2011 nis summary portugal en

8/2/2019 2011 NIS Summary Portugal En

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www.transparencia.pt

A t l a n t i c

O c e a n

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Mediterranean Sea

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Sea

B l a c k S e

Bay

of

Biscay

NATIONAL INTEGRITYSYSTEM ASSESSMENT

PORTUGAL


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WithfinancialsupportfromthePreventionofandFightagainstCrimeProgrammeoftheEuropeanUnionEuropeanCommission DirectorateGeneralHomeAffairs


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IntroductionCorruption ispresent inthedaily lifeofPortuguesecitizens,whoareassailedeverydayby

themedia

reporting

new

scandals

of

corruption,

recurring

obstacles

in

pending

investigations, crimes that go unpunished andnew anticorruption policies thathaveno

effectontheseissues.

Thecontinuouspublicexposureofhighprofilecorruptioncases involvingfiguresfromthe

state or private sector, combined with extensive media coverage of how successive

governmentshavedealtwiththisphenomena,hasunderminedpublicconfidence.

According to 2010s Global Corruption Barometer (GCB) data, most Portuguese citizens

(83%)notonlyfeelthatcorruptionlevelshaveincreasedsince2007,buttheyalsoconsider

that theGovernment is inefficient in fightingcorruption.Thepercentageof citizenswith

thislatter

view

has

increased

from

64%

in

2007

to

75%

in

2010.

Thenegative perception regarding theGovernments role in fighting corruption and the

evolution of this phenomenon in Portugal can also be felt in the international context.

TransparencyInternationals(henceforth,TI)CorruptionPerceptionsIndex(henceforth,the

CPI),whichmeasures theperceptionsofbusinessmen and foreignexperts, confirms this

trend.Portugal is32nd intheCPIglobalranking,and inrelationtoEurope,Portugalstands

as the 18th most corrupt country, as perceived by the aforementioned experts and

businessmen.

Internationalorganizationsexternalevaluationsalsoconfirmthenegativeperformanceof

consecutivegovernmentsofPortugalwhen itcomes to fightingcorruption.Forexample,

theGroupofStatesAgainstCorruptions(GRECO)secondevaluationroundreport,adopted

atthe28thGRECOplenarymeeting inStrasbourgfrom9to12May2006,reveals indetail

someoftheshortcomingsandflawsinanticorruptionandantifinancialcriminalitypolicies

inPortugal.

With regards to the implementationof theOECDsConventiononCombatingBriberyof

Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (commonly known as the

OECDantibriberyconvention)Portugalsperformancehasbeenlaggingbehind.Themain

conclusions from the OECDs Working Group on Bribery in International Business

Transactionsprogress

report,

published

in

October

2009,

are

assertive.

Of

the

previous

recommendationsmadebytheOECDregardingthefightagainstcorruption,Portugalonly

managedto fullycomplywithtwo;themajorityoftheremainingrecommendationswere

compliedwithonlypartially.

The inefficiencyof anticorruptionpolicies isoften followedby adiscreditof thejudicial

system.The results from the2011QualityofDemocracyBarometer (obtained througha

surveyofarepresentativesampleofthePortuguesepopulation)mentionedaperceptionof

a lack of results and duality of criteria, leaving a feeling of injustice and impunity, thus

confirminganalreadyverifiedtrendinformerstudiesofthiskind1.AccordingtotheQuality

1Accordingtothedatafromthe2006ssurveyCorrupoeticaemDemocracia:OCasodePortugal(CorruptionandEthicsinDemocracy:thePortuguesecase),PortuguesecitizensgenerallyconsiderthatJusticeisnotsevereenoughtowardsmembersofGovernment(87.2%),membersofParliament(85.3%),sportsdirectors(85.2%)andMayors(78.7%).Themanagersofpublicandprivatecompaniesarealsopartofthisgroup,evenifwithalowervalue(72.9%).AnEurobarometersurveyperformedin


