve their societies and futures.
These educated and insightful Chinese observers, many of whom had spent considerable
time in the Islamic world and had gone to the trouble of becoming fluent in languages such
as Arabic, Persian, or Turkish, were puzzled as to why so many Muslims are obsessed
(their word) with portraying themselves as eternal victims.
If you constantly portray yourself as a blameless victim of outside forces, cultivating such
a toxic culture of victimhood could for an entire society represent a very serious obstacle to
bettering your own situation. If you always blame others for your failures or shortcomings,
you will not be the master of your own destiny, but will refuse to do what is necessary to
change your mentality or negative pattern of behavior in order to improve your situation. As
long as Muslims indulge in self-pity, they will never be able to improve their lot in this
world.
The Chinese have their flaws, as does every other culture. They are a proud people, but in
addition to this pride there is also a widespread pragmatism and practical outlook to their
culture, which is one of the reasons why they are currently making better progress in the
modern world than most Muslim countries are doing. To quote the former Prime Minister
of Singapore Lee Kwan Yew, himself an ethnic Chinese man, despite everything we do for
our Muslims, they continue to remain at the bottom of society poor, backward anduneducated.
I showed this article to an ethnic Chinese friend of mine who is also a Christian and a well-
informed critic of Islamic culture and teachings. His reaction was that these observers got it
partially right. They do not blame the backwardness of Muslim countries on the Jews or the
West. They rightly blame it on the Muslims themselves.
On the other hand, my friend commented that Muslims do in fact focus on the future, yet
the future they want is different from that of the Chinese. The Chinese simply want to get
rich and are prepared to learn from the West to achieve wealth. The Muslim faith is a
warrior religion designed to assist global Islamic imperialism. The future that they struggle
for is not a prosperous co-existence with non-Muslims through trade and commerce.
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Moreover, the Chinese can repudiate some of Confucius teachings and still remain Chinese.After all, while his teachings have had an immense influence over Chinese civilization and
thought for well over two thousand years, Confucius was in the end just a philosopher like
Socrates or Aristotle in Europe, not an infallible human being. The status of Mohammed in
Islam as an example for mankind is radically different. He was believed to be a Prophet of
God, the single most important one of all of Allahs messengers and the seal of the
Prophets.
The bottom line is this: You can remain a proud Chinese person and repudiate some things
that Confucius said, did or taught. You cannot remain a proud Muslim and repudiate some
things that Mohammed said, did or taught. You may at best try to reinterpret it in a new
way, but you cannot challenge it or ignore it outright.
I share my Asian friends opinion on these matters. There are many good and truthful
observations in the Chinese assessment quoted above. Nevertheless, t misses the mark when
it comes to pinpointing exactly what makes Islamic culture in general and Arabic culture in
particular so special.
It is actually a fairly common flaw for many cultures to be excessively backward-looking.
However, this often tends to be mainly a problem for them. For instance, the ancient
Egyptians after the New Kingdom period became less and less innovative and ultimately lost
cultural leadership to the Greeks, partly because they had become too fixated upon copyingthe perceived glorious past of their ancestors. Yet this did not make ancient Egypt an
external threat. On the contrary, it made their nation weak and ripe for being conquered, as
they eventually were by the Persians, the Greeks, the Italians (Romans) and other peoples
who were by now more dynamic.
It is also possible to venture too far in the opposite direction and think that history is
bunk, that everything which is old is automatically useless and should be discarded. I
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sometimes wonder whether modern Western culture has now gone too far in this direction
in its relentless quest for progress, youth and novelty.
As a conservative and traditionalist, I believe that some traditions may be worth preserving
and that some cultural patterns might be of value, since they have withstood the test of time.
This does not mean that we should mindlessly copy our ancestors, but we shouldnt casuallydismiss everything they did as stupid or useless, either.
A nation that places no value on the past or traditions will eventually be left adrift and cut
off from its roots. A nation that places too much emphasis on the past or traditions will
eventually stagnate. A successful, long-lived nation is one that manages to retain some sense
of attachment to its roots and is proud of its achievements, yet remains flexible enough to
embrace and cultivate positive innovation. Striking this balance is tricky, but necessary.
