diclemente hantula applied be jnl econ psych 2003

Journal of Economic Psychology 24 (2003) 589–602

www.elsevier.com/locate/joep

Applied behavioral economicsand consumer choice q

Diane F. DiClemente *, Donald A. Hantula

Department of Psychology, Temple University, Weiss Hall, Philadelphia, PA 19122, USA

Abstract

This paper provides a review of the applied behavioral literature in consumer choice. Be-

ginning with Watson and Lindsley�s initial forays into consumer behavior from their respective

bases as basic behavioral researchers, the role of behavior analytic theory and application in

consumer behavior is appraised. The applied behavior analysis movement brought operant-

based applications into the consumer field, largely focusing on pro-soical and social marketing

applications. Increased interest in behavioral theory sparked continuing research in classical

conditioning of consumer attitudes and behaviors. Recent theoretical work in the Behavioral

Perspective Model and in the Behavioral Ecology of Consumption both harken back to some

of Watson�s early influences as well as forge new ground for a comprehensive behavioral ac-

count of consumption.

� 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

PsycINFO classification: 3900; 3920

JEL classification: M390

Keywords: Consumer behavior; Behavior modification; Decision making; Behavioral economics; Behav-

iorism

qPortions of these data were presented at the 1997 meeting of the Association for Behavior Analysis-

International, Chicago, IL.*Corresponding author. Present address: Department of Psychology, Dickinson College, P.O. Box

1773, Carlisle, PA 17013, USA.

E-mail address: [email protected] (D.F. DiClemente).

0167-4870/$ - see front matter � 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/S0167-4870(03)00003-5

mail to: [email protected]

590 D.F. DiClemente, D.A. Hantula / Journal of Economic Psychology 24 (2003) 589–602

1. Consumer psychology from a behavioral perspective: A review of the literature

The consumer is to the manufacturer, the department stores and the adver-tising agencies, what the green frog is to the physiologist.

Watson (1922)

In the study of consumer behavior, theoretical orientations have developed as dis-

parate streams. Behavior analytic principles, which enjoy much empirical rigor, have

also been applied to consumer behavior; however, this work has also lacked theoret-

ical coherence, and has focused largely on attempts to produce reflexive conditioning

in consumers exposed to advertising stimuli or to modify discrete consumer choices(Hantula, DiClemente, & Rajala, 2001). In recent years the application of behavior

analytic principals to consumer behavior has been more systematic, as has the theory

undergirding these applications, to the point that this work is now more akin to ap-

plied behavioral economics.

Consumer Psychology from a behavioral perspective is characterized by direct

measurement of consumer behavior, longitudinal studies often using a small number

of participants, and a basis in the basic theory of behavior analysis. The focus in this

research area is primarily on what consumers do in space through time regarding thesearch for, acquisition and use of, and disposition of goods and services; and second-

arily, if at all, on indirect measures of consumer behavior such as attitude, intention

or liking. Although not prominent in the past within behavior analysis and within

consumer psychology, the practical and theoretical relevance of a behavioral per-

spective on consumption is growing in influence in both fields. This review summa-

rizes the major themes in past research and outlines particularly promising areas for

future investigation.

2. Consumer psychology as a behaviorist viewed it

In 1920 famed psychologist John B. Watson joined the J. Walter Thompson ad-

vertising agency. The creation of a national advertising industry in the 1920s grew as

a response to the outgrowth of a system of industrial production that was becoming

increasingly geared toward distributing goods on a national scale. Because of the tre-

mendous growth of products and services, advertisers looked to psychology to ad-vance the marketing process. Watson�s analogy of the customer and the green frog

with the marketplace as the laboratory and the consumer the experimental subject

for the advertising industry illustrates how he conceptualized an objective experi-

mental natural science based approach to marketing. Through a rigorous scientific

psychological approach, Watson sought to discover the consumer�s present needs

and also to manipulate those needs to create desires for additional goods and ser-

vices; consequently, he believed that behaviorism was ideally suited for such a task

(Buckley, 1982).According to Watson, it was possible to predict consumer behavior because a per-

son was an organic machine, and it was no different controlling the behavior of peo-

D.F. DiClemente, D.A. Hantula / Journal of Economic Psychology 24 (2003) 589–602 591

ple than it was controlling a machine. Therefore, the goal of advertising was not

about simply providing information about given products or services, but it was also

about creating a society of consumers and controlling of the their consumption

through behavioral techniques to condition emotional responses (DiClemente &

Hantula, 2000). Or, in Watson�s words, ‘‘To get hold of your consumer, or better,to make your consumer react, it is only necessary to confront him with either funda-

mental or conditioned emotional stimuli.’’ (Buckley, 1982, p. 212).

