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A t l a n t i c
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North Sea
Mediterranean Sea
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Bay
of
Biscay
NATIONAL INTEGRITYSYSTEM ASSESSMENT
PORTUGAL
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WithfinancialsupportfromthePreventionofandFightagainstCrimeProgrammeoftheEuropeanUnionEuropeanCommission DirectorateGeneralHomeAffairs
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IntroductionCorruption ispresent inthedaily lifeofPortuguesecitizens,whoareassailedeverydayby
themedia
reporting
new
scandals
of
corruption,
recurring
obstacles
in
pending
investigations, crimes that go unpunished andnew anticorruption policies thathaveno
effectontheseissues.
Thecontinuouspublicexposureofhighprofilecorruptioncases involvingfiguresfromthe
state or private sector, combined with extensive media coverage of how successive
governmentshavedealtwiththisphenomena,hasunderminedpublicconfidence.
According to 2010s Global Corruption Barometer (GCB) data, most Portuguese citizens
(83%)notonlyfeelthatcorruptionlevelshaveincreasedsince2007,buttheyalsoconsider
that theGovernment is inefficient in fightingcorruption.Thepercentageof citizenswith
thislatter
view
has
increased
from
64%
in
2007
to
75%
in
2010.
Thenegative perception regarding theGovernments role in fighting corruption and the
evolution of this phenomenon in Portugal can also be felt in the international context.
TransparencyInternationals(henceforth,TI)CorruptionPerceptionsIndex(henceforth,the
CPI),whichmeasures theperceptionsofbusinessmen and foreignexperts, confirms this
trend.Portugal is32nd intheCPIglobalranking,and inrelationtoEurope,Portugalstands
as the 18th most corrupt country, as perceived by the aforementioned experts and
businessmen.
Internationalorganizationsexternalevaluationsalsoconfirmthenegativeperformanceof
consecutivegovernmentsofPortugalwhen itcomes to fightingcorruption.Forexample,
theGroupofStatesAgainstCorruptions(GRECO)secondevaluationroundreport,adopted
atthe28thGRECOplenarymeeting inStrasbourgfrom9to12May2006,reveals indetail
someoftheshortcomingsandflawsinanticorruptionandantifinancialcriminalitypolicies
inPortugal.
With regards to the implementationof theOECDsConventiononCombatingBriberyof
Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (commonly known as the
OECDantibriberyconvention)Portugalsperformancehasbeenlaggingbehind.Themain
conclusions from the OECDs Working Group on Bribery in International Business
Transactionsprogress
report,
published
in
October
2009,
are
assertive.
Of
the
previous
recommendationsmadebytheOECDregardingthefightagainstcorruption,Portugalonly
managedto fullycomplywithtwo;themajorityoftheremainingrecommendationswere
compliedwithonlypartially.
The inefficiencyof anticorruptionpolicies isoften followedby adiscreditof thejudicial
system.The results from the2011QualityofDemocracyBarometer (obtained througha
surveyofarepresentativesampleofthePortuguesepopulation)mentionedaperceptionof
a lack of results and duality of criteria, leaving a feeling of injustice and impunity, thus
confirminganalreadyverifiedtrendinformerstudiesofthiskind1.AccordingtotheQuality
1Accordingtothedatafromthe2006ssurveyCorrupoeticaemDemocracia:OCasodePortugal(CorruptionandEthicsinDemocracy:thePortuguesecase),PortuguesecitizensgenerallyconsiderthatJusticeisnotsevereenoughtowardsmembersofGovernment(87.2%),membersofParliament(85.3%),sportsdirectors(85.2%)andMayors(78.7%).Themanagersofpublicandprivatecompaniesarealsopartofthisgroup,evenifwithalowervalue(72.9%).AnEurobarometersurveyperformedin
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of Democracy Barometer study, 59% of respondents feel that citizens are not treated
equallybycourtsandthattheirsocial,politicaloreconomicstatushasanimportantrolein
differentiatedtreatment.Additionally,54%consideredthatthedecisionsfromcourtsareso
slow, that in most cases it is not worth resorting to thejudicial system. Regarding the
independenceofcourts, ruleof law seems to resist the influenceofpoliticalpowermore
than thatof economicpower: 45%of respondents fear that courtdecisionsmaynotbe
independent
from
financial
and
economic
interests,
while
41%
have
the
same
perception
regardingtheinfluenceofpoliticalinterests.Whenconsideringthethreedimensionsofthe
judicialefficiencysanctioning,compensationandenforcementonlyregardingthelatter
does the public opinion hold a more positive (36%) than negative (25%) perception. An
exampleofauniqueperceptionthatPortuguesecitizenshaveoftheirjudicialsystem: it is
considered to be easier to convict a homeless person for stealing a dried octopus and
shampoo ina supermarket (LUSA,2012), thanordering thearrestofamayor,whohas
alreadybeenconvictedofcorruptionrelatedcrimes(Morais,2012).
