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Mugabe and the White African

A Film by

Directors Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson

and Producers Elizabeth Morgan Hemlock

and David Pearson

Community

Engagement & Education

Discussion GuiDe

www.pbs.org/pov

POV

PoV

|2DISCUSSION GUIDE


PoVLetter froM the fiLMMAkers

We have worked together for 10 years — and

much of that time has been spent filming in

Africa, for which we have a huge passion.

We’ve recently been working on short films in

Africa; we have been privileged to tell the sto-

ries of people who are so poor that they would

never have “mattered” otherwise.

We have been in many life-or-death situations

with the people we’ve filmed and have cried

and laughed with them as we shared some of

the most intimate moments of their lives. Be-

cause of that, for some time we have been de-

veloping and working on ideas for

longer-format documentaries set in Africa.

The story of Mugabe and the White African is

a story that we feel the world should hear.

Much has been reported about the eradication

of white-owned farms in Zimbabwe and the

deterioration and subsequent collapse of the

country. We have all seen news images of

beaten farmers and seen the desperation in

people’s eyes as they live in hunger, hopelessness and fear. We wanted to make a film about a big issue like the land reform

program policy in Zimbabwe, but in a very intimate and personal way. our subject was Mike campbell, the Zimbabwean

commercial farmer who made legal history when he took President Robert Mugabe to the international court of the south-

ern African Development community (sADc) in 2007 and won his case a year later.

We believe the audience for our film is sophisticated and can read images and characters. Therefore, there is no commen-

tary, and we allow our “characters” to speak for themselves so as to build up a compelling narrative. The film hinges on emo-

tional moments in image and sound, so its impact on the memory will last long after the facts have been forgotten. This has

been our trademark, particularly in our work for comic Relief. The camera dwells on details — we like shots that are lavish

and lingering and show a trust in the relationship with our subjects. This story is epic and at the same time intimate, and the

shooting style reflects this. We let the unfolding action dictate the pace, but the feel is cinematic and in the moment.

We have done everything we can to tell this extraordinary story, one that would no doubt otherwise forever have remained

a “newspaper snippet.” We want this film to take the viewer to the heart of a historical moment, one that could be pivotal to

Africa’s future. The film responds to what unfolds, but at the end of the day we want viewers to be able to make up their own

minds.

We completed our film in the spring of 2009. Mike campbell passed away at his temporary home in Harare on April 6, 2011.

He never recovered from the injuries he suffered while being kidnapped and tortured by a gang trying to throw him off his

farm on June 29, 2008, just two days after the presidential run-off election. Mike was an amazing and brave man. We will miss

him.

Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson, Directors

Directors Lucy Bailey (l.) and Andrew Thompson (r.)

Photo courtesy of Arturi Films Limited

PoVLetter froM the fiLMMAkers

|3DISCUSSION GUIDE


Producers’ stAteMent

our company, Arturi Films, has a slate of fea-

ture films in development. The films’ common

strengths are that that they enable the audi-

ence to go on an emotional journey with the

characters in the story. The story of Mike

campbell and this fight for justice and the re-

turn of law in Zimbabwe immediately struck a

chord with us; immediately we felt that it

would resonate with a wider audience, espe-

cially because Mike was fighting for human

rights and against racism. The fact that he was

taking this action because his own president

was the perpetrator of human rights abuses

and the story was based in Africa, gave it a rel-

evance and urgency that we don’t come

across very often.

We thought that we could bring something

unique to Andy and Lucy’s vision for the film.

Financially and creatively, we were willing to

take the risk alongside our directors.

Mike campbell was an exceptionally coura-

geous man with great dignity and humor. His willingness to allow us to tell his story was important as it gave the world a clear

sense of what was really happening in Zimbabwe. it was a great honor for us to work with him, his son-in-law Ben Freeth and

the family, and the film is a testimony to Mike’s sense of fairness and desire for justice and the rule of law. Audiences the world

over have been touched by the strength of his character and his decency, reflected so beautifully in the Zimbabwe national

Anthem:

Oh lift high the banner, the flag of Zimbabwe

The symbol of freedom proclaiming victory;

We praise our heroes' sacrifice,

And vow to keep our land from foes;

And may the Almighty protect and bless our land.

Oh God, we beseech Thee to bless our native land;

The land of our fathers bestowed upon us all;

From Zambezi to Limpopo

May leaders be exemplary

And may the Almighty protect and bless our land.

Blessed be the land of Zimbabwe..

David Pearson and Elizabeth Morgan Hemlock, Producers

Producers David Pearson (l.) and elizabeth Morgan Hemlock (r.)


PoV

|4DISCUSSION GUIDE


PoV

5 Introduction

6 Potential Partners

6 Key Issues

7 Using This Guide

8 Background Information

8 Zimbabwe

10 Mount Carmel Farm

13 Southern African Development

Community Tribunal

15 Definitions of Racism

16 Selected People Featured

in Mugabe and the White African

18 General Discussion Questions

19 Discussion Prompts

23 Taking Action

24 Resources

26 How to Buy the Film

Writer

Faith Rogow, PhD

Insighters Educational Consulting

background Writers and editors

Kristine Wilton

Guide Producers, PoV

Eliza Licht

Director,

Community Engagement & Education, POV

Jamie Dobie

Coordinator,

Community Engagement & Education, POV

Design: Rafael Jiménez

Copy Editor: Natalie Danford

thanks to those who reviewed this guide:

Timothy Scarnecchia

Associate Professor, Department of History,

Kent State University

David Moore

Professor, Development Studies,

University of Johannesburg

Sara Cohan

Human Rights Education Specialist

tAbLe of contents credits

in Zimbabwe, de facto dictator Robert Mugabe has un-

leashed a “land reform” program aimed at driving whites

from the country through violence and intimidation. Mugabe

and the White African, a 90-minute documentary, much of

which was filmed clandestinely, tells the alarming story of

one family of proud “white Africans” who fight back.

