Mugabe and the White African
A Film by
Directors Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson
and Producers Elizabeth Morgan Hemlock
and David Pearson
Community
Engagement & Education
Discussion GuiDe
www.pbs.org/pov
POV
PoV
|2DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
PoVLetter froM the fiLMMAkers
We have worked together for 10 years — and
much of that time has been spent filming in
Africa, for which we have a huge passion.
We’ve recently been working on short films in
Africa; we have been privileged to tell the sto-
ries of people who are so poor that they would
never have “mattered” otherwise.
We have been in many life-or-death situations
with the people we’ve filmed and have cried
and laughed with them as we shared some of
the most intimate moments of their lives. Be-
cause of that, for some time we have been de-
veloping and working on ideas for
longer-format documentaries set in Africa.
The story of Mugabe and the White African is
a story that we feel the world should hear.
Much has been reported about the eradication
of white-owned farms in Zimbabwe and the
deterioration and subsequent collapse of the
country. We have all seen news images of
beaten farmers and seen the desperation in
people’s eyes as they live in hunger, hopelessness and fear. We wanted to make a film about a big issue like the land reform
program policy in Zimbabwe, but in a very intimate and personal way. our subject was Mike campbell, the Zimbabwean
commercial farmer who made legal history when he took President Robert Mugabe to the international court of the south-
ern African Development community (sADc) in 2007 and won his case a year later.
We believe the audience for our film is sophisticated and can read images and characters. Therefore, there is no commen-
tary, and we allow our “characters” to speak for themselves so as to build up a compelling narrative. The film hinges on emo-
tional moments in image and sound, so its impact on the memory will last long after the facts have been forgotten. This has
been our trademark, particularly in our work for comic Relief. The camera dwells on details — we like shots that are lavish
and lingering and show a trust in the relationship with our subjects. This story is epic and at the same time intimate, and the
shooting style reflects this. We let the unfolding action dictate the pace, but the feel is cinematic and in the moment.
We have done everything we can to tell this extraordinary story, one that would no doubt otherwise forever have remained
a “newspaper snippet.” We want this film to take the viewer to the heart of a historical moment, one that could be pivotal to
Africa’s future. The film responds to what unfolds, but at the end of the day we want viewers to be able to make up their own
minds.
We completed our film in the spring of 2009. Mike campbell passed away at his temporary home in Harare on April 6, 2011.
He never recovered from the injuries he suffered while being kidnapped and tortured by a gang trying to throw him off his
farm on June 29, 2008, just two days after the presidential run-off election. Mike was an amazing and brave man. We will miss
him.
Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson, Directors
Directors Lucy Bailey (l.) and Andrew Thompson (r.)
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVLetter froM the fiLMMAkers
|3DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Producers’ stAteMent
our company, Arturi Films, has a slate of fea-
ture films in development. The films’ common
strengths are that that they enable the audi-
ence to go on an emotional journey with the
characters in the story. The story of Mike
campbell and this fight for justice and the re-
turn of law in Zimbabwe immediately struck a
chord with us; immediately we felt that it
would resonate with a wider audience, espe-
cially because Mike was fighting for human
rights and against racism. The fact that he was
taking this action because his own president
was the perpetrator of human rights abuses
and the story was based in Africa, gave it a rel-
evance and urgency that we don’t come
across very often.
We thought that we could bring something
unique to Andy and Lucy’s vision for the film.
Financially and creatively, we were willing to
take the risk alongside our directors.
Mike campbell was an exceptionally coura-
geous man with great dignity and humor. His willingness to allow us to tell his story was important as it gave the world a clear
sense of what was really happening in Zimbabwe. it was a great honor for us to work with him, his son-in-law Ben Freeth and
the family, and the film is a testimony to Mike’s sense of fairness and desire for justice and the rule of law. Audiences the world
over have been touched by the strength of his character and his decency, reflected so beautifully in the Zimbabwe national
Anthem:
Oh lift high the banner, the flag of Zimbabwe
The symbol of freedom proclaiming victory;
We praise our heroes' sacrifice,
And vow to keep our land from foes;
And may the Almighty protect and bless our land.
Oh God, we beseech Thee to bless our native land;
The land of our fathers bestowed upon us all;
From Zambezi to Limpopo
May leaders be exemplary
And may the Almighty protect and bless our land.
Blessed be the land of Zimbabwe..
David Pearson and Elizabeth Morgan Hemlock, Producers
Producers David Pearson (l.) and elizabeth Morgan Hemlock (r.)