Theaggravationoftheperceptionofcorruptionandtheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystemin
combating corruptionhasadirect impacton thequalityofdemocracy.According to the
dataof2011sQualityofDemocracyBarometer,corruption isoneofthemajordrawbacks
of Portuguese society, alongside a loss of confidence in the executive and politicians in
general,alackofefficiencyingovernanceandsocialinequality.
Theseresultsrevealthatcorruptionwasoneofthephenomenathatcontributedthemost
to an increase in a loss of confidence in democratic procedures, institutions and
stakeholders.Corruption,however,isnotalwaysseenasacauseforindignation.Intimesof
plenty, citizens tend todisregard certainpracticesofpoliticians, considering them tobe
smallwhimsofpowerandperfectlytolerable.However,inthecontextofafinancialcrisis,
the decrease in wellbeing results in hostile attitudes from the public opinion aimed at
politicians,parties
and
representative
bodies,
and
ageneral
attitude
of
condemnation
towardscorruptpractices.
Thecurrenteconomicandfinancialclimate iscertainlynothelpful.Wagecutsandtheloss
offinancialbenefits inthepublicsector increasethe likelihoodofbribesbeingpaidwithin
the public administration, while in the private sector there is an even greater need and
demand togetpreferentialaccess tocertainpublicdecisionsorassets.As statedbyM.J.
Morgado(2011)regardingthecurrenteconomicsituation,The internationalcrisisworked
liketheflu inthecancerousbodyofcorruption,whichholdsthescarsoftheblackmarket,
fraud,taxevasion,andmismanagementofpublicfunds.
Whiletheenlargementandmultiplicationofstateservicesandtheirregulatoryfunctionin
theeconomyhaveplayedaconsiderableroleinthepromotionofanenvironmentproneto
corruption, the ever growing permeability of the public sector to market values and
interests has also lead to a furtherweakening of moral costs and, thus, to an increased
tolerance of corruption within our society (De Sousa, 2011). The increased gap in social
inequalities,mainlyresultingfromwealthdistributionasymmetries,hasplacedPortuguese
citizens under the logicof the efficient corruptofficial theonewho steals from the
public, but also gets the work done. Such a shortsighted perspective on political
performancepromotes a lackof transparency and legal ambiguity,while simultaneously
inhibitingpublic
accountability
of
these
political
actors
for
their
crimes.
This
Robin
Hood
style of corruption has a great level of acceptance within Portuguese society and is a
September2009alsosupportedthesefindingsaboutthecitizensperspectiveontheefficiencyofJustice:70%ofPortugueserespondentsconsideredthatCourtsdecisionsincorruptioncasesarenotsufficientlysevere.
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symptomofacivicculturestillfoundedonthesatisfactionofthebasicneedsofdailylife.In
the2006studyCorrupoeticaemDemocracia:OCasodePortugal(CorruptionandEthicsinDemocracy:thePortuguesecase),asurveyconductedamongstarepresentativesample
ofcitizensrevealedthatca.64%oftherespondentsacceptedcorruptionandbriberyaslong
as it would benefit the general public. Following this, it is not surprising that political
candidates with pending corruptionrelated crimes are reelected sometimes with
comfortable
majorities
(De
Sousa
and
Tries,
2009).