The courage Mike campbell and his family display as they

defend their farm — in international court and on the ground

— is both inspiring and harrowing. As an outreach tool, this

record of the campbell family’s experiences raises questions

about race, racism, human rights, international law, the

strength of faith and family and, ultimately, the complex

legacy of european colonization of Africa.

PoVintroduction

|5DISCUSSION GUIDE


Mike campbell (l.) , Ben Freeth (r.) and workers

on their farm in chegutu, Zimbabwe


Mugabe and the White African is well suited for use in a

variety of settings and is especially recommended for use

with:

• your local Pbs station

• Groups that have discussed previous Pbs and PoV

films relating to Africa, land rights, human rights

or international law, including Promised Land,

The Reckoning: The Battle for the International

Criminal Court, Sierra Leone’s Refugee All Stars

and Good Fortune.

• Groups focused on any of the issues listed in the

key issues section

• high school students

• faith-based organizations and institutions

• cultural, art and historical organizations,

institutions and museums

• civic, fraternal and community groups

• Academic departments and student groups at

colleges, universities and high schools

• community organizations with a mission to

promote education and learning, such as local

libraries

Mugabe and the White African is an excellent tool for

outreach and will be of special interest to people looking

to explore the following topics:

Africa

African nationalism

Agriculture

black nationalism

british colonialism

dictatorship

human rights

imperialism

international law

Justice

Land ownership

Land reform/land use policy

Mugabe, robert

Political power and patronage

race

racial and class privilege

racism

reconciliation

reparations

social justice

southern African development community

Violence

Zimbabwe

PoV

|6DISCUSSION GUIDE


PoVPotentiAL PArtners key issues

PoVusinG this Guide

|7DISCUSSION GUIDE


This guide is an invitation to dialogue. it is based on a

belief in the power of human connection, designed for

people who want to use Mugabe and the White African

to engage family, friends, classmates, colleagues and

communities. in contrast to initiatives that foster de-

bates in which participants try to convince others that

they are right, this document envisions conversations

undertaken in a spirit of openness in which people try to

understand one another and expand their thinking by

sharing viewpoints and listening actively.

The discussion prompts are intentionally crafted to help

a wide range of audiences think more deeply about the

issues in the film. Rather than attempting to address

them all, choose one or two that best meet your needs

and interests. And be sure to leave time to consider tak-

ing action. Planning next steps can help people leave

the room feeling energized and optimistic, even in in-

stances when conversations have been difficult.

For more detailed event planning and facilitation tips,

visit www.pbs.org/pov/outreach

Mike campbell (l.) and Ben Freeth (r.) in the

sADAc court, namibia


PoVbAckGround inforMAtion

|8DISCUSSION GUIDE


ZiMbAbWe

Located in southern Africa, Zimbabwe is a land-locked na-

tion of 13 million people. The population is approximately 98

percent black African and 1 percent white.

Prior to independence in 1980, the nation was known as

Rhodesia and was controlled by the British. Attempts to

overthrow white rule, including ongoing guerilla attacks,

began in the 1960s. These attacks, along with united nations

sanctions, ultimately led to elections in 1979 and full inde-

pendence (including the renaming of the country) in 1980.

During this period of war, Robert Mugabe rose to promi-

nence as the leader of the Zimbabwe African national

union — Patriotic Front (ZAnu-PF) and became the

nation’s first prime minister. The Mugabe govern-

ment preached reconciliation and unity, both between rival

parties and between blacks and whites. However, Mugabe

increasingly consolidated power; in 1987, the position of

prime minister was abolished and he became president. in

2000, with his party threatened by the new opposition party

Movement for Democratic change (MDc), Mugabe initiated

a wave of land invasions with help from a war veterans’ as-

sociation. since then, he and his party have mobilized vio-

lence and rigged elections to guarantee their own victory.

A worker on the campbell farm watches helplessly

as farm buildings burn



|9DISCUSSION GUIDE


General elections held in March 2008 reflected foundering

support for Mugabe’s ZAnu-PF-led government, with the

opposition winning a majority of seats in parliament. MDc

opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai won majority votes in

the presidential polls, but not enough to win outright. The

subsequent run-off election was marred by violence, intimi-

dation and fraud. As a result, Tsvangirai withdrew, and the

process was condemned internationally.

To ensure a degree of international and domestic legitimacy,

the southern African Development community (sADc) —

led by Thabo Mbeki, then president of south Africa — bro-

kered a power-sharing agreement that left Mugabe as pres-

ident and installed Tsvangirai as prime minister. However,

conflicts have continued. Mugabe, now in his eighties, has

publicly called for early elections soon, but there is yet to be

a new constitution, which was a requirement of the power-

sharing agreement. even though no election date has been

set, most observers already fear a repeat of the extensive vi-

olence that followed the 2008 elections.