While Watson first brought behaviorism into consumer behavior, its influence was

not evident in empirical research until the 1960s when Lindsley (1962) applied operant

theory and techniques to studies of consumer behavior. In a typical study of this type,

a participant was placed in a comfortable air-conditioned room with a television re-

ceiver in front of the viewer, holding a small switch that produced a slight increase in

the brightness of a television image when pressed according to a conjugate schedule ofreinforcement. In a conjugate schedule of reinforcement the participant directly and

immediately controls the intensity of a continuously available reinforcing stimulus,

such as a television show. The use of conjugate reinforcement continued when adver-

tising researchers used a device called conjugately programmed analysis of advertising

(CONPAAD) to measure advertising effectiveness in terms of such variables as atten-

tion to story board and finished versions of advertisements (Nathan &Wallace, 1965);

effects of satiation on advertising (Grass &Wallace, 1969); magazine article interest in

an ad lib situation (Wolf, Newman, & Winters, 1969); and readership with magazinearticles (Winters & Wallace, 1970). Although this methodology fell into disuse in

favor of eye-tracking devices (Hantula et al., 2001), ironically, with the advent of

the television remote control, consumers could perform the opposite function of this

device by clicking a button to switch off a program that they did not want to view.

3. The applied analysis of consumer behavior

In 1970s behavioral consumer research moved from theory-driven laboratory

studies to those typified by the new applied behavior analysis movement (Baer, Wolf,

& Risley, 1968) that focused on changes in socially important behaviors in situ. Con-

sequently, research moved into domains such as recycling, gas conservation, and

electricity conservation, the success of which led Tuso and Geller (1976) and Geller

(1989) to call for increased use of applied behavior analysis in social marketing.

For example, in recycling, Geller, Farris, and Post (1973) used hand bill prompts

to increase returns of soft drink bottles in a supermarket; Geller, Chaffee, and In-gram (1975) and Witmer and Geller (1976) used raffle and contest contingencies to

successfully increase recycling on a college campus. Austin, Hatfield, Grindle, and

Bailey (1993) accomplished increased recycling in an office, through the use of sign

prompts and by Brothers, Krantz, and McClannahan (1994) by using close-proxi-

mity containers, a result replicated by Ludwig, Gray, and Rowell (1998) with bever-

age can recycling. Further recycling research illustrated the importance of studying

the actual behavior when it was discovered that intention to recycle was not necessar-

ily indicative of recycling behavior (Davies, Foxall, & Pallister, 2002).


Similar studies focused on reducing littering. Burgess, Clark, and Hendee (1971)

reduced litter in a movie theater by providing cues such as extra trash cans, anti-litter

films, litter bags, litter bags with instructions and litter bags plus small reinforcers.

Clark, Burgess, and Hendee (1972) used incentives such as a Smokey Bear Shoulder

patch, Junior Forest Ranger badges, and a Smokey Bear Fight Forest Fires pin en-tice children to collect and properly dispose litter on a campground, Powers, Os-

borne, and Anderson (1973) utilized a lottery system to reduce littering in a US

Forest Service area, and Kohlenberg and Phillips (1973) used both variable schedule

reinforcements and an incentive system to reduce littering in an urban park setting.

Conservation studies included those focused on increased bus ridership by using

token reinforcements on intermittent and continuous schedules (Deslauriers & Ever-

ett, 1977; Everett, Hayward, & Meyers, 1974) and reducing miles driven by college

students (Foxx & Hake, 1977). Other research showed that behavioral techniquessuch as prompting, a rebate system, video modeling, and feedback can effectively in-

crease residential energy conservation (Hayes & Cone, 1977, 1981; Kohlenberg, Phil-

lips, & Proctor, 1976; Luyben, 1980; Palmer, Lloyd, & Lloyd, 1977; Seaver &

Patterson, 1976; Slavin, Wodarski, & Blackburn, 1981; Van Houten, Nau, & Merr-

igan, 1981; Winett et al., 1982; Winett, Kaiser, & Haberkorn, 1977; Winett, Leck-

liter, Chinn, Stahl, & Love, 1985; Winett, Neale, & Grier, 1979) as well as in

office buildings (Staats, van Leeuwen, & Wit, 2000).

