Columbia University Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and PreservationMaster in Architecture and Urban Design

Spring 2009

MUMBAI DHARAVI - SCENARIOS FOR DEVELOPMENT

This report is dedicated to the indomitable spirit of the hardworking entrepreneurs of Dharavi.

MUMBAI DHARAVI - SCENARIOS FOR DEVELOPMENT Columbia UniversityGraduate School of Architecture, Planning and PreservationArchitecture and Urban Design, Studio III, Spring 2009

Dean: Mark A. Wigley

Urban Design Program Director: Richard Plunz

Studio Faculty:Richard Plunz (Coordinator), Michael Conard, Petra Kempf, Geeta Mehta, Kate Orff

Faculty Editors:Michael Conard, Geeta Mehta, Kate Orff

Managing Editor and Graphic Designer:Marielly Victoria Casanova

Copyright 2009 by the Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New YorkAll rights reserved.

Published by the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation of Columbia University, New York NY 10027.

Produced through the Office of the Dean

[ISBN] 1-883584-59-0Printed by Lulu.com

Students:Benjamin AbelmanHabiba AkhtarMaria Alicia Becdach Marielly Victoria CasanovaMarianella CastilloOlimpia CermasiHui Dong Robert Matthew Drury Jamieson Neil FajardoNuala Gallagher Shruti Vijaykumar GaonkarPierre-Louis Gerlier Marta Guerra PastrianTana Marie HovlandAriel Yen-ju Hsieh Kenzo, Hsueh-Hsien HsiehZheng HuZhe JinRomina Khandani Dongsei Kim Martha Kolokotroni Amardeep Labana

Photo Credits:Kenzo, Hsueh-Hsien HsiehDongsei KimDaniel Montes SantamariaVivian NgoSheng-WeiJay Trung Tran

URBZ

Hector LimShreya Malu Daniel Montes Santamaria Suah NaVivian Ngo Guanghong Ou Margarita PapadimitriouYakima Emilio Pena Ginny Sharma Sheng-WeiJulia Melanie SiedleAshley Rose Spatafore Akhila Srinivas Mania Tahsina Taher William Christopher Tate Jay Trung Tran Emily Miriam Weidenhof Nuo XuNita Yuvaboon Shu Zhang Yingning ZhengTahaer Zoyab

Special Thanks to:

Studio Collaborators:

Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action and Research (PUKAR), Mumbai

Sir College of Architecture, Mumbai

URBZ: User Generated Cities, Mumbai

Invited Lecturers and Critics:

Viren Brahmbhatt, Architect, New York

Matias Echanove, Partner, URBZ, Mumbai

Ramachandra Korde, Community Leader, Dharavi

Rahul Srivastava, Partner, URBZ, Mumbai

Kamu Ayer, Architect, Mumbai

Arjun Appadurai, Anthropologist and Professor, New York University

Sunil Bald, Parsons the New School of Design

Elizabeth Barry, Urban Designer

Sidney Blank, Parsons the New School of Design

Noah Chasin, Columbia University

Dilip DaCunha, Professor, Parsons the New School of Design

Mustansir Dalvi, Professor, Sir College of Architecture, Mumbai

Anita Patil Deshmukh, Executive Director, PUKAR, Mumbai

Skye Duncan, Urban Designer, Columbia University

James Ferreira, Social Activist, Mumbai

Ben Gilmartin, Cornell University

Michael Jacobs, Architect

K. P. Jayasankar, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bombay

Ravi Keny, Community Leader, Dharavi, Mumbai

Kaja Kuhl, Planner and Urban Designer, Columbia University

Christoph Lechner, Architect Vienna

Sytse de Maat, Architect, Amsterdam

Mukesh Mehta, Chairman, MM Project Consultants Pvt. Ltd, Mumbai

Rajiv Mishra, Principal, Sir College of Architecture, Mumbai

Ramesh Mishra, Lawyer, Mumbai

Anjali Monterio, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bombay

Justin Garrett Moore, Urban Designer, Columbia University

Sheela Patel, SPARC

Shilpa Phadke, Anthropologist, Mumbai

Raquel Ramati, Urban Planner, New York

Evan Rose, Urban Designer, Columbia University

Yehuda Safran, Professor, Columbia University

Kalpana Sharma, Author, Mumbai

Neerja Tiku, Head of the Department, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi