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoV
|4DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
PoV
5 Introduction
6 Potential Partners
6 Key Issues
7 Using This Guide
8 Background Information
8 Zimbabwe
10 Mount Carmel Farm
13 Southern African Development
Community Tribunal
15 Definitions of Racism
16 Selected People Featured
in Mugabe and the White African
18 General Discussion Questions
19 Discussion Prompts
23 Taking Action
24 Resources
26 How to Buy the Film
Writer
Faith Rogow, PhD
Insighters Educational Consulting
background Writers and editors
Kristine Wilton
Guide Producers, PoV
Eliza Licht
Director,
Community Engagement & Education, POV
Jamie Dobie
Coordinator,
Community Engagement & Education, POV
Design: Rafael Jiménez
Copy Editor: Natalie Danford
thanks to those who reviewed this guide:
Timothy Scarnecchia
Associate Professor, Department of History,
Kent State University
David Moore
Professor, Development Studies,
University of Johannesburg
Sara Cohan
Human Rights Education Specialist
tAbLe of contents credits
in Zimbabwe, de facto dictator Robert Mugabe has un-
leashed a “land reform” program aimed at driving whites
from the country through violence and intimidation. Mugabe
and the White African, a 90-minute documentary, much of
which was filmed clandestinely, tells the alarming story of
one family of proud “white Africans” who fight back.
The courage Mike campbell and his family display as they
defend their farm — in international court and on the ground
— is both inspiring and harrowing. As an outreach tool, this
record of the campbell family’s experiences raises questions
about race, racism, human rights, international law, the
strength of faith and family and, ultimately, the complex
legacy of european colonization of Africa.
PoVintroduction
|5DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Mike campbell (l.) , Ben Freeth (r.) and workers
on their farm in chegutu, Zimbabwe
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
Mugabe and the White African is well suited for use in a
variety of settings and is especially recommended for use
with:
• your local Pbs station
• Groups that have discussed previous Pbs and PoV
films relating to Africa, land rights, human rights
or international law, including Promised Land,
The Reckoning: The Battle for the International
Criminal Court, Sierra Leone’s Refugee All Stars
and Good Fortune.
• Groups focused on any of the issues listed in the
key issues section
• high school students
• faith-based organizations and institutions
• cultural, art and historical organizations,
institutions and museums
• civic, fraternal and community groups
• Academic departments and student groups at
colleges, universities and high schools
• community organizations with a mission to
promote education and learning, such as local
libraries
Mugabe and the White African is an excellent tool for
outreach and will be of special interest to people looking
to explore the following topics:
Africa
African nationalism
Agriculture
black nationalism
british colonialism
dictatorship
human rights
imperialism
international law
Justice
Land ownership
Land reform/land use policy
Mugabe, robert
Political power and patronage
race
racial and class privilege
racism
reconciliation
reparations
social justice
southern African development community
Violence
Zimbabwe
PoV
|6DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
PoVPotentiAL PArtners key issues
PoVusinG this Guide
|7DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
This guide is an invitation to dialogue. it is based on a
belief in the power of human connection, designed for
people who want to use Mugabe and the White African
to engage family, friends, classmates, colleagues and
communities. in contrast to initiatives that foster de-
bates in which participants try to convince others that
they are right, this document envisions conversations
undertaken in a spirit of openness in which people try to
understand one another and expand their thinking by
sharing viewpoints and listening actively.
The discussion prompts are intentionally crafted to help
a wide range of audiences think more deeply about the
issues in the film. Rather than attempting to address
them all, choose one or two that best meet your needs
and interests. And be sure to leave time to consider tak-
ing action. Planning next steps can help people leave
the room feeling energized and optimistic, even in in-
stances when conversations have been difficult.
For more detailed event planning and facilitation tips,
visit www.pbs.org/pov/outreach
Mike campbell (l.) and Ben Freeth (r.) in the
sADAc court, namibia
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|8DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
ZiMbAbWe
Located in southern Africa, Zimbabwe is a land-locked na-
tion of 13 million people. The population is approximately 98
percent black African and 1 percent white.
Prior to independence in 1980, the nation was known as
Rhodesia and was controlled by the British. Attempts to
overthrow white rule, including ongoing guerilla attacks,
began in the 1960s. These attacks, along with united nations
sanctions, ultimately led to elections in 1979 and full inde-
pendence (including the renaming of the country) in 1980.
During this period of war, Robert Mugabe rose to promi-
nence as the leader of the Zimbabwe African national
union — Patriotic Front (ZAnu-PF) and became the
nation’s first prime minister. The Mugabe govern-
ment preached reconciliation and unity, both between rival
parties and between blacks and whites. However, Mugabe
increasingly consolidated power; in 1987, the position of
prime minister was abolished and he became president. in
2000, with his party threatened by the new opposition party
Movement for Democratic change (MDc), Mugabe initiated
a wave of land invasions with help from a war veterans’ as-
sociation. since then, he and his party have mobilized vio-
lence and rigged elections to guarantee their own victory.
A worker on the campbell farm watches helplessly
as farm buildings burn
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|9DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
General elections held in March 2008 reflected foundering
support for Mugabe’s ZAnu-PF-led government, with the
opposition winning a majority of seats in parliament. MDc
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai won majority votes in
the presidential polls, but not enough to win outright. The
subsequent run-off election was marred by violence, intimi-
dation and fraud. As a result, Tsvangirai withdrew, and the
process was condemned internationally.