Land and economic reforms

under British colonial rule and the white minority ruled

Rhodesian government, it was commonplace for whites to

seize for themselves the best tracts of farmable land, leaving

black peasant farmers to work the remaining swaths and any

tribal reserves. By 1980, when Zimbabwe declared inde-

pendence, approximately 6,000 white commercial farmers

owned 15.5 million hectares (or 47 percent) of the country’s

agricultural land; 8,000 black small-scale farmers owned or

leased 1.4 million hectares; and 700,000 peasant farmers oc-

cupied 16.4 million communal hectares.

in the first two decades of Mugabe’s rule, Mugabe addressed

this historical inequity gradually, so as not to disrupt essen-

tial agricultural production completely. Through lawful re-

distribution, the amount of white-owned land was reduced

by one quarter as blacks bought up farms and the govern-

ment purchased and redistributed approximately 3.6 million

hectares of land to 70,000 peasant households.

By 2000, however, Mugabe’s popularity was waning, as

were his government’s financial resources. Legal redistribu-

tion had been weakened by corruption and cronyism, and

Mugabe found it more and more difficult to keep political

promises to increase black land ownership. To boost his poll

numbers, Mugabe intensified his anti-white rhetoric and

began a campaign of involuntary land seizures. Part of

this campaign was known as the “fast track”

process: Landless black applicants living in communal areas

were invited officially to apply for land of their own. They

filled out forms made available through government or civil

institutions. The forms were then reviewed to establish eli-

gibility and priority level, and the applicants were matched

up with farms that had been selected for resettlement.

The farms to be resettled were to be selected according to

a convoluted process that would identify a reason that a par-

ticular property had been targeted. Aggrieved landowners

who believed that their land had been chosen arbitrarily

could appeal to provincial authorities, though once farms

were selected, they could be taken by force no matter what

the landowner did to appeal the decision. in 2001, Mugabe

retroactively amended the process so that ownership of any

selected land was transferred immediately, without even the

possibility for appeal. owners had 90 days to vacate. Blacks

applying to receive farms often submitted their applications

not to civic structures, but to the war veterans’ militias oc-

cupying the relevant farms.

This new aggressive land redistribution policy was rife with

corruption from the start, with farms given to party insiders

with no experience in tending fields. even when peasant

farmers were the recipients of farms, they often failed to re-

ceive proper training. About 20 percent of Zimbabwe’s total

land area was redistributed, sparking an exodus of white (ex-

perienced) farmers, crippling the economy and ushering in

widespread shortages of basic commodities.

several subsequent actions weakened the economy even

further, including a costly intervention in the second congo

War (1998-2003), a 2005 “urban renewal” program result-

ing in the destruction of the homes and businesses of

700,000 (mostly poor) supporters of the opposition and, in

2007, the institution of price controls on all basic commodi-

ties that led to panic buying and empty store shelves for

months at a time. The central bank continued to print money

to pay war veterans and foreign debts, leading to hyperin-

flation, which in turn led to a severe economic crisis that was

only averted by the dollarization of the economy under the

coalition government in 2009. Zimbabwe’s economic insta-

bility continues today.

sources:

BBc news. “Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe strongman.”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/643737.stm

BBc news. “Zimbabwe country Profile.”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1064589.stm#media


|10DISCUSSION GUIDE


“Has Zimbabwe’s Runaway inflation Been Tamed?” TIME, March 26, 2009

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1887809,00.html

Hellum, Anne and Bill Derman. “Land Reform and Human Rights in

contemporary Zimbabwe: Balancing individual and social Justice

Through an integrated Human Rights Framework.” World Development

32, no. 10 (2004).

Human Rights Watch. “Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe.”

http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2002/03/08/fast-track-land-reform-

zimbabwe

institute of Development studies. “Zimbabwe’s Land Reform Ten Years

on: new study Dispels the Myths.”

http://www.ids.ac.uk/go/news/zimbabwe-s-land-reform-ten-years-on-

new-study-dispels-the-myths

Kinloch, Graham c. “changing Racial Attitudes in Zimbabwe:

colonial/Post-colonial Dynamics.” Journal of Black Studies 34, no. 2

(2003).

Klein, Andy. “Mugabe and the White African: Movie Review.” The

Christian Science Monitor, August 11, 2010.

http://www.csmonitor.com/The-culture/Movies/2010/0811/Mugabe-

and-the-White-African-movie-review

salopek, Paul. “Mugabe’s Rise and Fall Are Template for Difficult era in

Africa’s History.” The Seattle Times, April 3, 2008.

http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2004324059_

mugabe03.html

shaw, William H. “‘They stole our Land’: Debating the expropriation of

White Farms in Zimbabwe.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 41,

no. 1 (2003).

smiley, Xan. “Zimbabwe, southern Africa, and the Rise of Mugabe.”

Foreign Affairs Magazine, summer 1980.