June Williamson, Urban Designer, City College of New York

Students of Sir College of Architecture, Mumbai

FOREWORD

A MESSAGE FROM DHARAVIRamachandra Korde

DHARAVI: A NEW URBAN PARADIGMGeeta Mehta

Richard Plunz

DHARAVI: A TRANSIENT CITYViren Brahambhatt

HEALING MITHI RIVERA framework for ecological and social change

Dongsei KimDaniel Montes-Santamaria

Sheg-Wei Shih

PLAN B: RETAINING DHARAVIA new development model

Habiba AkhtarShruti Gaonkar

Amardeep LabanaShreya Malu

EQUITY THROUGH INFRASTRUCTURESynergizing local and municipal needs

Pier-Louis GelierMartha Kolokotroni

Nita YuvaboonTaher Zoyab

MOVING UP DHARAVICreating common ground

Ben AbelmanAriel HsiehHector LimJulia Siedle

LIVE | WORK [3]A [RE] self-development process

Marielly CasanovaJamieson FajardoRomina KhandaniAshley Spatafore

BUILDING UP DHARAVIA toolkit of stategies for progressive self-development

Maria Alicia BecdachOlimpia Cermasi

Yakima Pena

MAXIMUM CROSSINGLive - work - move

Robert DruryNuala GallagherAkhila Shrinivas

Jay Trung Tran

STUDIO TIMELINE

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CONTENTS

Omkar Cooperative Housing Society

Rangtarang Cooperative Housing Society

Ram Gufa Cooperative Housing Society

Kumbharwada

FOREWORD

2

The Columbia University Urban Design Studio began work in Mumbai with an intense period of field briefings in early January 2009. The intricacies of the debate on all sides of the Dharavi redevelopment issue were introduced. Four sites within Dharavi were selected for deeper investigation by the Studio, including the potters area of Kumbharwada, and three municipal chawls: Omkar Cooperative Housing Society, Rangtarang Cooperative Housing Society, and Ram Gufa Cooperative Housing Society. The students worked in six groups, and met with residents of each site to discuss issues of lifestyle, infrastructure, and improvement of building stock and ecology. The five faculty members from the Studio worked closely with students throughout the semester. Students were encouraged to create and test many different interventions and development scenarios throughout the semester before arriving at their final projects that are presented in this document. Experts were also invited to pin-up reviews, mid term, and final presentation. The GSAPP community also had a chance to view the students work during the year-end exhibition.

All the work produced by the students is being made accessible to the people of Dharavi via this document, through local presentations by our partner URBZ, and via the www.dharavi.org website, an interactive website for the people of Dharavi. This document is also being translated into Hindi to make it more accessible to the residents. Exhibitions of student work were held at the newly opened URBZ center in Dharavi and in the Sir College of Architecture.

It is of note that Dharavi was one of the two studio sites that students worked on, the other located on the periphery of Vienna. These contrasting sites were deliberately selected to engage the students in some of the most critical issues in urbanism today, contrasting the developing and the developed world. With over 50% of the worlds population now urbanized, and with an increasing percentage of it in informal settlements, the Dharavi project represented the challenges and paradigms being faced around the world. Given its diverse and international student body, Urban Design Program recognizes its particular responsibility to do so. The studio benefited from working in both contexts, and in some cases applying the learning from one site to the other.

Development in Dharavi is imminent. However, the way it happens will be watched around the world, and will hold lessons for the many informal developments facing similar issues. Faculty and students of the Urban Design Studio are grateful for the opportunity to have worked in Dharavi, and thank all those involved in this project.