To ensure a degree of international and domestic legitimacy,
the southern African Development community (sADc) —
led by Thabo Mbeki, then president of south Africa — bro-
kered a power-sharing agreement that left Mugabe as pres-
ident and installed Tsvangirai as prime minister. However,
conflicts have continued. Mugabe, now in his eighties, has
publicly called for early elections soon, but there is yet to be
a new constitution, which was a requirement of the power-
sharing agreement. even though no election date has been
set, most observers already fear a repeat of the extensive vi-
olence that followed the 2008 elections.
Land and economic reforms
under British colonial rule and the white minority ruled
Rhodesian government, it was commonplace for whites to
seize for themselves the best tracts of farmable land, leaving
black peasant farmers to work the remaining swaths and any
tribal reserves. By 1980, when Zimbabwe declared inde-
pendence, approximately 6,000 white commercial farmers
owned 15.5 million hectares (or 47 percent) of the country’s
agricultural land; 8,000 black small-scale farmers owned or
leased 1.4 million hectares; and 700,000 peasant farmers oc-
cupied 16.4 million communal hectares.
in the first two decades of Mugabe’s rule, Mugabe addressed
this historical inequity gradually, so as not to disrupt essen-
tial agricultural production completely. Through lawful re-
distribution, the amount of white-owned land was reduced
by one quarter as blacks bought up farms and the govern-
ment purchased and redistributed approximately 3.6 million
hectares of land to 70,000 peasant households.
By 2000, however, Mugabe’s popularity was waning, as
were his government’s financial resources. Legal redistribu-
tion had been weakened by corruption and cronyism, and
Mugabe found it more and more difficult to keep political
promises to increase black land ownership. To boost his poll
numbers, Mugabe intensified his anti-white rhetoric and
began a campaign of involuntary land seizures. Part of
this campaign was known as the “fast track”
process: Landless black applicants living in communal areas
were invited officially to apply for land of their own. They
filled out forms made available through government or civil
institutions. The forms were then reviewed to establish eli-
gibility and priority level, and the applicants were matched
up with farms that had been selected for resettlement.
The farms to be resettled were to be selected according to
a convoluted process that would identify a reason that a par-
ticular property had been targeted. Aggrieved landowners
who believed that their land had been chosen arbitrarily
could appeal to provincial authorities, though once farms
were selected, they could be taken by force no matter what
the landowner did to appeal the decision. in 2001, Mugabe
retroactively amended the process so that ownership of any
selected land was transferred immediately, without even the
possibility for appeal. owners had 90 days to vacate. Blacks
applying to receive farms often submitted their applications
not to civic structures, but to the war veterans’ militias oc-
cupying the relevant farms.
This new aggressive land redistribution policy was rife with
corruption from the start, with farms given to party insiders
with no experience in tending fields. even when peasant
farmers were the recipients of farms, they often failed to re-
ceive proper training. About 20 percent of Zimbabwe’s total
land area was redistributed, sparking an exodus of white (ex-
perienced) farmers, crippling the economy and ushering in
widespread shortages of basic commodities.
several subsequent actions weakened the economy even
further, including a costly intervention in the second congo
War (1998-2003), a 2005 “urban renewal” program result-
ing in the destruction of the homes and businesses of
700,000 (mostly poor) supporters of the opposition and, in
2007, the institution of price controls on all basic commodi-
ties that led to panic buying and empty store shelves for
months at a time. The central bank continued to print money
to pay war veterans and foreign debts, leading to hyperin-
flation, which in turn led to a severe economic crisis that was
only averted by the dollarization of the economy under the
coalition government in 2009. Zimbabwe’s economic insta-
bility continues today.
sources:
BBc news. “Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe strongman.”
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/643737.stm
BBc news. “Zimbabwe country Profile.”
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1064589.stm#media
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|10DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
“Has Zimbabwe’s Runaway inflation Been Tamed?” TIME, March 26, 2009
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1887809,00.html
Hellum, Anne and Bill Derman. “Land Reform and Human Rights in
contemporary Zimbabwe: Balancing individual and social Justice
Through an integrated Human Rights Framework.” World Development
32, no. 10 (2004).
Human Rights Watch. “Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe.”
http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2002/03/08/fast-track-land-reform-
zimbabwe
institute of Development studies. “Zimbabwe’s Land Reform Ten Years
on: new study Dispels the Myths.”
http://www.ids.ac.uk/go/news/zimbabwe-s-land-reform-ten-years-on-
new-study-dispels-the-myths
Kinloch, Graham c. “changing Racial Attitudes in Zimbabwe:
colonial/Post-colonial Dynamics.” Journal of Black Studies 34, no. 2
(2003).
Klein, Andy. “Mugabe and the White African: Movie Review.” The
Christian Science Monitor, August 11, 2010.
http://www.csmonitor.com/The-culture/Movies/2010/0811/Mugabe-
and-the-White-African-movie-review
salopek, Paul. “Mugabe’s Rise and Fall Are Template for Difficult era in
Africa’s History.” The Seattle Times, April 3, 2008.
http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2004324059_
mugabe03.html
shaw, William H. “‘They stole our Land’: Debating the expropriation of
White Farms in Zimbabwe.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 41,
no. 1 (2003).
smiley, Xan. “Zimbabwe, southern Africa, and the Rise of Mugabe.”