Mount cArMeL fArM

Mike campbell was born on a farm in Klerksdorp, south

Africa, into a family that had farmed in Africa since 1713. in

the early 1970s, Mike served as a captain in the south African

army and fought in the Rhodesian Bush War.

in 1974, campbell moved to Mount carmel farm in the

chegutu district of Zimbabwe. He bought the 3,000-acre

plot and began stocking it with game and planting it with

corn and mangoes. eventually, he opened a safari lodge that

became a popular tourist destination. until three years ago,

the farm boasted 45 giraffes, 300 impala, 150 wildebeest and

50 eland, as well as waterbuck, warthogs, zebras and game

birds. By the end of the 1990s, Mount carmel farm was

the largest mango producer in Zimbabwe, generat-

ing much-needed export earnings for the country. More than

500 people lived on the farm, including workers and their

spouses and children. After a 24-year loan on the farm had

been repaid, the farm was legally transferred into the family’s

company name upon receipt of a “certificate of no interest”

from the Mugabe government, which had the first purchase

option on any sale.

Mike campbell in the mango crops



|11DISCUSSION GUIDE


Mount carmel farm: Land reform and court battle

The difficulties for campbell and the 500 people living on

Mount carmel farm began in november 1997, when the

property was listed for acquisition as part of the govern-

ment’s land reform program. The acquisition was part of Mu-

gabe’s inequitable land redistribution, under which land is

often allocated to senior political associates, the elite and

wealthy friends of Mugabe and his government. The man

planning to move onto campbell’s farm is one of the coun-

try’s former most visible political leaders, nathan shamu-

yarira, previously the spokesman for Mugabe’s ruling

ZAnu-PF party.

in 2000, armed gangs of supposedly landless former inde-

pendence fighters — urged on by Mugabe, who had “can-

celled” all title deeds and declared that all land belonged to

the government — began invading white-owned farms. After

the farm invasions began, campbell, his family, their workers

and other farmers in the district became the target of unre-

lenting state-sponsored violence and intimidation. The sa-

fari lodge was burned down, wildlife slaughtered and

cattle rustled. After getting no recourse in the Zim-

babwean courts, campbell took his case to the sADc tribu-

nal in october 2007, and in March of the following year an

additional 77 white commercial farmers joined the case as

interveners.

Just two days after the July 2008 Zimbabwean presidential

run-off election, Mike campbell, his wife and his son-in-law

Ben Freeth were abducted by militia and taken to a remote

camp, where they were tortured for nine hours. campbell

sustained severe head injuries, broken ribs and damage to

his lower limbs caused by “falanga” (a method of torture that

involves beating the soles of the feet). His wife, Angela, was

forced to sign an agreement that the family would not con-

tinue its court battle. All three were dumped on the road-

side; once discovered there, they were rushed to the

hospital.

campbell’s injuries prevented him from attending the sADc

tribunal’s final hearing. However, Freeth, despite being

Farm Worker on campbell farm


PoVBackground InformatIon

|12DISCUSSION GUIDe


wheelchair-bound and

having sustained a frac-

tured skull, was able to

represent the Campbell

case. During this hear-

ing, the international

court of the SADC

ruled that the land re-

form program was dis-

criminatory and was

not being conducted

according to the rule of

law. Therefore, it

granted Campbell and

the other dispossessed

white farmers the re-

turn of their property.

However, the Harare

government refused to

honor that ruling, and

Campbell and his family

continued to be victim-

ized. A year later, a

government-sponsored

militia burned the

Campbell and Freeth

homesteads to the

ground.

Campbell, continuing to seek justice, launched another legal

action in early 2011. This case sought to compel SADC heads

of state, including President Mugabe, to restore the functions

of the tribunal, which had been suspended following the rul-

ing in favor of the white farmers. Unfortunately, Campbell

never recovered from the injuries he sustained from the bru-

tal beating, and he died on April 6, 2011 at the age of 79.

Campbell is survived by his wife, Angela, their son, Bruce,

two daughters, Cathy and Laura, and six grandchildren.

Sources:

Herbstein, Denis. “Mike Campbell Obituary.” The Guardian, April 24, 2011.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/24/mike-campbell-obituary

“Mike Campbell.” The Telegraph, April 8, 2011

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-obituaries/

8439131/Mike-Campbell.html

Mugabe and the White African.

http://www.mugabeandthewhiteafrican.com/

Farm worker on the Campbell farm in front

of buildings destroyed by fire



|13DISCUSSION GUIDe


SoutHErn afrIcan dEVELoPmEnt

communItY trIBunaL

The Southern African Development Community (SADC)

tribunal, the region’s highest court, was established as an

institution of the SADC in 1992, although it only became

operational in August 2005.

The SADC’s original objective was the political liberation of

southern Africa, but its mission has grown to one of pro-

moting sustainable and equitable economic growth and

socio-economic development through efficient productive

systems, deeper co-operation and integration, good gover-

nance and durable peace and security, so that the southern

African region emerges as a competitive and effective player

in international relations and the world economy. The SADC

currently has a membership of 15 states: Angola, Botswana,

Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar,

Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South

Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia

and Zimbabwe.

The SADC tribunal, which sits in Namibia, is one of eight in-

stitutions under the umbrella of the SADC. The tribunal has

jurisdiction over disputes between SADC states and disputes

between persons and member states. A person may only

bring a case before the tribunal if he or she has exhausted all

other legal avenues in his or her state of residence. Since

2007, five suits have been filed in the tribunal — two con-

tract claims against SADC, a contract claim against Zanzibar

and two cases against the government of Zimbabwe, in-

cluding Campbell v. Republic of Zimbabwe.