Thedecline in levelsof confidence regarding institutionalcapacityand the increasedgap
between citizens and political parties (and also between citizens and Members of
Parliament)have resulted inaweak levelofpoliticalparticipationand ina reducedsocial
vigilancerelatingtotheperformanceofpoliticalandadministrativebodies.
Theevergrowingapathyofcitizenstowardscausesofcommoninterestisaclearsymptom
ofanevenbiggercrisisofvaluesinPortuguesesociety.Thewealthandwellbeingofcitizens
and theeconomicdevelopmentof the last twodecadesgradually instilledamindsetof
easysuccess,obtainablebyanymeansandatanycost.Portugalrecoveredfromacentury
long delay indevelopment,modernizing its economy and industry quickly and intenselyover the last threedecades,andhaving reached levelsoforganization,developmentand
education similar to those of its European counterparts. This process of accelerated
modernizationnotonlybrought anew setofopportunities for corruption tooccur (new
groupsof interests, structuralchanges in the relationshipbetween the stateandmarket,
increaseinstateregulationandintervention,thecompetitivenatureofpoweretc.)butalso
inducedanextenuationofthevaluesheldby individuals.Thiscutbackonmoralcostsalso
facilitatedopportunitiesforcorruptpracticestooccur(DeSousa,2011).
Furthermore, the civic culture and literacy levels of citizens have not made it easier to
achieveanactiveandvigilantcitizenship.PortugalhaseducationlevelsbelowtheEuropean
averageortheOECDaverage,andmodernsocietyhasconstantlyfailedtotransmitvalues
of transparencyand integrity toyoungergenerations,overwhelming themwith constant
examplesof impunity in themedia.Theabsenceofaclearandsolidnormative reference
allowscitizenstofreelydomorethanwhatisallowedbylaw,andlessthanwhatshouldbe
demandedbyethics(DeSousaandTries,2009).
Corruptionas anabusive,obscure andprivilegedaccessmechanism topublicgoodsand
decisionsisnotonlyanadditionalfactorcontributingtopoliticaltensionandinstability,but
hasalsoreducedthecapacityofthepoliticalsystemtorespondaccordingto itsneeds,as
wellashavinganegativeimpactonthePortuguesebusinessenvironment.Accordingtothe
GlobalCompetitivenessIndex,injustadecadePortugalfellfromthe28thposition(2000)to
the46thin2010.Amongotherfactors,theaccelerateddeclineincompetitivenessisdirectly
relatedto:themismanagementofpublicfundsandresources;economicallybiasedpolitical
decisions; the burden of bureaucracy; the inefficiency of the judicial system; the
mismanagementand incompetenceobserved inacquisitions,publiccontracts,andpublic
privatepartnershipswith ruinousconsequences for thestate;unclear regulations in these
previousfieldsleadingtoahighlevelofdiscretionarypower.Allofthesefactorsultimately
result inarampantgrowthofpublicspendingandthe inevitable increase intaxation,thus
resultingin
an
unattractive
economy
for
private
and
sustainable
investment.
ItiscommonknowledgethatPortugal iscurrentlyinthemiddleofagraveeconomiccrisis
withdireconsequencesat thedomestic level.This crisis, resulting fromanexcessiveand
uncontrolledeconomicdeficit,themismanagementofpublicfundsandthephenomenonof
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corruptionhas led toan increasing lossofcompetitiveedgeof thePortugueseeconomy.
ThecurrenteconomicclimateforcedthePortugueseexecutivetorequestexternalfinancial
aid inthecontextoftheEuropeanFinancialStabilizationMechanism,andtoagreebefore
the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary
Fundtoimplementanarrayofstructuralpolicieswiththepurposeofreducingthedeficitof
thepublicadministrationandreducingtheweightofpublicdebt.Thissetofagreedpolicies
and
internal
measures
was
established
in
a
Memorandum
of
Understanding
on
Specific
EconomicPolicyConditionality(May2011).