Foreign Affairs Magazine, summer 1980.
Mount cArMeL fArM
Mike campbell was born on a farm in Klerksdorp, south
Africa, into a family that had farmed in Africa since 1713. in
the early 1970s, Mike served as a captain in the south African
army and fought in the Rhodesian Bush War.
in 1974, campbell moved to Mount carmel farm in the
chegutu district of Zimbabwe. He bought the 3,000-acre
plot and began stocking it with game and planting it with
corn and mangoes. eventually, he opened a safari lodge that
became a popular tourist destination. until three years ago,
the farm boasted 45 giraffes, 300 impala, 150 wildebeest and
50 eland, as well as waterbuck, warthogs, zebras and game
birds. By the end of the 1990s, Mount carmel farm was
the largest mango producer in Zimbabwe, generat-
ing much-needed export earnings for the country. More than
500 people lived on the farm, including workers and their
spouses and children. After a 24-year loan on the farm had
been repaid, the farm was legally transferred into the family’s
company name upon receipt of a “certificate of no interest”
from the Mugabe government, which had the first purchase
option on any sale.
Mike campbell in the mango crops
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|11DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Mount carmel farm: Land reform and court battle
The difficulties for campbell and the 500 people living on
Mount carmel farm began in november 1997, when the
property was listed for acquisition as part of the govern-
ment’s land reform program. The acquisition was part of Mu-
gabe’s inequitable land redistribution, under which land is
often allocated to senior political associates, the elite and
wealthy friends of Mugabe and his government. The man
planning to move onto campbell’s farm is one of the coun-
try’s former most visible political leaders, nathan shamu-
yarira, previously the spokesman for Mugabe’s ruling
ZAnu-PF party.
in 2000, armed gangs of supposedly landless former inde-
pendence fighters — urged on by Mugabe, who had “can-
celled” all title deeds and declared that all land belonged to
the government — began invading white-owned farms. After
the farm invasions began, campbell, his family, their workers
and other farmers in the district became the target of unre-
lenting state-sponsored violence and intimidation. The sa-
fari lodge was burned down, wildlife slaughtered and
cattle rustled. After getting no recourse in the Zim-
babwean courts, campbell took his case to the sADc tribu-
nal in october 2007, and in March of the following year an
additional 77 white commercial farmers joined the case as
interveners.
Just two days after the July 2008 Zimbabwean presidential
run-off election, Mike campbell, his wife and his son-in-law
Ben Freeth were abducted by militia and taken to a remote
camp, where they were tortured for nine hours. campbell
sustained severe head injuries, broken ribs and damage to
his lower limbs caused by “falanga” (a method of torture that
involves beating the soles of the feet). His wife, Angela, was
forced to sign an agreement that the family would not con-
tinue its court battle. All three were dumped on the road-
side; once discovered there, they were rushed to the
hospital.
campbell’s injuries prevented him from attending the sADc
tribunal’s final hearing. However, Freeth, despite being
Farm Worker on campbell farm
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVBackground InformatIon
|12DISCUSSION GUIDe
Mugabe and the White African
wheelchair-bound and
having sustained a frac-
tured skull, was able to
represent the Campbell
case. During this hear-
ing, the international
court of the SADC
ruled that the land re-
form program was dis-
criminatory and was
not being conducted
according to the rule of
law. Therefore, it
granted Campbell and
the other dispossessed
white farmers the re-
turn of their property.
However, the Harare
government refused to
honor that ruling, and
Campbell and his family
continued to be victim-
ized. A year later, a
government-sponsored
militia burned the
Campbell and Freeth
homesteads to the
ground.
Campbell, continuing to seek justice, launched another legal
action in early 2011. This case sought to compel SADC heads
of state, including President Mugabe, to restore the functions
of the tribunal, which had been suspended following the rul-
ing in favor of the white farmers. Unfortunately, Campbell
never recovered from the injuries he sustained from the bru-
tal beating, and he died on April 6, 2011 at the age of 79.
Campbell is survived by his wife, Angela, their son, Bruce,
two daughters, Cathy and Laura, and six grandchildren.
Sources:
Herbstein, Denis. “Mike Campbell Obituary.” The Guardian, April 24, 2011.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/24/mike-campbell-obituary
“Mike Campbell.” The Telegraph, April 8, 2011
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-obituaries/
8439131/Mike-Campbell.html
Mugabe and the White African.
http://www.mugabeandthewhiteafrican.com/
Farm worker on the Campbell farm in front
of buildings destroyed by fire
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVBackground InformatIon
|13DISCUSSION GUIDe
Mugabe and the White African
SoutHErn afrIcan dEVELoPmEnt
communItY trIBunaL
The Southern African Development Community (SADC)
tribunal, the region’s highest court, was established as an
institution of the SADC in 1992, although it only became
operational in August 2005.