In the case of Campbell v. Republic of Zimbabwe, the tribu-

nal determined that the plaintiff’s farm was illegally seized

by the government and the plaintiffs were owed compensa-

tion. The tribunal condemned the seizures as “racist” and as

theft on a grand scale. In the course of litigation, the Camp-

bells were issued orders demanding that the government

cease expulsions from the farm. The government of Zim-

babwe not only did not comply with the cease and desist

Inside the SADC court, Namibia, during the Campbell hearing



|14DISCUSSION GUIDe


order, but it also failed to comply with the final decision.

Though Zimbabwe is a member of the SADC, it replied that

the tribunal has no force and refused to recognize it as a le-

gitimate body of legal authority.

Following Zimbabwe’s non-compliance, the SADC effec-

tively shut down the tribunal in May 2011, citing a need to re-

view the tribunal’s role and functions.

Sources:

Amnesty International. “SADC Tribunal Struggles for Legitimacy.”

http://blog.amnestyusa.org/justice/sadc-tribunal-struggles-for-

legitimacy/

“Mike Campbell.” The Telegraph, April 8, 2011

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-

obituaries/8439131/Mike-Campbell.html

Southern African Development Community.

http://www.sadc.int/

Southern Africa Litigation Centre. “For Mugabe’s Sake: SADC Leaders

Sabotage the SADC Tribunal and Undermine the Rule of Law.”

http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/news/item/

Press_Release_For_Mugabe_s_Sake_SADC_Leaders_Sabotage

Elize Angula, a Namibian lawyer, is part of

Mike Campbell’s legal team



|15DISCUSSION GUIDE


definitions of rAcisM

in the united states and other West-

ern nations, definitions of racism re-

flect a history of slavery and

colonization by caucasians of peoples

of color. in this context, the term

racism has been used to mean:

- Prejudice, i.e., the belief that one race

is superior to another (typical in the

rhetoric of hate groups, or the every-

day use of racial slurs or jokes);

- individual discriminatory acts based

on skin color or other racial traits (e.g.,

a landlord refusing to rent to members

of a particular racial group);

- institutional policies that intentionally

discriminate on the basis of race (e.g.,

redlining to prevent blacks and other

minorities from securing mortgages for properties in certain

neighborhoods);

- institutional polices that unintentionally reinforce or create

discrimination based on race (e.g., basing school funding on

property tax assessments, resulting in perennial underfund-

ing of schools in poor neighborhoods where minorities are

overrepresented).

some people define prejudice as separate from racism, re-

serving the latter term for those who actually have the

power to act on or institutionalize injustice based on their

beliefs.

in recent years, justifications for racial inequity based on sci-

entifically identifiable characteristics used to distinguish one

race from another have largely been discredited by DnA and

other evidence. The absence of a scientific basis bolsters the

arguments of those who see race as a social construct de-

signed to benefit some groups of people at the expense of

others.

in Western countries, this social construct has resulted in

white privilege, a condition in which all whites — even those

who actively oppose racial discrimination — benefit from the

existence of racism.

in Zimbabwe, because Mugabe’s government ostensibly rep-

resents and is run by the country’s black majority, his dis-

criminatory race-based policy to combat historical

race-based injustices has turned common Western

constructions of racism upside down. in Mugabe’s

“Africa for Africans” rhetoric, blacks alone are entitled to the

protections and benefits of government, while whites are ei-

ther denied citizenship entirely or relegated to second-class

status based on their race alone.

in discussions of the film, some people may see Mugabe’s

actions as a continuing response to the damages of colonial

racism, and under those circumstances they may reserve the

term “racist” for actions taken by whites. others will see Mu-

gabe’s race-based policies as being no different from white

discrimination against blacks and will think the term “racist”

accurately describes Mugabe’s policies.

source:

PBs. “Race: The Power of an Illusion.”

www.pbs.org/race/

Deputy Attorney General Advocate Prince Machaya,

Lead council in President Mugabe’s legal team, at sADc court



|16DISCUSSION GUIDE


Mike and Angela campbell

owners of the Mount carmel farm

ben and Laura freeth

Mike and Angela campbell’s son-in-law and daughter

Selected People Featured in Mugabe and the White African


|17DISCUSSION GUIDE


Selected People Featured in Mugabe and the White African

Zach and claire freeth

Ben Freeth’s parents

elize Angula and Jeremy Gauntlett

Attorneys for campbell and Freeth

Immediately after the film, you may want to give people a

few quiet moments to reflect on what they have seen. If

the mood seems tense, you can pose a general question

and give people some time to themselves to jot down or

think about their answers before opening the discussion.

Unless you think participants are so uncomfortable that

they can’t engage until they have had a break, don’t en-

courage people to leave the room between the film and

the discussion. If you save your break for an appropriate

moment during the discussion, you won’t lose the feeling

of the film as you begin your dialogue.

One way to get a discussion going is to pose a general

question, such as:

• if you could ask anyone in the film a single question,

who would you ask and what would you ask him or

her?

• What did you learn from this film? What insights did

it provide?

• if a friend asked you what this film was about, what

would you say? What are the key themes?

• describe a moment or scene in the film that you

found particularly disturbing or moving. What was it

about that scene that was especially compelling for

you?