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of Democracy Barometer study, 59% of respondents feel that citizens are not treated

equallybycourtsandthattheirsocial,politicaloreconomicstatushasanimportantrolein

differentiatedtreatment.Additionally,54%consideredthatthedecisionsfromcourtsareso

slow, that in most cases it is not worth resorting to thejudicial system. Regarding the

independenceofcourts, ruleof law seems to resist the influenceofpoliticalpowermore

than thatof economicpower: 45%of respondents fear that courtdecisionsmaynotbe

independent

from

financial

and

economic

interests,

while

41%

have

the

same

perception

regardingtheinfluenceofpoliticalinterests.Whenconsideringthethreedimensionsofthe

judicialefficiencysanctioning,compensationandenforcementonlyregardingthelatter

does the public opinion hold a more positive (36%) than negative (25%) perception. An

exampleofauniqueperceptionthatPortuguesecitizenshaveoftheirjudicialsystem: it is

considered to be easier to convict a homeless person for stealing a dried octopus and

shampoo ina supermarket (LUSA,2012), thanordering thearrestofamayor,whohas

alreadybeenconvictedofcorruptionrelatedcrimes(Morais,2012).

Theaggravationoftheperceptionofcorruptionandtheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystemin

combating corruptionhasadirect impacton thequalityofdemocracy.According to the

dataof2011sQualityofDemocracyBarometer,corruption isoneofthemajordrawbacks

of Portuguese society, alongside a loss of confidence in the executive and politicians in

general,alackofefficiencyingovernanceandsocialinequality.

Theseresultsrevealthatcorruptionwasoneofthephenomenathatcontributedthemost

to an increase in a loss of confidence in democratic procedures, institutions and

stakeholders.Corruption,however,isnotalwaysseenasacauseforindignation.Intimesof

plenty, citizens tend todisregard certainpracticesofpoliticians, considering them tobe

smallwhimsofpowerandperfectlytolerable.However,inthecontextofafinancialcrisis,

the decrease in wellbeing results in hostile attitudes from the public opinion aimed at

politicians,parties

and

representative

bodies,

and

ageneral

attitude

of

condemnation

towardscorruptpractices.

Thecurrenteconomicandfinancialclimate iscertainlynothelpful.Wagecutsandtheloss

offinancialbenefits inthepublicsector increasethe likelihoodofbribesbeingpaidwithin

the public administration, while in the private sector there is an even greater need and

demand togetpreferentialaccess tocertainpublicdecisionsorassets.As statedbyM.J.

Morgado(2011)regardingthecurrenteconomicsituation,The internationalcrisisworked

liketheflu inthecancerousbodyofcorruption,whichholdsthescarsoftheblackmarket,

fraud,taxevasion,andmismanagementofpublicfunds.

Whiletheenlargementandmultiplicationofstateservicesandtheirregulatoryfunctionin

theeconomyhaveplayedaconsiderableroleinthepromotionofanenvironmentproneto

corruption, the ever growing permeability of the public sector to market values and

interests has also lead to a furtherweakening of moral costs and, thus, to an increased

tolerance of corruption within our society (De Sousa, 2011). The increased gap in social

inequalities,mainlyresultingfromwealthdistributionasymmetries,hasplacedPortuguese

citizens under the logicof the efficient corruptofficial theonewho steals from the

public, but also gets the work done. Such a shortsighted perspective on political

performancepromotes a lackof transparency and legal ambiguity,while simultaneously

inhibitingpublic

accountability

of

these

political

actors

for

their

crimes.

This

Robin

Hood

style of corruption has a great level of acceptance within Portuguese society and is a

September2009alsosupportedthesefindingsaboutthecitizensperspectiveontheefficiencyofJustice:70%ofPortugueserespondentsconsideredthatCourtsdecisionsincorruptioncasesarenotsufficientlysevere.


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symptomofacivicculturestillfoundedonthesatisfactionofthebasicneedsofdailylife.In

the2006studyCorrupoeticaemDemocracia:OCasodePortugal(CorruptionandEthicsinDemocracy:thePortuguesecase),asurveyconductedamongstarepresentativesample

ofcitizensrevealedthatca.64%oftherespondentsacceptedcorruptionandbriberyaslong

as it would benefit the general public. Following this, it is not surprising that political

candidates with pending corruptionrelated crimes are reelected sometimes with

comfortable

majorities

(De

Sousa

and

Tries,

2009).