The SADC’s original objective was the political liberation of
southern Africa, but its mission has grown to one of pro-
moting sustainable and equitable economic growth and
socio-economic development through efficient productive
systems, deeper co-operation and integration, good gover-
nance and durable peace and security, so that the southern
African region emerges as a competitive and effective player
in international relations and the world economy. The SADC
currently has a membership of 15 states: Angola, Botswana,
Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South
Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia
and Zimbabwe.
The SADC tribunal, which sits in Namibia, is one of eight in-
stitutions under the umbrella of the SADC. The tribunal has
jurisdiction over disputes between SADC states and disputes
between persons and member states. A person may only
bring a case before the tribunal if he or she has exhausted all
other legal avenues in his or her state of residence. Since
2007, five suits have been filed in the tribunal — two con-
tract claims against SADC, a contract claim against Zanzibar
and two cases against the government of Zimbabwe, in-
cluding Campbell v. Republic of Zimbabwe.
In the case of Campbell v. Republic of Zimbabwe, the tribu-
nal determined that the plaintiff’s farm was illegally seized
by the government and the plaintiffs were owed compensa-
tion. The tribunal condemned the seizures as “racist” and as
theft on a grand scale. In the course of litigation, the Camp-
bells were issued orders demanding that the government
cease expulsions from the farm. The government of Zim-
babwe not only did not comply with the cease and desist
Inside the SADC court, Namibia, during the Campbell hearing
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVBackground InformatIon
|14DISCUSSION GUIDe
Mugabe and the White African
order, but it also failed to comply with the final decision.
Though Zimbabwe is a member of the SADC, it replied that
the tribunal has no force and refused to recognize it as a le-
gitimate body of legal authority.
Following Zimbabwe’s non-compliance, the SADC effec-
tively shut down the tribunal in May 2011, citing a need to re-
view the tribunal’s role and functions.
Sources:
Amnesty International. “SADC Tribunal Struggles for Legitimacy.”
http://blog.amnestyusa.org/justice/sadc-tribunal-struggles-for-
legitimacy/
“Mike Campbell.” The Telegraph, April 8, 2011
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-
obituaries/8439131/Mike-Campbell.html
Southern African Development Community.
http://www.sadc.int/
Southern Africa Litigation Centre. “For Mugabe’s Sake: SADC Leaders
Sabotage the SADC Tribunal and Undermine the Rule of Law.”
http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/news/item/
Press_Release_For_Mugabe_s_Sake_SADC_Leaders_Sabotage
Elize Angula, a Namibian lawyer, is part of
Mike Campbell’s legal team
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|15DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
definitions of rAcisM
in the united states and other West-
ern nations, definitions of racism re-
flect a history of slavery and
colonization by caucasians of peoples
of color. in this context, the term
racism has been used to mean:
- Prejudice, i.e., the belief that one race
is superior to another (typical in the
rhetoric of hate groups, or the every-
day use of racial slurs or jokes);
- individual discriminatory acts based
on skin color or other racial traits (e.g.,
a landlord refusing to rent to members
of a particular racial group);
- institutional policies that intentionally
discriminate on the basis of race (e.g.,
redlining to prevent blacks and other
minorities from securing mortgages for properties in certain
neighborhoods);
- institutional polices that unintentionally reinforce or create
discrimination based on race (e.g., basing school funding on
property tax assessments, resulting in perennial underfund-
ing of schools in poor neighborhoods where minorities are
overrepresented).
some people define prejudice as separate from racism, re-
serving the latter term for those who actually have the
power to act on or institutionalize injustice based on their
beliefs.
in recent years, justifications for racial inequity based on sci-
entifically identifiable characteristics used to distinguish one
race from another have largely been discredited by DnA and
other evidence. The absence of a scientific basis bolsters the
arguments of those who see race as a social construct de-
signed to benefit some groups of people at the expense of
others.
in Western countries, this social construct has resulted in
white privilege, a condition in which all whites — even those
who actively oppose racial discrimination — benefit from the
existence of racism.
in Zimbabwe, because Mugabe’s government ostensibly rep-
resents and is run by the country’s black majority, his dis-
criminatory race-based policy to combat historical
race-based injustices has turned common Western
constructions of racism upside down. in Mugabe’s
“Africa for Africans” rhetoric, blacks alone are entitled to the
protections and benefits of government, while whites are ei-
ther denied citizenship entirely or relegated to second-class
status based on their race alone.
in discussions of the film, some people may see Mugabe’s
actions as a continuing response to the damages of colonial
racism, and under those circumstances they may reserve the
term “racist” for actions taken by whites. others will see Mu-
gabe’s race-based policies as being no different from white
discrimination against blacks and will think the term “racist”
accurately describes Mugabe’s policies.
source:
PBs. “Race: The Power of an Illusion.”
www.pbs.org/race/
Deputy Attorney General Advocate Prince Machaya,
Lead council in President Mugabe’s legal team, at sADc court
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|16DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Mike and Angela campbell
owners of the Mount carmel farm
ben and Laura freeth
Mike and Angela campbell’s son-in-law and daughter
Selected People Featured in Mugabe and the White African
PoVbAckGround inforMAtion
|17DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Selected People Featured in Mugabe and the White African
Zach and claire freeth
Ben Freeth’s parents
elize Angula and Jeremy Gauntlett
Attorneys for campbell and Freeth
Immediately after the film, you may want to give people a
few quiet moments to reflect on what they have seen. If
the mood seems tense, you can pose a general question
and give people some time to themselves to jot down or
think about their answers before opening the discussion.