An additional quality is that a successful nation should also be open-minded enough to
recognize and accept good ideas even when they come from the outside. Both Islamic and
Chinese culture at times suffered from a superiority complex that made it hard to borrow
from the Europeans even when Europeans had, objectively speaking, made some great
scientific and technological breakthroughs which no other culture had achieved. Muslims
are particularly handicapped in this regard due to the ingrained notion of their superiority
over infidels.
Being Scandinavian myself, I like reading about the Viking Age. I respect many of the things
my ancestors did at that time, but I acknowledge that they also had some practices that I am
happy we left behind. For instance, Scandinavians back then practiced blood feuds, or
vendettas, between different groups and clans, in order to punish criminals. We no longer
do this, and we are better off for it. I watch with great concern as we are now in the processof mass-importing this archaic way of behavior, an unwelcome relic from the past, with
mass immigration from clannish Middle Eastern cultures, where such blood feuds are quite
common even today.
The crucial difference is that while Scandinavians in pre-state societies practiced blood
feuds 1200-1400 years ago, they later managed to evolve and leave such practices behind.
Muslims preserved and partly sanctioned such behavior through the development of Islamic
sharia law at the same time, which was then fossilized by elevating it to the status of divine
law, in principle valid for all times and all places. The concept ofblood money for killing
people is mentioned in the Koran and is practiced by Arabs in some cases to this day.
The status of Islamic law is one of the most clear-cut cases where Islamic culture is stronglybackward-looking in a very negative sense of the word, and sometimes suffers from this
today. One Arabic word that could be translated as innovation isbidaa, which tends to
carry highly negative connotations. Originally, this was probably meant mainly for
innovations or novelties in the religious and social sense, but such a mindset can easily spill
into the realms of science and technology as well, and stifle progress in these vital fields. The
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historian Bernard Lewis has written about this in his books, and his analysis constitutes one
of the strongest parts of his work.
The Chinese have retained a strong organic sense of connection with the past, which is one
of the main reasons why their civilization has endured for several thousand years in
recognizable form. This sense of cultural continuity, with a blend of Confucian, Taoist and
Buddhist impulses, has been weakened (but not completely destroyed) by generations ofCommunist rule. The Communists under Mao represented an extreme case of the history is
bunk attitude, where the past is not merely a mixed bag but constitutes an unqualified evil
that must be literally smashed in order to make way for Progress. Such a total rejection of
everything your ancestors did or thought is clearly excessive and patently harmful. The
Cultural Revolution did great damage to China.
At the other extreme, Chinese culture also has a very long and strong tradition of ancestor
worship. Although such practices may conflict with Christian doctrines, even many Chinese
Christians adhere to these traditions in the modern world, a fact which caused major
headaches for the first European Christian missionaries to China.
I am neither Chinese nor Christian. However, I can see the potential that such practices,
especially when combined with blind adherence to authority figures, may sometimes
constitute an obstacle to freethinking. For instance, I have read of cases in earlier times
where a Chinese imperial physician had to literally worship his predecessor. You dont have
to be a bigot to understand that such a mindset could potentially stifle innovation.
Islamic culture looks back to an allegedly glorious past which it wants to replicate today.
The dangerous aspect of this line of thinking is that this past was an age of violent conquest
and aggressive military expansionism. Indeed, their religious doctrines stipulate that
Muslims are preordained by the Creator of the universe to put all nations under their rule.Those who resist them are forces of evil that deserve to be crushed without mercy. There is
thus progress in Islam, but progress is synonymous with Islamic law and Islamic rule.
Even if you are a Chinese person who strongly adheres to the teachings of Confucius, you do
not believe that all nations in the world should be permanently converted to the teachings of
Confucius, by brute force if necessary. A devout Confucian does not believe that he should
systematically copy every mundane thing Confucius did millennia ago, even down to the
way he had sex or visited the bathroom. You certainly do not believe that every single person
on planet Earth who mocks Confucius with a poem or a cartoon deserves to have his throat
cut.