Thedecline in levelsof confidence regarding institutionalcapacityand the increasedgap

between citizens and political parties (and also between citizens and Members of

Parliament)have resulted inaweak levelofpoliticalparticipationand ina reducedsocial

vigilancerelatingtotheperformanceofpoliticalandadministrativebodies.

Theevergrowingapathyofcitizenstowardscausesofcommoninterestisaclearsymptom

ofanevenbiggercrisisofvaluesinPortuguesesociety.Thewealthandwellbeingofcitizens

and theeconomicdevelopmentof the last twodecadesgradually instilledamindsetof

easysuccess,obtainablebyanymeansandatanycost.Portugalrecoveredfromacentury

long delay indevelopment,modernizing its economy and industry quickly and intenselyover the last threedecades,andhaving reached levelsoforganization,developmentand

education similar to those of its European counterparts. This process of accelerated

modernizationnotonlybrought anew setofopportunities for corruption tooccur (new

groupsof interests, structuralchanges in the relationshipbetween the stateandmarket,

increaseinstateregulationandintervention,thecompetitivenatureofpoweretc.)butalso

inducedanextenuationofthevaluesheldby individuals.Thiscutbackonmoralcostsalso

facilitatedopportunitiesforcorruptpracticestooccur(DeSousa,2011).

Furthermore, the civic culture and literacy levels of citizens have not made it easier to

achieveanactiveandvigilantcitizenship.PortugalhaseducationlevelsbelowtheEuropean

averageortheOECDaverage,andmodernsocietyhasconstantlyfailedtotransmitvalues

of transparencyand integrity toyoungergenerations,overwhelming themwith constant

examplesof impunity in themedia.Theabsenceofaclearandsolidnormative reference

allowscitizenstofreelydomorethanwhatisallowedbylaw,andlessthanwhatshouldbe

demandedbyethics(DeSousaandTries,2009).

Corruptionas anabusive,obscure andprivilegedaccessmechanism topublicgoodsand

decisionsisnotonlyanadditionalfactorcontributingtopoliticaltensionandinstability,but

hasalsoreducedthecapacityofthepoliticalsystemtorespondaccordingto itsneeds,as

wellashavinganegativeimpactonthePortuguesebusinessenvironment.Accordingtothe

GlobalCompetitivenessIndex,injustadecadePortugalfellfromthe28thposition(2000)to

the46thin2010.Amongotherfactors,theaccelerateddeclineincompetitivenessisdirectly

relatedto:themismanagementofpublicfundsandresources;economicallybiasedpolitical

decisions; the burden of bureaucracy; the inefficiency of the judicial system; the

mismanagementand incompetenceobserved inacquisitions,publiccontracts,andpublic

privatepartnershipswith ruinousconsequences for thestate;unclear regulations in these

previousfieldsleadingtoahighlevelofdiscretionarypower.Allofthesefactorsultimately

result inarampantgrowthofpublicspendingandthe inevitable increase intaxation,thus

resultingin

an

unattractive

economy

for

private

and

sustainable

investment.

ItiscommonknowledgethatPortugal iscurrentlyinthemiddleofagraveeconomiccrisis

withdireconsequencesat thedomestic level.This crisis, resulting fromanexcessiveand

uncontrolledeconomicdeficit,themismanagementofpublicfundsandthephenomenonof


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corruptionhas led toan increasing lossofcompetitiveedgeof thePortugueseeconomy.

ThecurrenteconomicclimateforcedthePortugueseexecutivetorequestexternalfinancial

aid inthecontextoftheEuropeanFinancialStabilizationMechanism,andtoagreebefore

the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary

Fundtoimplementanarrayofstructuralpolicieswiththepurposeofreducingthedeficitof

thepublicadministrationandreducingtheweightofpublicdebt.Thissetofagreedpolicies

and

internal

measures

was

established

in

a

Memorandum

of

Understanding

on

Specific

EconomicPolicyConditionality(May2011).