Unless you think participants are so uncomfortable that
they can’t engage until they have had a break, don’t en-
courage people to leave the room between the film and
the discussion. If you save your break for an appropriate
moment during the discussion, you won’t lose the feeling
of the film as you begin your dialogue.
One way to get a discussion going is to pose a general
question, such as:
• if you could ask anyone in the film a single question,
who would you ask and what would you ask him or
her?
• What did you learn from this film? What insights did
it provide?
• if a friend asked you what this film was about, what
would you say? What are the key themes?
• describe a moment or scene in the film that you
found particularly disturbing or moving. What was it
about that scene that was especially compelling for
you?
PoVGenerAL discussion Questions
|18DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Mike campbell (r.) and Ben Freeth (l.) with some of
the workers on their farm in chegutu, Zimbabwe
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVdiscussion ProMPts
|19DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
nationalism, Land and the Legacy of
european colonialism
• Ben Freeth says, “This case is a direct challenge to
Robert Mugabe and his government. But it’s also a challenge
to the rest of the world. We want the world to wake up to
the injustices of what is happening inside Zimbabwe. We
want people to face the problem, to face the real issues at
stake.” in your view, what are the “real issues” and why are
they a challenge not only to Zimbabwe, but “also a challenge
to the rest of the world”?
• Mugabe frames his anti-white policy as a reaction to
the damaging aspects of the legacy of British imperialism:
“Africa for Africans, Zimbabwe for Zimbabweans. The land is
ours. it’s not european. it’s our land.” He argues that removal
of whites achieves “justice for his people; sovereignty for his
people.” in what ways does taking away land from whites
begin to redress historical injustices and in what ways does
a racially determined policy simply continue to embed insti-
tutional racism in government policy? in the campbell’s
case, why might it matter that they purchased their
farm after Zimbabwean independence (and didn’t simply in-
herit it from european colonizers)?
• Why might Mugabe be so focused on redistributing
land ownership? What is the relationship between owning
land and power?
• campbell is, by all accounts, a model employer. He and
Freeth think of their workers as a community and are con-
cerned that if they lose the farm, their workers will lose their
livelihood. nevertheless, they own the land and have more
power than their employees. so what is the distinction, if
any, between being an excellent employer concerned with
the well-being of one’s workers and being paternalistic (i.e.,
taking the prerogative of determining what is best for some-
one else)? How is the employer/employee relationship af-
fected by the historical context in which it occurs (which, in
this case, is a legacy of white europeans discriminating
against black Africans)?
Laura Freeth and child, on their farm in Zimbabwe
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVdiscussion ProMPts
|20DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
• campbell says, “if we win the case, the whole land re-
form program in Zimbabwe becomes illegal. Then every
farmer that’s been kicked off his land has got the right to
come back to his farm!” in your view, is this a desirable out-
come? Why or why not? should those whose land rights
stem from British rule get their farms back, or only those
who, like campbell, acquired their land after independence?
• What do you make of the encounter between Peter
chamada and Ben Freeth? (chamada is the man who shows
up to claim the farm, saying the government has given it to
him.) chamada says, “The land belongs to the black peas-
ants. it is ours! The government took it from you people to
redistribute it to the black poor majority… This country will
never be a colony again.” How does Freeth counter this ar-
gument? How would you?
race and identity
• Attorney elize Angula uses the label “racist” to describe
Mugabe’s policy prohibiting whites from owning farms, ex-
plaining, “if we were to lose this case, Africa will have a pres-
ident that says, ‘You can discriminate on the basis of color,
of race.’” Does her view match your own understanding of
the term “racist”? in your view, does it provide support for
completely “color blind” policies? if not, under what circum-
stances would it not be racist to treat people of different
races differently?
• Angula says, “Mike is a true African completely. And
what i like about Mike is that Mike doesn’t try to be a black
Laura Freeth with the women who work for her
by embroidering as part of her linen business
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVdiscussion ProMPts
|21DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
African. He is a white African. He will talk about things that
happened in his experience as a white African.” Why is
African identity an issue for the campbells and Freeths?
What do you think Angula means when she commends
campbell for not trying to “be a black African”? What do you
learn from the film about the construction of racial, ethnic
and national identity?
• Freeth approaches his situation with a universalist view
of humanity, explaining that Mugabe’s desire to drive white
people out of Zimbabwe is “wrong because we are all chil-
dren of God.” Who benefits from this view of humanity?