Other applied behavior analytic work addressing pro-social consumer issues in-cluded studies aimed at reducing retail theft and inappropriate purchases. McNees,

Egli, Marshall, Schnelle, and Risley (1976) reduced shoplifting with the use of signs

that publicly identified merchandise most often stolen, work replicated and extended

by Carter, Holmstrom, Simpanen, and Melin (1988), Carter and Holmberg (1992),

and Carter, Kindstedt, and Melin (1995). McNees, Schnelle, Kirchner, and Thomas

(1980) successfully reduced shoplifting with elementary school children by designing

an incentive system designed for children to pay for all of their merchandise and Ja-

son, Billows, Wyatt-Schnopp, and King (1996) used intermittent compliance checksto reduce the sales of cigarettes to minors.

Another stream of applied studies focused on changing consumer behavior in the

context of purchasing goods and services. McNally and Abernathy (1989) pro-

grammed schedules of money reinforcement into automated teller machines (ATMs)

to shape consumer behavior and increase use of the machines. Benjamin-Bauman,

Reiss, and Bailey (1984) and Friman, Finney, Rapoff, and Christophersen (1985)

used prompts to increase patient appointment keeping in health care settings. Scott

(1976) used trial incentives to increase newspaper subscriptions. In a demonstrationof how behavioral techniques can be used by the consumer to influence employee

performance, Johnson (1985) increased the stocking of newspapers in vendor boxes

by using an intervention package consisting of customer feedback and backup con-

sequences to the delivery agents by the customer. Honnen and Kleinke (1990) in-

creased the number of condoms taken in a gay bar by posting signs prompting

patrons to take free condoms. Prompting (or ‘‘suggestive selling’’) was also shown

to be successful in increasing beer sales in a bar/restaurant (Martinko, 1986) and

food sales in a fast food restaurant (Martinko, White, & Hassell, 1989). Barnard,


Christophersen, and Wolf (1977) and Clark et al. (1977) reported a treatment pack-

ages for increasing appropriate and reducing inappropriate child behavior during

family shopping trips. Conversely, focusing on the ‘‘behavior’’ of food markets,

Greene, Rouse, Green, and Clay (1984) reduced grocery price inflation by publishing

comparative food price information in local newspapers.A steady stream of research has used variations of modeling techniques to change

food choices to healthier and more nutritious foods. Winett, Kramer, Walker, Ma-

lone, and Lane (1988) used feedback, goal setting and modeling to reduce food pur-

chases high in fat and increase food purchases high in carbohydrates. Similarly,

Winett et al. (1991) used an interactive information system using instructional video

programs and feedback to increase the purchase of high fiber foods and decrease the

purchase of high fat foods. Focusing on children, Madsen, Madsen, and Thompson

(1974) used contingent cereal and candy paired with praise to increase intake of un-familiar, nutritious foods, and the ‘‘Food Dudes’’ program used modeling and re-

ward procedures to increase children�s choices of fruits and vegetables (Horne,

Lowe, Bowdery, & Egerton, 1998; Horne, Lowe, Fleming, & Dowey, 1995; Lowe,

Downey, & Horne, 1998).

This research showed clearly that applied behavioral techniques can change con-

sumer behavior. Also evident in this research is the finding that consumers can use

these same techniques to change the behavior of sellers and marketers. However

the over-representation of studies focusing on de-consumption, disposition of goods,and socially important consumption related behaviors, although laudable, raises

questions regarding the overall effectiveness of this approach in the more common

commercial marketing venue that emphasizes increasing consumption. Further,

the range of interventions was limited to replications of a small set of fairly simple

antecedent (e.g., modeling, prompts) and to a lesser extent, consequent (e.g., small

tangible rewards, feedback) manipulations. Replications establish robust proce-

dures, and the research has unmistakable social value but the practical success of

these intervention studies may have eclipsed complementary theoretical analysisand development.