Urban fabric of Dharavi and the four sites selected for deeper investigation by the Studio Image source: Google Earth

MUMBAI + VIENNA

mumbai + vienna

mumbai + viennamumbai + vienna

Chhatrpati Shivaji International Airport

Navi Mumbai

Bandra-Kurla Complex

Sion Train Station

Mahim Train Station

Dharavi

Wadala Truck Terminal

Mumbai Port

Nehru Port

Building Up Dharavi

Healing Mithi River

The Maximum Crossing

Equity Through Infrastructure

Plan B: Retaining DharaviMoving Up Dharavi

Live / Work [3]

4Dharavi has people from several ethnic, language and nomadic groups from across the country who have developed businesses on their own for over 100 years. Subsidies and bank loans provided by the government to big industries elsewhere are not provided to people in Dharavi. Despite this, they manage to provide employment to at least 300,000 people in Mumbai. Still, there is no effort from the government to provide the much needed social services. People work in recycling industries in harmful conditions, but no labour laws are enforced. Child labour is rampant, especially in zari (boracade) and catering industry. People have to rely on private medical care since there are no proper government hospitals. Quality of education in municipal schools is so poor that children eventually drop out.

Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) being proposed by the government is not about human development, but about land development. It is set to destroy the entire structure that the poor have developed on their own, instead of improving on it. It is being considered only as a business deal for everybody, for the builders, architects and politicians alike. In the past, people have sold the apartments where they were relocated under the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS), and left for other places because the new housing did not meet peoples requirements. Now, a similar thing may happen under the DRP. Politicians indulging in vote-bank politics have promised people free houses and no maintenance charges. This has changed the mindset of people who now do not want to pay anything for their new housing.

It was a great learning opportunity for me to work with the students when I was invited to the Urban Design Program at Columbia University. The students work is full of creative ideas, thoughts and insights, put together with tremendous amount of hard work, dedication and a sense of commitment.

Healing Mithi River where the students have collected data right from the 1800s is impressive for its in-depth study, observations on the causes of flood and the suggestion for a bypass nalla (drainage channel) to allow for easier water flow.

Live / Work [3] is also interesting because it provides for a plan to redevelop Dharavi without making it go high rise, and also provides for peoples own contribution. Moving Up Dharavi is also a very thoughful plan, but the economic viability of both plans should be conisdered further because builders might not see much profit in such plans.

About the project Building Up Dharavi, I think the idea of making a common market is a very useful one. However, common kiln may also be considered as it may be more cost-effective and viable instead of the private kilns proposed.

The Maximum Crossing project is interesting and in the long run raising the height of Sion Railway station may be beneficial. However, based upon past experience, I think commercial interests may override the community interests in the surroundings. Shifting the station south by 300 yards may give Dharavi residents easier accessibility and an opportunity to develop community oriented businesses and institutions. Suggestions such as building women centres, micro-credit facilities, child care facilities, housing facilities, and senior citizens centre can very well be incorporated in the Dharavi station proposed in DRP.

About the project Equity Through Infrastructure, the proposed monorail in the current redevelopment plan will optimally serve the Dharavi community. Also, the shifting of recycling units to the outskirts of city would prove more beneficial considering the environmental impacts.

The idea of rainwater harvesting put forward in Plan B: Retaining Dharavi is an invaluable idea that can be incorporated even in the current redevelopment plan. It should be taken seriously and perhaps a Public Interest Litigation could be filed to urge the courts to make it mandatory in the redevelopment plan. The studio revealed to me that one can learn much from Dharavi. Certain processes that are unique to Dharavi do not have to have solutions that can be replicated elsewhere in other redevelopment projects. Also, it is hard to redevelop cities that have already been developed. It may also be good to focus in this manner on smaller cities and towns where growth must be anticipated and planned for, formal as well as informal.

Overall, I commend the Columia GSAPP Urban Design Studio for working on the Dharavi project. Investigations and ideas like these are very useful to the community in Dharavi.