Although the Memorandum of Understanding does not foresee mechanisms to combat
corruption,particularlywithregardstothepublicorjudicialsectors,someof theoutlined
reforms aim tobring about amore transparent and rigorous controlofpublic spending,
including changes to the remuneration schemes of public bodies, a cutback on
managementpositions, the enhancement ofbanking supervision and increased financial
accountability within the public administration and the stateowned private sector.
However,someofthereformsprovidedintheMemorandumofUnderstanding,suchasthe
privatization
of
state
owned
assets,
the
renegotiation
of
public
private
partnerships
or
the
restructuringofthePortuguesemilitary,mayopenseveralopportunities forcorruptionto
occur,mainlyduetothestrongrelationshipbetweenprivateandpublicinterestsinPortugal
andduetothelowlegalandmoralcostsassociatedwithillicittransactions.Bearinginmind
theseverityofthecurrentfinancialsituation,theurgentnecessitytoraisefunds,thetight
scheduleaccording towhichdecisionsshallbe (andhavebeen)made,and thecoolingof
financial markets, certain statemanaged operations selling assets may not only fail in
assuring the effective achievement of the objectives and goals outlined in the
Memorandum of Understanding, but may also lead to corrupt practices and the illicit
enrichmentofcertainactorswithaccesstoprivilegedinformation.
Withinthishardcultural,social,politicalandeconomicclimate,thepurposeofthepresent
assessment of the National Integrity System (NIS) is to evaluate the performance and
underlyingnormsofthemostinfluentialbodiesandinstitutionswithaholisticapproachto
thefightagainstcorruption.Thegoal isnottoachieveanextremelydetailedanalysisover
eachoneandeveryoneofthesebodies,buttoobtainabroadviewontheirperformanceas
asymbioticcomplex,takingintoaccounttheircompetencesandinstitutionalpractices.
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MainFindingsThe Greek temple shown below is a graphic representation of the performance of the
PortugueseNational
Integrity
System
(NIS)
based
on
the
classifications
given
to
the
indicatorsofeachoftheinstitutionalpillars.Fromtheweakenedfoundationsofthistemple
it is possible to understand that the political, cultural, social and economic climate in
Portugaldoesnotprovideasolidethicalbasisfortheefficientfightagainstcorruption,both
regarding the civic integrity of citizens, the economic stability of the country and the
politicalwilltoeffectivelythwartthisphenomenon.
AccordingwiththeresultsoftheNISstudy,thepoliticalsystem(ExecutiveandLegislative
pillars) and the enforcement system (Judiciary, Law Enforcement and AntiCorruption
Agenciespillars)are themost fragileareasof theNational IntegritySystem.Without the
politicalwillandacapable,unwaveringjudicialsystem,thefightagainstcorruptioncannot
takeplace.
CorruptionintheSpotlightDuetothepressuremadebydomesticand internationalstudies,evaluationmechanisms,
and the media attention regarding this phenomenon, the issue of corruption has been
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followedby thePortugueseparliamentmore closelyover the last few years.The recent
2010 anticorruption law package, which was the outcome of the activities of the
TemporaryCommission for thepolitical followupof thephenomenonofcorruptionand
the integrated analysis of solutions regarding its combat2, is evidence of a growing
sensibilityofthepoliticalpowerregardingthesocialperceptionofcorruption.Thispackage
provided for severalamendments3 in the legal framework, suchas theadditionofanew
type
of
crime
(the
breach
of
urban
planning
norms),
the
enlargement
of
periods
of
statutes
of limitationandthecreationofacentralbankaccountdatabaseattheBankofPortugal.
Therecentapprovalofabillproposingthecriminalizationofillicitenrichment4isevidence
thatthethemeofcorruptionwillcontinuetobeinthespotlightforthenearfuture.
ASymbolicAgendaInspiteofthepositivemessageechoedbypublicopinionaftertheapprovalofallthenew
lawsandpolicies, thequalityand scopeof theamendments raisedoubts about the true
intentionsof
the
legislating
power.