Who might be harmed by it? How might a Mugabe sup-
porter react to this view? How might it help or hinder
prospects for reconciliation?
seeking Justice
• campbell and Freeth seek justice in an international
court in namibia on the grounds that Zimbabwe is a sig-
natory to the southern African Development commu-
nity treaty. Yet after receiving a judgment in their
favor, they still wonder if they will be safe on their farm. in
your view, under what circumstances do international courts
have appropriate jurisdiction? What is the source of their au-
thority? What processes should be used to enforce their de-
cisions?
• explain how the court case exemplifies the saying “Jus-
tice delayed is justice denied.” if justice for white farmers is
impossible under Mugabe, should other nations respond? if
so, how? Which factors determine whether or not other
countries should intervene?
• Jeffrey Jowell says, “Democracy is not only about what
the majority of the people think; it’s also about protecting
fundamental human rights, making sure that you can’t do
certain things to individuals.” Where do you see examples of
this interpretation of democracy and where do you see ex-
amples of democracies falling short of this ideal?
sADc court papers stating Mike campbell V Robert Mugabe,
President of Zimbabwe
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVdiscussion ProMPts
|22DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
fighting injustice
• Freeth says, “i think we have been put
here for a purpose. And we must carry out
that purpose for which we were put here.”
What values are they fighting for? if they suc-
ceed, how will those values strengthen or
weaken Zimbabwe?
• campbell says, “i wouldn’t like my
grandchildren to, one day in the future, say,
‘You know, my grandfather had a farm in
Africa. But a few guys came along and said
‘boo’ to him and he packed his bags and ran
away and left the farm.’ i’d rather they had the
impression that we fought for the farm,
whether we keep it or lose it. At least we’ve
tried our best.” How would you describe the
legacy that campbell is leaving his grandchil-
dren?
• claire Freeth asks, “Do you just walk away? Do you just
do nothing, or do you stand for what’s right and what you
believe is right for other people?” Zach Freeth adds, “if good
men do nothing, then evil will prevail and you have to fight
the evil.” Have you stood up and fought for things? What? in
what situation would you be willing to do so?
• Angela campbell explains how her family’s faith sus-
tains them, saying, “There’s no manmade thing we can trust.
The law, the order, the police — everything has been torn
away, ripped away from us. And so we’ve actually been left
in a wonderful position, really, of just trusting God for every-
thing.” How do these people draw strength from their reli-
gion?
• Would you describe the campbells and the Freeths as
heroes? Why or why not?
Moving toward reconciliation
• Mugabe says to whites, “our present state of mind is
that you are now our enemies.” Who benefits most from de-
claring whites to be “enemies”? can you think of ways that
the Zimbabwean government could address race-based his-
torical wrongs without making whites into “enemies”?
• Ben Freeth and attorney Jeremy Gauntlett see Mu-
gabe’s land reform policy as a power grab that provides pa-
tronage opportunities for Mugabe’s relatives and supporters.
Assuming that this is true, how does it complicate the task
of those who believe in the need for land reform policy that
more equitably distributes land ownership to blacks? How
might people seeking justice and equity separate out the
corrupt aspects of Mugabe’s government from legitimate ef-
forts to redress historical inequities? in your view, would it
have made a difference in campbell’s case if the Mugabe
government had turned over the farm to campbell’s em-
ployees rather than delivering it to someone else as a pa-
tronage reward? Why or why not?
• What might white farm owners like the campbells do
to help redress historical inequities without acquiescing to
the notion that whites should not own land?
Mike campbell in the sADc court, namibia
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
Additional media literacy questions are available at:
www.pbs.org/pov/educators/media-literacy.php
• Follow up a screening of the film with a panel discus-
sion or teach-in on the historical legacy of european colo-
nialism in Africa.
• convene a study circle to look at reconciliation strate-
gies that nations such as south Africa have used to heal from
longstanding social inequities or human rights abuses. iden-
tify race, gender or ethnic inequalities that have existed or
do exist in your community. consider applying what you
have learned about reconciliation to your community.
• examine how south Africa and other African nations
have addressed land redistribution issues in pursuit of racial
equity. use what you learn to inform the creation of a set of
recommendations for Zimbabwe.
• investigate historical land ownership policies in your
community. Look at who was prevented from owning land in
particular places; the consequences of exclusionary owner-
ship policies on subsequent generations; and possible reme-
dies for the resulting inequities.
• Find out the current u.s. foreign policy approach to-
ward Mugabe and Zimbabwe. Let your elected representa-
tives know what you think the policy should be, particularly
in relation to whether or not Mugabe should be removed by
force, arrested and/or tried for human rights abuses.
• Join local community groups and national organiza-
tions that are advocating to end ongoing human rights vio-
lations in Zimbabwe.
AfrIcA AcTIOn
http://www.africaaction.org
Africa Action is the oldest human rights organization fo-
cused exclusively on Africa. in partnership with activists and
civil society organizations throughout the united states and
Africa, Africa Action is working to change u.s. foreign policy
and the policies of international institutions in order to sup-
port African struggles for peace and development.