Although the Memorandum of Understanding does not foresee mechanisms to combat

corruption,particularlywithregardstothepublicorjudicialsectors,someof theoutlined

reforms aim tobring about amore transparent and rigorous controlofpublic spending,

including changes to the remuneration schemes of public bodies, a cutback on

managementpositions, the enhancement ofbanking supervision and increased financial

accountability within the public administration and the stateowned private sector.

However,someofthereformsprovidedintheMemorandumofUnderstanding,suchasthe

privatization

of

state

owned

assets,

the

renegotiation

of

public

private

partnerships

or

the

restructuringofthePortuguesemilitary,mayopenseveralopportunities forcorruptionto

occur,mainlyduetothestrongrelationshipbetweenprivateandpublicinterestsinPortugal

andduetothelowlegalandmoralcostsassociatedwithillicittransactions.Bearinginmind

theseverityofthecurrentfinancialsituation,theurgentnecessitytoraisefunds,thetight

scheduleaccording towhichdecisionsshallbe (andhavebeen)made,and thecoolingof

financial markets, certain statemanaged operations selling assets may not only fail in

assuring the effective achievement of the objectives and goals outlined in the

Memorandum of Understanding, but may also lead to corrupt practices and the illicit

enrichmentofcertainactorswithaccesstoprivilegedinformation.

Withinthishardcultural,social,politicalandeconomicclimate,thepurposeofthepresent

assessment of the National Integrity System (NIS) is to evaluate the performance and

underlyingnormsofthemostinfluentialbodiesandinstitutionswithaholisticapproachto

thefightagainstcorruption.Thegoal isnottoachieveanextremelydetailedanalysisover

eachoneandeveryoneofthesebodies,buttoobtainabroadviewontheirperformanceas

asymbioticcomplex,takingintoaccounttheircompetencesandinstitutionalpractices.


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MainFindingsThe Greek temple shown below is a graphic representation of the performance of the

PortugueseNational

Integrity

System

(NIS)

based

on

the

classifications

given

to

the

indicatorsofeachoftheinstitutionalpillars.Fromtheweakenedfoundationsofthistemple

it is possible to understand that the political, cultural, social and economic climate in

Portugaldoesnotprovideasolidethicalbasisfortheefficientfightagainstcorruption,both

regarding the civic integrity of citizens, the economic stability of the country and the

politicalwilltoeffectivelythwartthisphenomenon.

AccordingwiththeresultsoftheNISstudy,thepoliticalsystem(ExecutiveandLegislative

pillars) and the enforcement system (Judiciary, Law Enforcement and AntiCorruption

Agenciespillars)are themost fragileareasof theNational IntegritySystem.Without the

politicalwillandacapable,unwaveringjudicialsystem,thefightagainstcorruptioncannot

takeplace.

CorruptionintheSpotlightDuetothepressuremadebydomesticand internationalstudies,evaluationmechanisms,

and the media attention regarding this phenomenon, the issue of corruption has been


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followedby thePortugueseparliamentmore closelyover the last few years.The recent

2010 anticorruption law package, which was the outcome of the activities of the

TemporaryCommission for thepolitical followupof thephenomenonofcorruptionand

the integrated analysis of solutions regarding its combat2, is evidence of a growing

sensibilityofthepoliticalpowerregardingthesocialperceptionofcorruption.Thispackage

provided for severalamendments3 in the legal framework, suchas theadditionofanew

type

of

crime

(the

breach

of

urban

planning

norms),

the

enlargement

of

periods

of

statutes

of limitationandthecreationofacentralbankaccountdatabaseattheBankofPortugal.

Therecentapprovalofabillproposingthecriminalizationofillicitenrichment4isevidence

thatthethemeofcorruptionwillcontinuetobeinthespotlightforthenearfuture.

ASymbolicAgendaInspiteofthepositivemessageechoedbypublicopinionaftertheapprovalofallthenew

lawsandpolicies, thequalityand scopeof theamendments raisedoubts about the true

intentionsof

the

legislating

power.