A MESSAGE FROM DHARAVIRamachandra KordeCommunity leader, Dharavi, Mumbai

5DHARAVI: A NEW URBAN PARADIGMGeeta Mehta, Adjunct Professor, Urban Design ProgramRichard Plunz, Director, Urban Design Program

Dharavi has lately become an icon of urban issues relating to informal settlements in the developing world. While Dharavi obviously poses unanswered questions concerning land tenure, poor building stock, and lack of adequate physical infrastructure, it also has many strengths that need to be recognized as seeds for potential solutions to rapid urbanization. These include Dharavis hard working entrepreneurs and their social capital, its community-oriented urban fabric, and its post-industrial live-work paradigm.

Background

Dharavi is a vibrant community of approximately 700,000 people located in the heart of Mumbai, Indias commercial hub. Although it is a poor community, its poverty is not due to lack of hard work, entrepreneurship, optimism, or social capital. Rather it is due to lack of access to infrastructure, social services, and other opportunities that are available to more well-off segments of Mumbais society. Perched on a flood prone landfill site, the residents of Dharavi make the most of the challenging situation in which they find themselves. The young as well as old are busy and productive, contributing significantly to the overall economy of their city. Almost three-quarters of Mumbais recycling takes place in Dharavi. Small workshops turn out leather and embroidery products catering to clients in cities as far away as New York or Paris. Potters fire their kilns, small manufacturing industries hum, women work in food processing units, the markets are busy, and most children attend school with the ambition of going on to universities or acquiring professional degrees.

Dharavi contributes about US $ 500-650 million to Mumbais economy from its micro industries and services (1). Religious festivals and social events are celebrated with pomp and enthusiasm. Women dressed in beautiful saris greet each other on shopping streets lined with food, gold jewelry, clothing shops, as well as mosques, temples, and churches. Notwithstanding this seeming normalcy, the fear of eviction hangs like an ever present shadow for the residents of Dharavi, as most of them are deemed by the authorities to be illegal occupants of public land, which the government is now keen to redevelop for higher income housing and offices. The development pressures on Dharavi are therefore enormous due to the shortage of suitable land to support the rapid economic growth that Mumbai has been experiencing for the past two decades.

Informal settlements, informal metropolis

Approximately five hundred new people move to Mumbai every day in search of employment and a better life. The promise of Mumbai and the glitter of Bollywood stirs dreams among rich and poor across India. The poor come due to the pull of the city as well as the economic challenges that exist in distressed agricultural regions of the country. The poorest of migrants come to Dharavi or other informal settlements of Mumbai, find their first job, and then work their way up from there. Mumbai, like many other cities in the developing world, has not been able to cope with the rural-urban migration. While the total population of Mumbai Metropolitan Region is expected to rise from 17 million today to an estimated 34 million by 2050, the proportion of people living in informal housing is expected to rise from the current 55% to 70% during the same period unless drastic steps are taken to address this issue. Overall, the population of slums in India is growing 250% faster than Indias overall population (2).

Small entrepreneurs like this taylor feel they are betteroff in Dharavi than they were in their native villages

People in Dharavi have managed to create a productive and well functioning community without even the minimal public infrastructure

6Problems in Dharavi are closely linked with the severe shortage of housing for all economic segments of Mumbai as well as the rest of the country. The official urban housing shortage at the start of Indias 11th Five Year Plan (2007-2012) was estimated at 25 million units, with the most of it pertaining to the lower income groups. The real shortage is probably much higher, and reliable statistics of urban migrants are not readily available. As a result, those in extreme poverty have little choice but to set up their own shelters wherever vacant space is available, such as public lands, along rail tracks, sidewalks, or ecologically fragile areas such as flood plains and swamps.

Mumbai is rapidly becoming an informal city not just in terms of housing but also its economy, since employment in the informal sector is growing much faster than the formal sector. While the closure of the large labor-intensive mills and chemical factories over the past decades is one reason for this change in Mumbai (5), the trend is unmistakable all across India. A majority of migrant workers find semi-skilled or unskilled jobs in service or unorganized sectors, with no job security, health insurance or social safety nets. Rapid economic growth in India has largely been driven by the knowledge industries and the service sector. The manufacturing sector, which has the capability of absorbing large numbers of semi-skilled workers, has lagged behind. The knowledge intensive businesses sprouting up in the new SEZ (Special Economic Zones) generally employ the more skilled people, leaving behind a large pool of unskilled and semi-skilled workers. There are already over 120 SEZ in Mumbai alone.