4. Classically conditioning consumer behavior

In the applied analysis of consumer behavior literature, what works was well es-

tablished; why it works and where it should go appears to be less well developed. Belk

(1974) and Bearden and Woodside (1976) examined situational factors that may in-crease consumption such as entertaining friends, engaging in a sports activity, or tak-

ing a break during a workday and Ehrenberg (1974) discussed advertising�s main role

as one to reinforce feelings of satisfaction for brands already being used by repeti-

tion. Markin and Narayana (1975) stated that ‘‘behavioristic’’ advertisements at-

tempted to simulate a problem situation by dramatically presenting the problem; a

strategy advanced by Watson (DiClemente & Hantula, 2000) and began to question

the responsibility of the experimenter in terms of shaping the behavior of the con-

sumer, as well as the freedom and dignity of the consumer arguing that one key


responsibility of the consumer behaviorists is to teach people how to be better con-

sumers and information seekers, and not necessarily how to consume more. In fur-

ther conceptual analysis, Nord and Peter (1980) detailed specific examples of

applications of a behavior modification perspective in marketing, which included

principles of classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and ecology. However,Rothschild and Gaidis (1981) declared that the focus should be on the more imme-

diate reinforcement aspects of behavioral learning theory of shaping, extinction, and

reinforcement schedules in order for the techniques to be effective. In reply, Peter and

Nord (1982) asserted that a behavioral approach views intermittent and delayed re-

inforcement as useful marketing tools.

This exchange led to further discussion and investigation of the use of classical

conditioning in the areas of marketing and advertising. Nord and Peter (1980) pre-

sented examples of radio and television advertisements that used famous sportscast-ers whose voices have been paired with exciting sports events; the sportscasters�voices then elicit excitement as a result of the frequent pairing. Furthermore, the

repeated pairings of the sportscaster voices with advertised products may invoke

feelings of excitement associated with the product. Other examples of classical con-

ditioning identified in the marketplace include: the products of fast food chains that

are often marketed by associating their names with the sight and sound of a sizzling

hamburger, soft drinks that are associated with catchy jingles, and even breakfast ce-

reals that are associated with famous sports personalities (McSweeney & Bierley,1984).

Other areas of classical conditioning in relation to consumer marketing included

studies of children�s product preferences; pairing arbitrary stimuli and music; inves-

tigating positive, negative, or neutral ads on brand attitude; investigating forward vs.

backward conditioning on advertising effects; Pavlovian effects of word evaluation

games and their relevance to advertisements; the effects on consumers of second

order classical conditioning; forward and backward conditioning, and for influenc-

ing and shaping brand attitudes with pictures or visual images (Allen & Janiszewski,1989; Bierley, McSweeney, & Vannieuwkerk, 1985; Blair & Shimp, 1992; Gresham &

Shimp, 1985; Janiszewski & Warlop, 1993; Kim, Allen, & Kardes, 1996; Macklin,

1983; McSweeney & Bierley, 1984; Shimp, Hyatt, & Snyder, 1991; Stuart, Shimp,

& Engle, 1987). Although the classical conditioning procedures used in these studies

are based in behavioral theory, the typical dependent variable was an indirect mea-

sure of consumer behavior, generally preference or attitude.

However, one of the main goals of advertising and marketing is to entice the con-

sumer to purchase the product. While attention to the product and positive affect to-wards the product have face validity as dependent variables, the critical outcome is

product selection or purchase. Further research has shown that these classical con-

ditioning procedures can change product selection sometimes, but overall the results

are mixed. Gorn (1982) showed slides of either beige or blue pens (the conditioned

stimulus or CS) while the participants listened to either liked music or disliked music

(the unconditioned stimulus or US). At the end of the experiment, when participants

were given the choice to select either a blue pen or a beige pen more selected the pen

associated with the liked music. Groenland and Schoormans (1994) and Tom (1995)


both replicated these findings with variations of Gorn�s study. However, Allen and

Madden (1985), using positive humor over negative humor as the UCS and pens

as the CS did not replicate Gorn�s results. Kellaris and Cox (1989) also did not rep-

licate of Gorn�s study in an experimental procedure, however, they did replicate

Gorn in a ‘‘nonexperiment’’ where the treatment was described instead of actuallyimplemented, and attributed their results to an experimental demand artifact. Shimp,

Stuart, and Engle (1991) argued that that the music used in Kellaris and Cox�s studywas not the same music that Gorn used, and the fact that the nonexperiment sup-

ported Gorn�s finding is not in itself convincing enough to conclude that Gorn�s re-sults were due to demand artifacts. In studies discussed in terms of classical

conditioning, Milliman (1982) found that slow tempo background music increased

purchasing behavior in a supermarket over fast tempo music and McCall and Bel-

mont (1996) discovered that when a credit card insignia was present on the tray con-taining a bill in a restaurant (argued to be a CS for increased spending), tipping

increased.