From
an
external
perspective,
all
the
aforementioned
laws and bills seem to show that the legislator is merely carrying a symbolic agenda,
without anypreviouslydefinedand consolidatedplans. In fact, the legislative initiatives
tendtopileupwithoutanypoliticalorientation.Theabsenceofstrategyandplanninghas
resultedinseveraloperationalweaknessesandflaws,mainlyatthelevelofpreventionand
enforcement, thus resulting in unfruitful results as shown by the evaluation reports of
internationalbodies(OECD,2007;GRECO,2006).Notwithstandingthefactthattheissueof
corruptionhas featured in repeatedgovernment communication, theobstacles impeding
criminal investigation remain unaddressed, namely the problems regarding training,
specialization,computerizationandforensicexpertise(e.g.expertsonfinance).Regarding
prevention, the governments activities can be summarized as the adoption of very
unspecific professional codes of conduct, without any monitoring within the public
administration bodies, and the creation of the Council for the Prevention of Corruption
(CPC)whichhasrevealeditselfasalmostirrelevantinitsfield.
LegislativeandExecutiveWithin the Parliaments and the Governments own regulation and activities, the more
pressing
issues
relate
to
the
declaration
of
assets
and
interests
made
by
the
members
of
Parliament,bothatalegallevelandinpractice.Inaddition,therearesevereflawsregarding
the control of public spending. This is particularly true in the case ofministerial offices,
whichhavenoexpenditureceilings,thusallowinguncontrolledandexcessivespending.
PoliticalPartyFinancingRegardingtheroleofpoliticalpartiesinthefightagainstcorruption,themainproblemlies
inthe lackofregulationofpoliticalparty financing.The lastversionof the lawregulating
2The InterimCommissionsMicroWebsite, containing reports,minutesandan archive of initiatives, can be consultedat:http://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspx.Accessed29.12.2011.3Theseamendmentswereput inplace,respectively,byLaw32/2010,2September,whichamendedtheCriminalCode,andLaw36/2010,2September,whichamenedtheGeneralFrameworkofFinancialInstitutions.4Billproposals4/XII(BE),11/XII(PCP)and72/XII(PSD,CDSPP).
http://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspxhttp://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspxhttp://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspx -
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anddoesnotevenmonitoror followupanypotentialcrimeswhichhavebeenreferredto
thePublicProsecutorsOffice.
PublicSectorRegarding
the
Public
Sector,
independence
is
the
major
problem
identified
by
the
assessment.Althoughlegallyconsideredneutralandimpartial,thePublicAdministrationis
stillusing lesstransparentpracticesforrecruitment:be itthroughthepoliticalnomination
ofdirectors,i.e.thefamousphenomenonofjobsfortheboyswhichresultsinthepractical
legitimization of the Public Administrations politicization through discretionary criteria,
often based on political client relationships (a similar situation also occurs in the state
ownedprivate sector);orbe it through thepossibility toengineerpubliccompetitions to
best serve previously chosen candidates. This is a very common practice in the local
administration,wherethereisarecurringrelationshipbetweenpoliticsandthepromiseof
publicofficestothirdparties.
NotwithstandingthefactthatthecurrentGovernmenthaspublicly included in itsagenda
theestablishmentofan independentrecruitmentsystemfortheselectionofhighpolitical
officialswith thepurposeofpromotingselectionbasedonmeritandqualitycriteria,thus
removing its partisan trait while assuring the principles of competence, impartiality and
transparency, in practice, the Government only provided for a recruitment mechanism
whichstillguaranteesthepoliticalcontrolonrecruitmentprofiles,selectionofthejury,and
finaldecision.Theattempttoreducethepoliticalandpartisaninfluenceinthisarearesulted
only in a series of scandals, from promises of political offices to local political leaders
(Sapage, 2012) to the nomination of public administrators with obvious conflicts of
interest5.