From

an

external

perspective,

all

the

aforementioned

laws and bills seem to show that the legislator is merely carrying a symbolic agenda,

without anypreviouslydefinedand consolidatedplans. In fact, the legislative initiatives

tendtopileupwithoutanypoliticalorientation.Theabsenceofstrategyandplanninghas

resultedinseveraloperationalweaknessesandflaws,mainlyatthelevelofpreventionand

enforcement, thus resulting in unfruitful results as shown by the evaluation reports of

internationalbodies(OECD,2007;GRECO,2006).Notwithstandingthefactthattheissueof

corruptionhas featured in repeatedgovernment communication, theobstacles impeding

criminal investigation remain unaddressed, namely the problems regarding training,

specialization,computerizationandforensicexpertise(e.g.expertsonfinance).Regarding

prevention, the governments activities can be summarized as the adoption of very

unspecific professional codes of conduct, without any monitoring within the public

administration bodies, and the creation of the Council for the Prevention of Corruption

(CPC)whichhasrevealeditselfasalmostirrelevantinitsfield.

LegislativeandExecutiveWithin the Parliaments and the Governments own regulation and activities, the more

pressing

issues

relate

to

the

declaration

of

assets

and

interests

made

by

the

members

of

Parliament,bothatalegallevelandinpractice.Inaddition,therearesevereflawsregarding

the control of public spending. This is particularly true in the case ofministerial offices,

whichhavenoexpenditureceilings,thusallowinguncontrolledandexcessivespending.

PoliticalPartyFinancingRegardingtheroleofpoliticalpartiesinthefightagainstcorruption,themainproblemlies

inthe lackofregulationofpoliticalparty financing.The lastversionof the lawregulating

2The InterimCommissionsMicroWebsite, containing reports,minutesandan archive of initiatives, can be consultedat:http://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspx.Accessed29.12.2011.3Theseamendmentswereput inplace,respectively,byLaw32/2010,2September,whichamendedtheCriminalCode,andLaw36/2010,2September,whichamenedtheGeneralFrameworkofFinancialInstitutions.4Billproposals4/XII(BE),11/XII(PCP)and72/XII(PSD,CDSPP).
http://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspxhttp://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspxhttp://www.parlamento.pt/sites/com/XILeg/CEAPFCAISVC/Paginas/Default.aspx


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10/16

anddoesnotevenmonitoror followupanypotentialcrimeswhichhavebeenreferredto

thePublicProsecutorsOffice.

PublicSectorRegarding

the

Public

Sector,

independence

is

the

major

problem

identified

by

the

assessment.Althoughlegallyconsideredneutralandimpartial,thePublicAdministrationis

stillusing lesstransparentpracticesforrecruitment:be itthroughthepoliticalnomination

ofdirectors,i.e.thefamousphenomenonofjobsfortheboyswhichresultsinthepractical

legitimization of the Public Administrations politicization through discretionary criteria,

often based on political client relationships (a similar situation also occurs in the state

ownedprivate sector);orbe it through thepossibility toengineerpubliccompetitions to

best serve previously chosen candidates. This is a very common practice in the local

administration,wherethereisarecurringrelationshipbetweenpoliticsandthepromiseof

publicofficestothirdparties.

NotwithstandingthefactthatthecurrentGovernmenthaspublicly included in itsagenda

theestablishmentofan independentrecruitmentsystemfortheselectionofhighpolitical

officialswith thepurposeofpromotingselectionbasedonmeritandqualitycriteria,thus

removing its partisan trait while assuring the principles of competence, impartiality and

transparency, in practice, the Government only provided for a recruitment mechanism

whichstillguaranteesthepoliticalcontrolonrecruitmentprofiles,selectionofthejury,and

finaldecision.Theattempttoreducethepoliticalandpartisaninfluenceinthisarearesulted

only in a series of scandals, from promises of political offices to local political leaders

(Sapage, 2012) to the nomination of public administrators with obvious conflicts of

interest5.