Theoretical inquiry from a behavioral perspective led consumer researchers to

explore classical conditioning as a means of changing attitude and choice. The con-

sumer classical conditioning research shows that attitudes and other indirect mea-

sures of consumer behavior can be changed through Pavlovian procedures. On the

other hand, classically conditioning consumer choice has shown to be more difficult.

Further, extrapolating from a closed laboratory setting in which one product ispaired with a UCS followed immediately by a choice between a small number of sim-

ilar products to the more open consumer setting may be premature. That reported

preferences and attitudes can be classically conditioned may have some theoretical

importance, but given the well-documented ‘‘attitude’’ and ‘‘behavior’’ discrepan-

cies, this work has not had much applied impact. This is not to say that such labo-

ratory research is of little value and should be discontinued, but rather that such

research should proceed cautiously, especially with respect to establishing the repli-

cability and generality of classically conditioned consumption.

5. Operant models of consumer behavior

Despite some initial theoretical papers, (e.g., Nord & Peter, 1980; Rothschild &

Gaidis, 1981), operant conditioning studies of consumer behavior were not pursued

to the same extent as classical conditioning studies. This may be due to operational

constraints; classical conditioning studies are often executed in the space of an houror two with traditional between-subject designs while many operant studies requires

weeks or months of data collection, often using within-subject designs. Alternatively,

classical conditioning is more amenable to the type of cognitive theorizing that per-

vades consumer behavior research, thus these studies are more easily integrated into

the extant literature. Or, perhaps because a full explication of an operant account of

consumer behavior, including a sophisticated treatment of behavioral theory and an

analysis of verbal behavior had not been developed at the time, the value of a behav-

ioral perspective on consumption was not appreciated. However, in order to


understand the motivations behind consumer behavior Bagozzi (2000) argues that it

is essential to involve environmental factors as well as situations surrounding con-

sumption into theories of consumption behavior.

Foxall (1987) began to shift the emphasis of consumer behavior towards radical

behaviorism with the Behavioral Perspective Model (BPM), a comprehensive, behav-ioral account of consumer behavior. In the BPM there are three types of consequences

of consumer behavior: hedonic reinforcement, aversive stimuli, and informational

reinforcement. Hedonic reinforcement comes from the satisfaction of buying, owing,

and consuming economic goods; aversive consequences come from the costs of con-

sumption such as giving up money, waiting in line, etc.; informational reinforcement

is provided by feedback of the performance of the consumer, which is seen especially

with social status (Foxall, 1994). The antecedent events of the consumer behavior in-

clude the current behavior setting, which includes moods, ability to pay, deprivation,etc., and learning history, which is the rewarding and punishing outcomes of past be-

haviors. Foxall (1994) also labeled four classes of consumer behavior from patterns

of high/low hedonic and informational reinforcement that is needed to maintain the

behavior. The four types of behavior include: maintenance (activities necessary for

the consumer�s physical survival and welfare such as food, and the fulfillment of so-

cietal obligations such as paying taxes), accumulations (behaviors involved in certain

kinds of saving, collecting, and installment buying), pleasure (consumption of pop-

ular entertainment), and accomplishment (behavior showing social and economicachievement, and personal attainment). These four types of behavior can be applied

to the communications of innovations of new products. The rationale is that the ac-

complishment category will be the first group exposed to the product, hence the ini-

tiators. As the life of the product continues, the other three behaviors will come into

effect in order of early imitators (pleasure), later imitators (accumulation), and last

adopters (maintenance).

In another operant model of consumer behavior, the Behavioral Ecology of Con-

sumption (Hantula et al., 2001; Rajala &Hantula, 2000; Smith &Hantula, 2003) viewsconsumer behavior as a biobasic activity. In this model, the behaviors that comprise

search, choice, consumption, and disposition of goods are seen as selected through

evolutionary processes. Consumer behavior is analyzed in terms of its short and long

term adaptive significance for the consumer, aspects of consumption are viewed as

functionally equivalent to foraging (Stephens &Krebs, 1986), and quantitative models

of foraging are used to guide experimentation and interpretation of data.