PoVGenerAL discussion Questions

|18DISCUSSION GUIDE


Mike campbell (r.) and Ben Freeth (l.) with some of

the workers on their farm in chegutu, Zimbabwe


PoVdiscussion ProMPts

|19DISCUSSION GUIDE


nationalism, Land and the Legacy of

european colonialism

• Ben Freeth says, “This case is a direct challenge to

Robert Mugabe and his government. But it’s also a challenge

to the rest of the world. We want the world to wake up to

the injustices of what is happening inside Zimbabwe. We

want people to face the problem, to face the real issues at

stake.” in your view, what are the “real issues” and why are

they a challenge not only to Zimbabwe, but “also a challenge

to the rest of the world”?

• Mugabe frames his anti-white policy as a reaction to

the damaging aspects of the legacy of British imperialism:

“Africa for Africans, Zimbabwe for Zimbabweans. The land is

ours. it’s not european. it’s our land.” He argues that removal

of whites achieves “justice for his people; sovereignty for his

people.” in what ways does taking away land from whites

begin to redress historical injustices and in what ways does

a racially determined policy simply continue to embed insti-

tutional racism in government policy? in the campbell’s

case, why might it matter that they purchased their

farm after Zimbabwean independence (and didn’t simply in-

herit it from european colonizers)?

• Why might Mugabe be so focused on redistributing

land ownership? What is the relationship between owning

land and power?

• campbell is, by all accounts, a model employer. He and

Freeth think of their workers as a community and are con-

cerned that if they lose the farm, their workers will lose their

livelihood. nevertheless, they own the land and have more

power than their employees. so what is the distinction, if

any, between being an excellent employer concerned with

the well-being of one’s workers and being paternalistic (i.e.,

taking the prerogative of determining what is best for some-

one else)? How is the employer/employee relationship af-

fected by the historical context in which it occurs (which, in

this case, is a legacy of white europeans discriminating

against black Africans)?

Laura Freeth and child, on their farm in Zimbabwe



|20DISCUSSION GUIDE


• campbell says, “if we win the case, the whole land re-

form program in Zimbabwe becomes illegal. Then every

farmer that’s been kicked off his land has got the right to

come back to his farm!” in your view, is this a desirable out-

come? Why or why not? should those whose land rights

stem from British rule get their farms back, or only those

who, like campbell, acquired their land after independence?

• What do you make of the encounter between Peter

chamada and Ben Freeth? (chamada is the man who shows

up to claim the farm, saying the government has given it to

him.) chamada says, “The land belongs to the black peas-

ants. it is ours! The government took it from you people to

redistribute it to the black poor majority… This country will

never be a colony again.” How does Freeth counter this ar-

gument? How would you?

race and identity

• Attorney elize Angula uses the label “racist” to describe

Mugabe’s policy prohibiting whites from owning farms, ex-

plaining, “if we were to lose this case, Africa will have a pres-

ident that says, ‘You can discriminate on the basis of color,

of race.’” Does her view match your own understanding of

the term “racist”? in your view, does it provide support for

completely “color blind” policies? if not, under what circum-

stances would it not be racist to treat people of different

races differently?

• Angula says, “Mike is a true African completely. And

what i like about Mike is that Mike doesn’t try to be a black

Laura Freeth with the women who work for her

by embroidering as part of her linen business



|21DISCUSSION GUIDE


African. He is a white African. He will talk about things that

happened in his experience as a white African.” Why is

African identity an issue for the campbells and Freeths?

What do you think Angula means when she commends

campbell for not trying to “be a black African”? What do you

learn from the film about the construction of racial, ethnic

and national identity?

• Freeth approaches his situation with a universalist view

of humanity, explaining that Mugabe’s desire to drive white

people out of Zimbabwe is “wrong because we are all chil-

dren of God.” Who benefits from this view of humanity?

Who might be harmed by it? How might a Mugabe sup-

porter react to this view? How might it help or hinder

prospects for reconciliation?

seeking Justice

• campbell and Freeth seek justice in an international

court in namibia on the grounds that Zimbabwe is a sig-

natory to the southern African Development commu-

nity treaty. Yet after receiving a judgment in their

favor, they still wonder if they will be safe on their farm. in

your view, under what circumstances do international courts

have appropriate jurisdiction? What is the source of their au-

thority? What processes should be used to enforce their de-

cisions?

• explain how the court case exemplifies the saying “Jus-

tice delayed is justice denied.” if justice for white farmers is

impossible under Mugabe, should other nations respond? if

so, how? Which factors determine whether or not other

countries should intervene?

• Jeffrey Jowell says, “Democracy is not only about what

the majority of the people think; it’s also about protecting

fundamental human rights, making sure that you can’t do

certain things to individuals.” Where do you see examples of

this interpretation of democracy and where do you see ex-

amples of democracies falling short of this ideal?

sADc court papers stating Mike campbell V Robert Mugabe,

President of Zimbabwe



|22DISCUSSION GUIDE


fighting injustice

• Freeth says, “i think we have been put

here for a purpose. And we must carry out

that purpose for which we were put here.”

What values are they fighting for? if they suc-

ceed, how will those values strengthen or

weaken Zimbabwe?

• campbell says, “i wouldn’t like my

grandchildren to, one day in the future, say,

‘You know, my grandfather had a farm in

Africa. But a few guys came along and said

‘boo’ to him and he packed his bags and ran

away and left the farm.’ i’d rather they had the

impression that we fought for the farm,

whether we keep it or lose it. At least we’ve

tried our best.” How would you describe the

legacy that campbell is leaving his grandchil-

dren?