AMnEsTy InTErnATIOnAL
http://www.amnesty.org
The Take Action section of the Amnesty international web-
site allows visitors to sign up for Amnesty international’s
Zimbabwe blog to receive emails when new postings, in-
cluding news and actions, are available.
InTErnATIOnAL crIsIs GrOUP
http://www.crisisgroup.org
The international crisis Group is an independent, nonprofit,
nongovernmental organization committed to preventing
and resolving deadly conflict.
AfrIcAn cOMMIssIOn On HUMAn AnD
PEOPLEs’ rIGHTs
http://www.achpr.org/english/_info/news_en.html
established by the African charter on Human and Peoples’
Rights, which came into force on october 21, 1986, the
African commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is
charged with ensuring the promotion and protection of
human and peoples’ rights throughout the African continent.
IDAsA
http://www.idasa.org/donate/take_action
The Take Action page of the idasa website provides ways to
get involved in building democratic societies in Africa, in-
cluding promoting the African charter on Democracy; sign-
ing up for the Right to Know campaign; getting involved in
a reflect circle; joining a study tour; and subscribing to the
idasa newsletter.
PoVtAkinG Action
|23DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
FILM-RELATED WEB SITES
Original Online Content on
POV Interactive (www.pbs.org/pov)
The POV Mugabe and the White African website
www.pbs.org/pov/mugabe
includes a photo gallery of images taken during the
filming of the movie; a timeline of Zimbabwe’s history
and the progression of land redistribution under
Mugabe’s rule; bios of the key players in the film; a film
update; and a map of the Campbells’ Mount Carmel farm
and the surrounding region. As with all POV film websites,
viewers can also access a video interview with the
filmmakers and participate in a live chat the day after the
premiere broadcast. Educators may record the film and
show Mugabe and the White African in their classrooms
for one year following the broadcast. Additionally, video
clips from the film are available for streaming along with
the free lesson plan. All viewers can download and print
out the free discussion guide for background information,
discussion questions and tips for screening Mugabe and
the White African at community events.
Zimbabwe
ALL AFRICA
http://allafrica.com/zimbabwe
This news organization specializes in covering Africa and is
a good place to find recent news about Zimbabwe.
BBC NEWS. “ZIMBABWE COuNTRY PROFILE”
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1064589.stm
A good starting place for general information about Zim-
babwe, including historical overviews and links to current
news stories.
FREETh, BEN. Mugabe and the White african
London: Trafalgar Square Publishing, 2011.
Ben Freeth has published a book of the same name, chroni-
cling his family's fight to keep hold of their farm after it was
claimed by Mugabe's government.
u.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
“BACkgROuND NOTE: ZIMBABWE”
www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5479.htm
This overview includes general information about Zimbabwe
as well as summaries of U.S.-Zimbabwean relations and Zim-
babwe foreign policy.
ZIMBABWE
www.gta.gov.zw
The official web portal of Zimbabwe provides information
on the country from the government’s perspective.
PoVResouRces
|24DISCUSSION GUIDe
Mugabe and the White African
What’s Your POV? Share your thoughts about
Mugabe and the White African
by posting a comment on the POV Blog
www.pbs.org/pov/blog or send an email to [email protected].
human rights and international Law
HUMAn rIGHTs WATcH
“WOrLD rEPOrT 2011: ZIMBABWE”
www.hrw.org/en/world-report-2011/zimbabwe
This links to the organization’s current report on the status
of human rights in Zimbabwe. For information about previ-
ous years, search “Zimbabwe” on the organization’s home-
page.
sOUTHErn AfrIcAn DEVELOPMEnT cOMMUnITy
http://www.sadc.int
The website of this coalition includes information on mem-
ber states, land reform policies, the tribunal and the official
decision in the campbell case.
Land reform
HUMAn AnD cOnsTITUTIOnAL rIGHTs
“ZIMBABWE GOVErnMEnT AnD fArMErs
LOckED In LAnD rEfOrM DIsPUTE”
http://www.hrcr.org/hottopics/zimbabwe.html
Though somewhat dated, this web page includes conven-
ient links to documents central to land reform in Zimbabwe.
POV. “PrOMIsED LAnD”
www.pbs.org/pov/promisedland
especially useful on this site for a previous PoV film on this
topic are the links and background information on how
south Africa and other regions of the world have handled
land reform issues.
PoVresources
|25DISCUSSION GUIDE
Mugabe and the White African
Member of President Mugabe’s legal team
at sADc Tribunal, namibia
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
PoVhoW to buy the fiLM
To order Mugabe and the White African
for home use, go to www.mugabeandthewhiteafrican.com
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Front cover: Mike campbell (center right) and Ben Freeth
(center back) with some of the workers on their farm in
chegutu, Zimbabwe
Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited
The see it on PBs logo is a trademark of the Public Broadcasting service and is used with permission. All rights reserved.