The BPM and the Behavioral Ecology of Consumption share many commonali-

ties and are complementary explanatory systems within a behavioral model of con-sumption. An important point of convergence for both models is General Matching

Law (Herrnstein, 1970) which predicts that organisms will ‘‘match’’ their behavior to

the relative returns from the environment, rather than maximize, or exclusively se-

lecting the option with the highest rate of return. Matching represents a departure

from standard economic theories of consumption that equate maximization assump-

tions with rationality; rather matching is an empirically derived principle. Matching

is important in this context because it provides a formal bridge from behavioral

theory to evolutionary biology theory (in the case of foraging, see Rajala & Hantula,


2000), and also predicts apparent anomalies in consumer behavior such as hyper-

bolic discounting of delayed outcomes, extreme preference for immediate outcomes,

and preference reversals.

6. Future research directions

Applied studies focusing on modifying specific consumer behaviors will continue

to be important additions to the literature, especially if the applications and analyses

of their outcomes are more closely intertwined with advances in behavioral theory.

Other potential contributions may be made by using applied behavioral methodolo-

gies (e.g., direct measurement of consumer behavior, repeated measures, single-sub-

ject designs) to study important issues in consumer behavior such as field studies onthe effectiveness of advertising (e.g., Cope, Moy, & Grossnickle, 1988) and the con-

textual and environmental determinants of consumer behavior (e.g., Geller, Russ, &

Altomari, 1986) through direct observation. Another area of potential progress may

lie in extending current employee-focused organizational behavior management

(OBM) applications to consumer behavior, such as in the area of customer safety

(e.g., Greene & Neistat, 1983; Hantula, DeNicolis Bragger, & Rajala, 2001) and cus-

tomer satisfaction with changes in employee behavior achieved through behavioral

interventions in organizations (e.g., Brown & Sulzer-Azaroff, 1994).The relevance and applicability of classical conditioning to consumer behavior re-

mains a growing area of empirical research and theoretical inquiry. Potential ad-

vances in this area include a closer analysis of the role of elicited/conditioned

emotion and its relation to consumer decision making and examination of possible

Pavlovian processes in multimedia and web-based advertising. However, borrowing

from recent basic operant research on relational frame theory (RFT) (Hayes, 1994),

Hantula et al. (2001) and Qui~nnones, Hayes, and Hayes (2000) suggested that RFT

may be an especially profitable account of the seemingly ‘‘associative’’ processes at-tributed to classical condition, and may go beyond a classical conditioning explana-

tion to forge new ground, especially in terms of transfer of emotional stimulation

and subtle contextual issues.

The BPM and the Behavioral Ecology of Consumption both tie consumer behav-

ior and operant theory to the larger framework of evolutionary theory, and as such

appear poised to offer a thoroughgoing alternative account of consumption. Stron-

ger ties between these two models and RFT, especially with respect to RFTs treat-

ment of transferring emotional function, may well serve to complete the paradigm.Ironically, much of Watson�s basic experimental work was also inspired by evolu-

tionary theory (e.g., Watson, 1908), and his later work dealt with conditioning emo-

tional reactions (Watson & Rayner, 1920), which carried over to his work in

advertising (Buckley, 1982). While current behavioral work in consumption is not

carried out within the Watsonian methodological behaviorist model, some of the

same intellectual themes appear to persevere.

The common theoretical thread tying together all of these approaches is an im-

plicit acknowledgement of behavior–environment relations as an economic system.


The behavior of organisms is the means by which various types of scarce commod-

ities are attained or used (Hursh, 1980, 1984; Webley, Burgoyne, Lea, & Young,

2001). In operant psychology reinforcers are tantamount to commodities in econom-

ics, and operant learning is based on the manipulation of operations controlling the

organism�s access to reinforcers, or avoidance of aversive stimuli. Hence, behavior isthe most basic currency that is traded with the environment and as such, the cues,

costs, and consequences involved may be understood in economic terms. By using

a behavioral economic framework to encapsulate the consumer choice literature,

many arbitrary divisions within this literature based on structural dissimilarity

may be bridged in terms of economic functional relations and a maturing literature

based on systematic theoretical integration.

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