• claire Freeth asks, “Do you just walk away? Do you just

do nothing, or do you stand for what’s right and what you

believe is right for other people?” Zach Freeth adds, “if good

men do nothing, then evil will prevail and you have to fight

the evil.” Have you stood up and fought for things? What? in

what situation would you be willing to do so?

• Angela campbell explains how her family’s faith sus-

tains them, saying, “There’s no manmade thing we can trust.

The law, the order, the police — everything has been torn

away, ripped away from us. And so we’ve actually been left

in a wonderful position, really, of just trusting God for every-

thing.” How do these people draw strength from their reli-

gion?

• Would you describe the campbells and the Freeths as

heroes? Why or why not?

Moving toward reconciliation

• Mugabe says to whites, “our present state of mind is

that you are now our enemies.” Who benefits most from de-

claring whites to be “enemies”? can you think of ways that

the Zimbabwean government could address race-based his-

torical wrongs without making whites into “enemies”?

• Ben Freeth and attorney Jeremy Gauntlett see Mu-

gabe’s land reform policy as a power grab that provides pa-

tronage opportunities for Mugabe’s relatives and supporters.

Assuming that this is true, how does it complicate the task

of those who believe in the need for land reform policy that

more equitably distributes land ownership to blacks? How

might people seeking justice and equity separate out the

corrupt aspects of Mugabe’s government from legitimate ef-

forts to redress historical inequities? in your view, would it

have made a difference in campbell’s case if the Mugabe

government had turned over the farm to campbell’s em-

ployees rather than delivering it to someone else as a pa-

tronage reward? Why or why not?

• What might white farm owners like the campbells do

to help redress historical inequities without acquiescing to

the notion that whites should not own land?

Mike campbell in the sADc court, namibia


Additional media literacy questions are available at:

www.pbs.org/pov/educators/media-literacy.php

• Follow up a screening of the film with a panel discus-

sion or teach-in on the historical legacy of european colo-

nialism in Africa.

• convene a study circle to look at reconciliation strate-

gies that nations such as south Africa have used to heal from

longstanding social inequities or human rights abuses. iden-

tify race, gender or ethnic inequalities that have existed or

do exist in your community. consider applying what you

have learned about reconciliation to your community.

• examine how south Africa and other African nations

have addressed land redistribution issues in pursuit of racial

equity. use what you learn to inform the creation of a set of

recommendations for Zimbabwe.

• investigate historical land ownership policies in your

community. Look at who was prevented from owning land in

particular places; the consequences of exclusionary owner-

ship policies on subsequent generations; and possible reme-

dies for the resulting inequities.

• Find out the current u.s. foreign policy approach to-

ward Mugabe and Zimbabwe. Let your elected representa-

tives know what you think the policy should be, particularly

in relation to whether or not Mugabe should be removed by

force, arrested and/or tried for human rights abuses.

• Join local community groups and national organiza-

tions that are advocating to end ongoing human rights vio-

lations in Zimbabwe.

AfrIcA AcTIOn

http://www.africaaction.org

Africa Action is the oldest human rights organization fo-

cused exclusively on Africa. in partnership with activists and

civil society organizations throughout the united states and

Africa, Africa Action is working to change u.s. foreign policy

and the policies of international institutions in order to sup-

port African struggles for peace and development.

AMnEsTy InTErnATIOnAL

http://www.amnesty.org

The Take Action section of the Amnesty international web-

site allows visitors to sign up for Amnesty international’s

Zimbabwe blog to receive emails when new postings, in-

cluding news and actions, are available.

InTErnATIOnAL crIsIs GrOUP

http://www.crisisgroup.org

The international crisis Group is an independent, nonprofit,

nongovernmental organization committed to preventing

and resolving deadly conflict.

AfrIcAn cOMMIssIOn On HUMAn AnD

PEOPLEs’ rIGHTs

http://www.achpr.org/english/_info/news_en.html

established by the African charter on Human and Peoples’

Rights, which came into force on october 21, 1986, the

African commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is

charged with ensuring the promotion and protection of

human and peoples’ rights throughout the African continent.

IDAsA

http://www.idasa.org/donate/take_action

The Take Action page of the idasa website provides ways to

get involved in building democratic societies in Africa, in-

cluding promoting the African charter on Democracy; sign-

ing up for the Right to Know campaign; getting involved in

a reflect circle; joining a study tour; and subscribing to the

idasa newsletter.

PoVtAkinG Action

|23DISCUSSION GUIDE


FILM-RELATED WEB SITES

Original Online Content on

POV Interactive (www.pbs.org/pov)

The POV Mugabe and the White African website

www.pbs.org/pov/mugabe

includes a photo gallery of images taken during the

filming of the movie; a timeline of Zimbabwe’s history

and the progression of land redistribution under

Mugabe’s rule; bios of the key players in the film; a film

update; and a map of the Campbells’ Mount Carmel farm

and the surrounding region. As with all POV film websites,

viewers can also access a video interview with the

filmmakers and participate in a live chat the day after the

premiere broadcast. Educators may record the film and

show Mugabe and the White African in their classrooms

for one year following the broadcast. Additionally, video

clips from the film are available for streaming along with

the free lesson plan. All viewers can download and print

out the free discussion guide for background information,

discussion questions and tips for screening Mugabe and

the White African at community events.