TheSupremeAuditCourtThe Supreme Audit Court is the body responsible for controlling the management and
expenditure of public funds in the political and administrative system; however, its
independenceisnotcompletelyassuredduetothepoliticalnominationofitspresident.The
performanceoftheSupremeAuditCourtdoesnotmeettheexpectedstandards,notdueto
theamountofcontrolactionorauditscarriedout,butduetothefactthatitmerelycontrols
the technicalaccountingaspectsofpublicspending,sometimesevenhelping theauditedinstitutions to better fit their uncontrolled spending within the technical accounting
standards, insteadofanalysingtheadequacyofpublicfundsmanagementbasedonsocial
impactandopportunity.
CouncilforthePreventionofCorruptionInresponsetotherequirementsoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption,the
Government
has
recently
created
the
Council
for
the
Prevention
of
Corruption
(CPC),
which
is joined to the Supreme Audit Court. This is an independent administrative body
5 See RTP (2012), Manuel Frexes est em litgio com a empresa "guas de Portugal", 12 January 2012, available at:http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61
http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61 -
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responsible for developing activities to prevent corrupt practices, as stated by the Law
54/2008,September4. Inpractice,however, theCPC ischaracterizedasanunnoticeable
andunresponsiveinstitution,withoutatrulyactiveroleinthefightagainstandprevention
ofcorruption.
TheCPChasrecommendedthatall institutionsofthepublicsector (includingcentraland
local administration) and the stateowned private sector prepare plans to manage
corruptionrelated risks. Ca. 900 of these plans have been submitted to the CPC forapproval.
Althoughthisisonlythefirstapproachonbehalfoftheauthoritiestogatherinformationon
the possible risks of corruption, in practice there is still a methodical issue that gravely
underminesthepurposeandthequalityofthisexercise.Duetotheinexistenceofaculture
of selfevaluation, the relevance of this type of institutional diagnostic has once more
summarizeditselfassimplyaformalcompliance.Infact,alargenumberofinstitutionsand
bodies resorted toconsultancycompaniesorevenmodelplans tocomplywith theCPCs
request. Some even prepared the plan along with the CPC; for example, the Risk
ManagementPlanoftheNationalAssociationofMunicipalities.
Inmostcases,theprocessofpreparingthepreventionplanswasneithertransparentnordid
ithavebroadparticipation.Forexample,atthe levelof localadministration,fewwerethe
political parties in power which invited the opposing parties to participate in the
preparation, and less still were the ones who voluntarily submitted the plans to public
debateatmunicipalassemblies.
Theareasofriskinthisprocessarestilltobeidentifiedanddiscussed,andtoaggravatethe
futilityoftheexercise,theCPChasresigned frompubliclyevaluatingtheseriousnessand
qualityof
the
Corruption
Risk
Management
Plans.
To
date
no
report
or
evaluation
about
the
reportshavebeenpublished.
Although the principle of this exercisewas virtuous and educational in the sense that it
soughttocreateariskmanagementtoolthroughtheintrospectionofinstitutionsregarding
their compliance and the effective implementationof thoseplans, inpractice thewhole
effort was no more than a symbolic measure which sought to elude public awareness
throughanofficialnotionofpreventionwithadualpurposetotranquilizepublicopinion
andassureexternalevaluatorsthatrecommendationstointensifypreventionstrategiesare
beingdullyfulfilled.
NotonlydoestheCPChavefewcompetences,but itcannotevenavail itselffromthoseit
has.The informationcollected isnotanalysedortreated;there isnoactivity inthepublic
sector;inthefieldofawarenessraisingamongcitizens,itsworkreplicatesthatofanyNGO
inthisfieldorthroughsomescarceseminars;thebodydoesnotdevelopconnectionsand
exchange information with other institutions, such as thejudiciary, police or the public
prosecutorsoffice.Upuntilnow, thisorganhasnotpresentedany longtermprevention
andeducationplanwithregardstothepublicadministration,nottomentionthatithasnot
reportedfortheactivitiesthatithasdevelopedthroughthepublicationofanannualreport,
whichshouldbesubmittedtoParliamentfordebate.
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