The concept of Jihad, which is unique to Islam among all major world religions, stipulates
that Muslims should relentlessly strive to convert the entire world to the teachings of
Mohammed, by force if necessary. A pious Muslim believes that his Prophet is worthy of
emulation in all things and for all times, even down to the way he had sex or visited the
bathroom. A devout follower of Mohammed is willing to risk his life to silence anybody on
planet Earth who mocks Mohammed with a poem or a cartoon, if necessary by cutting their
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throats. It is above all this specific component of its teachings that makes Islam unique and,
frankly, uniquely dangerous.
Yes, there are aspects of Islamic culture that are backward-looking and can stifle positive
progress. However, Muslims also look back to a past of war and violent conquest which they
want to replicate in the future. In this sense, Islamic culture is strongly forward-looking as
well. The problem is what its looking forward to: A future of global Jihad to establishIslamic rule and supremacy over every nation, culture and creed, by brute force if necessary;
a future where all cultures are superseded and supplanted by Arabic-Islamic culture; and a
future where the freedom of speech has been abolished worldwide concerning all aspects of
Islamic teachings plus the words and deeds of Mohammed. While the backward-looking
aspects of Islamic culture are mainly a problem for Muslims themselves by holding them
back, the forward-looking desire for global supremacy makes Islamic Jihad a problem for
everybody else and a permanent threat to the freedom and security of all of mankind.
In the West, the religion of Islam was in the past sometimes referred to as
Mohammedanism and its followers called Mohammedans. This is now considered
bigotry. The fact that the faith of Mohammed is called Islam while the belief-system ofConfucianism is named after its founder Confucius can leave the impression that Islam is
less focused on the personality of Mohammed than Confucianism is on the personality of
Confucius.
Yet the simple truth is that a devout Muslim is vastly more preoccupied with the minute
details of Mohammeds supposed life than even the most devout Confucian has ever been
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with the life of Confucius. Seen from that perspective, labeling this faith Mohammedanism
or its followers Mohammedans is not entirely wrong.
The religion of Christianity is named after Jesus of Nazareth, or Jesus Christ to Christian
believers. Muslims claim that although Mohammed received a world-changing divine
mission he was not actually divine himself or the son of God, as Christians believe thatJesus Christ was. Yet ironically, Islam is far more centered on exalting and emulating the
minute details of the supposed life of Mohammed 1400 years ago than Christianity is on
emulating every single thing Jesus did 2000 years ago. You might even claim that Islam is
far more obsessed with eternally emulating every single aspect of the supposed life and
behavior of a particular, allegedly perfect person than virtuallyany other major creed
throughout all of human history.
I say supposed life because some recent Western scholars have raised serious questions
about whether or not Mohammed as he is presented in Islamic texts ever existed. He could
be a partially or entirely invented character. If this is correct, this would ironically imply
that more than one in every five human beings on Earth spends his life emulating the
supposed behavior of a person who may never have existed at all the way he is presented
today.
All nations want their people to be strong and at the forefront of human achievement. The
Japanese want a strong Japan, the Indians want a strong India, and so on. The Chinese have
traditionally viewed their nation as the Middle Kingdom, the natural center of the world.
Many Chinese nationalists now probably want to restore what they see as Chinas economic
and political strength as well as cultural glory. This is only natural. What they do not seek,
though, is to invade, conquer and colonize all other countries on the planet, to wipe out their
cultures and replace them with their own. Devout Muslims do want these things, since theirreligion commands it.
As a Scandinavian and European, I want my nation to prosper and my continent to be
strong. However, if I reluctantly had to live in a world where my civilization was no longer
the strongest, I would choose a world in which Chinese civilization was the leader rather
than a world dominated by Islam. The Chinese and other non-Muslim Asians such as the
Japanese, Koreans and Vietnamese who visit Europe as tourists are often genuinely
interested in our artistic artifacts and relics of Europes dynamic past. They do not have
cultural beliefs banning the existence of our paintings or statues and no desire to destroy
these.
European culture and human civilization as a whole could survive a period of Chinesedominion. However, it may not survive Islamic global dominion, which would not only
destroy artistic creativity but probably also globally retard science and technology.