TheSupremeAuditCourtThe Supreme Audit Court is the body responsible for controlling the management and

expenditure of public funds in the political and administrative system; however, its

independenceisnotcompletelyassuredduetothepoliticalnominationofitspresident.The

performanceoftheSupremeAuditCourtdoesnotmeettheexpectedstandards,notdueto

theamountofcontrolactionorauditscarriedout,butduetothefactthatitmerelycontrols

the technicalaccountingaspectsofpublicspending,sometimesevenhelping theauditedinstitutions to better fit their uncontrolled spending within the technical accounting

standards, insteadofanalysingtheadequacyofpublicfundsmanagementbasedonsocial

impactandopportunity.

CouncilforthePreventionofCorruptionInresponsetotherequirementsoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption,the

Government

has

recently

created

the

Council

for

the

Prevention

of

Corruption

(CPC),

which

is joined to the Supreme Audit Court. This is an independent administrative body

5 See RTP (2012), Manuel Frexes est em litgio com a empresa "guas de Portugal", 12 January 2012, available at:http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61
http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/index.php?article=517559&tm=9&layout=122&visual=61


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responsible for developing activities to prevent corrupt practices, as stated by the Law

54/2008,September4. Inpractice,however, theCPC ischaracterizedasanunnoticeable

andunresponsiveinstitution,withoutatrulyactiveroleinthefightagainstandprevention

ofcorruption.

TheCPChasrecommendedthatall institutionsofthepublicsector (includingcentraland

local administration) and the stateowned private sector prepare plans to manage

corruptionrelated risks. Ca. 900 of these plans have been submitted to the CPC forapproval.

Althoughthisisonlythefirstapproachonbehalfoftheauthoritiestogatherinformationon

the possible risks of corruption, in practice there is still a methodical issue that gravely

underminesthepurposeandthequalityofthisexercise.Duetotheinexistenceofaculture

of selfevaluation, the relevance of this type of institutional diagnostic has once more

summarizeditselfassimplyaformalcompliance.Infact,alargenumberofinstitutionsand

bodies resorted toconsultancycompaniesorevenmodelplans tocomplywith theCPCs

request. Some even prepared the plan along with the CPC; for example, the Risk

ManagementPlanoftheNationalAssociationofMunicipalities.

Inmostcases,theprocessofpreparingthepreventionplanswasneithertransparentnordid

ithavebroadparticipation.Forexample,atthe levelof localadministration,fewwerethe

political parties in power which invited the opposing parties to participate in the

preparation, and less still were the ones who voluntarily submitted the plans to public

debateatmunicipalassemblies.

Theareasofriskinthisprocessarestilltobeidentifiedanddiscussed,andtoaggravatethe

futilityoftheexercise,theCPChasresigned frompubliclyevaluatingtheseriousnessand

qualityof

the

Corruption

Risk

Management

Plans.

To

date

no

report

or

evaluation

about

the

reportshavebeenpublished.

Although the principle of this exercisewas virtuous and educational in the sense that it

soughttocreateariskmanagementtoolthroughtheintrospectionofinstitutionsregarding

their compliance and the effective implementationof thoseplans, inpractice thewhole

effort was no more than a symbolic measure which sought to elude public awareness

throughanofficialnotionofpreventionwithadualpurposetotranquilizepublicopinion

andassureexternalevaluatorsthatrecommendationstointensifypreventionstrategiesare

beingdullyfulfilled.

NotonlydoestheCPChavefewcompetences,but itcannotevenavail itselffromthoseit

has.The informationcollected isnotanalysedortreated;there isnoactivity inthepublic

sector;inthefieldofawarenessraisingamongcitizens,itsworkreplicatesthatofanyNGO

inthisfieldorthroughsomescarceseminars;thebodydoesnotdevelopconnectionsand

exchange information with other institutions, such as thejudiciary, police or the public

prosecutorsoffice.Upuntilnow, thisorganhasnotpresentedany longtermprevention

andeducationplanwithregardstothepublicadministration,nottomentionthatithasnot

reportedfortheactivitiesthatithasdevelopedthroughthepublicationofanannualreport,

whichshouldbesubmittedtoParliamentfordebate.
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