Zimbabwe

ALL AFRICA

http://allafrica.com/zimbabwe

This news organization specializes in covering Africa and is

a good place to find recent news about Zimbabwe.

BBC NEWS. “ZIMBABWE COuNTRY PROFILE”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1064589.stm

A good starting place for general information about Zim-

babwe, including historical overviews and links to current

news stories.

FREETh, BEN. Mugabe and the White african

London: Trafalgar Square Publishing, 2011.

Ben Freeth has published a book of the same name, chroni-

cling his family's fight to keep hold of their farm after it was

claimed by Mugabe's government.

u.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

“BACkgROuND NOTE: ZIMBABWE”

www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5479.htm

This overview includes general information about Zimbabwe

as well as summaries of U.S.-Zimbabwean relations and Zim-

babwe foreign policy.

ZIMBABWE

www.gta.gov.zw

The official web portal of Zimbabwe provides information

on the country from the government’s perspective.

PoVResouRces

|24DISCUSSION GUIDe


What’s Your POV? Share your thoughts about


by posting a comment on the POV Blog

www.pbs.org/pov/blog or send an email to [email protected].

human rights and international Law

HUMAn rIGHTs WATcH

“WOrLD rEPOrT 2011: ZIMBABWE”

www.hrw.org/en/world-report-2011/zimbabwe

This links to the organization’s current report on the status

of human rights in Zimbabwe. For information about previ-

ous years, search “Zimbabwe” on the organization’s home-

page.

sOUTHErn AfrIcAn DEVELOPMEnT cOMMUnITy

http://www.sadc.int

The website of this coalition includes information on mem-

ber states, land reform policies, the tribunal and the official

decision in the campbell case.

Land reform

HUMAn AnD cOnsTITUTIOnAL rIGHTs

“ZIMBABWE GOVErnMEnT AnD fArMErs

LOckED In LAnD rEfOrM DIsPUTE”

http://www.hrcr.org/hottopics/zimbabwe.html

Though somewhat dated, this web page includes conven-

ient links to documents central to land reform in Zimbabwe.

POV. “PrOMIsED LAnD”

www.pbs.org/pov/promisedland

especially useful on this site for a previous PoV film on this

topic are the links and background information on how

south Africa and other regions of the world have handled

land reform issues.

PoVresources

|25DISCUSSION GUIDE


Member of President Mugabe’s legal team

at sADc Tribunal, namibia


PoVhoW to buy the fiLM

To order Mugabe and the White African

for home use, go to www.mugabeandthewhiteafrican.com

Produced by American Documentary, inc.

and beginning its 24th season on PBs in 2011,

the award-winning PoV series is the longest-

running showcase on American television to feature the work of

today’s best independent documentary filmmakers. Airing June

through september with primetime specials during the year,

PoV has brought more than 300 acclaimed documentaries to

millions nationwide and has a Webby Award-winning online se-

ries, POV's Borders. since 1988, PoV has pioneered the art of

presentation and outreach using independent nonfiction media

to build new communities in conversation about today’s most

pressing social issues. Visit www.pbs.org/pov.

POV Digital www.pbs.org/pov

PoV's award-winning website extends the life of our films online

with interactive features, interviews, updates, video and educa-

tional content, as well as listings for television broadcasts, com-

munity screenings and films available online. The POV Blog is a

gathering place for documentary fans and filmmakers to discuss

their favorite films and get the latest news.

POV community Engagement and Education

www.pbs.org/pov/outreach

PoV films can be seen at more than 450 events across the coun-

try every year. Together with schools, organizations and local

PBs stations, PoV facilitates free community screenings and

produces free resources to accompany our films, including dis-

cussion guides and curriculum-based lesson plans. With our

community partners, we inspire dialogue around the most im-

portant social issues of our time.

Major funding for PoV is provided by PBs, The John D. and

catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, national endowment for

the Arts, The educational Foundation of America, new York

state council on the Arts, new York city Department of cultural

Affairs, FAcT and public television viewers. special support pro-

vided by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and sciences.

Funding for PoV’s Diverse Voices Project is provided by the

corporation for Public Broadcasting. Project Voicescape is a

partnership of Adobe Youth Voices, PBs and PoV. PoV is pre-

sented by a consortium of public television stations, including

WGBH Boston and THiRTeen in association with WneT.oRG.

American Documentary, Inc. www.amdoc.org

American Documentary, inc. (AmDoc) is a multimedia company

dedicated to creating, identifying and presenting contemporary

stories that express opinions and perspectives rarely featured in

mainstream media outlets. AmDoc develops collaborative

strategic-engagement activities around socially relevant content

on television, online and in community settings. These activities

are designed to trigger action, from dialogue and feedback to

educational opportunities and community participation.

Join our community network!

www.amdoc.org/outreach/events

Learn about new lesson plans, facilitation guides and our other

free educational resources and find out about screenings near

you. Joining our network is also the first step towards hosting

your own PoV screening.

You can also follow us on Twitter @PoVengage for the latest

news from PoV community engagement & education.

Front cover: Mike campbell (center right) and Ben Freeth

(center back) with some of the workers on their farm in

chegutu, Zimbabwe


The see it on PBs logo is a trademark of the Public Broadcasting service and is used with permission. All rights reserved.

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