Location, location, location, and Dharavi

Because the severe shortage of land in Mumbai is one of the main bottlenecks for development, the real estate pressures on Dharavi have become a major political issue. Dharavi sits at the pivot point of the Mumbai peninsula, making its 590 acres of land a highly coveted property. It is here that the rail lines coming from the Fort area fork towards the rapidly developing North and Eastern parts of Mumbai, with Sion, Mahim, and Matunga railway stations in close proximity. Dharavi is also at the intersection of Sion and Mahim Link Roads, the important east-west and north-south routes, with easy access to the Mumbai Airport. Its neighbors include the new Bandra-Kurla Complex, a recently developed car-centered high-income office area. In prior decades, formal development in Mumbai had skipped over the low-lying flood prone area of Dharavi, as it was not considered commercially attractive. However, now that its location is more centralized, the area of Dharavi is estimated to be worth around ten billion dollars. Its occupation by informal settlements is now considered by the BMC (Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation) to be not the highest and best use of the prime property from the viewpoint of the entire city.

The low-lying swampy land bordering Mahim Creek that Dharavi occupies was originally a part of the Mithi River estuary with its mangrove rich ecosystem. It has been filled in over hundreds of years with waste material and is still prone to settling. The Monsoon floods in Dharavi have become more severe in recent years due to the landfill of the Bandra Kurla site across Mahim Creek, and other developments upstream entailing mangrove destruction.

Students from the Urban Design studio enjoyed interactingwith the community in the streets of Dharavi, and were often invited

into peoples homes

The 60 feet road is one of the two main traffic arteries of Dharavi,and connects it to the rest of Mumbai

7Diversity and social capital of Dharavi

Migrants have been coming to Dharavi from all over India since the nineteenth century, attracted by the cotton industry and the thriving trade in the port city of Mumbai. Dharavi is now an agglomeration of nearly 85 distinct nagars or towns, each with its own history, ethnicity, culture, religious identity, and informal governance structure. People in these nagars have generally come from the same geographic region or social background, with strong links to their home villages and families that were left behind. They bring with them their language, customs, and support networks. While a majority of them are Tamils (55%) or Maharathi speakers (20%) (7), people from other parts of India including Muslims and North Indians are also represented here. These include the leather workers from Tamil Nadu, embroidery workers from Uttar Pradesh and potters from Gujarat. Dharavi offers them their first foothold in the city, with employment, and shelter.

Life in Dharavi is made livable and is enriched by its social capital. Communities support their members; neighbors watch each others children; womens micro-credit groups are proliferating. Conflicts in the various nagars are resolved within their own informal governance system anchored by the elders. Statistics show that Dharavi is as safe a place as any in Mumbai (4), even though Hollywood and Bollywood movies tend to accentuate the negative aspects of Dharavi rather than highlight its supportive social networks and its strong community bonds.

Right to Dharavi, right to the city

While Dharavi provides critical inputs and services needed to keep the economy of Mumbai growing, the municipal authorities are unable and/or unwilling to provide its residents the physical infrastructure and civic services it needs. This is largely due to the informal status of Dharavi, following the argument that improving informal settlements in cities only encourages more to spring up, exasperating an already difficult situation. In this regard, however, it is important to note that not all of Dharavis residents are illegal squatters. The best-known example are the Kolis, who reside in Koliwada, one of the original six fishing villages that predate Mumbai. Most families in Koliwada have title to their land and are proud of their heritage. Some of them still make their living from selling fish and related businesses, although most have moved on to professional or government jobs. Several Kolis have become landlords renting tiny flats in their village. Most Kolis consider themselves middle class and do not feel any direct affinity with the rest of Dharavi residents. The village of Koliwada has recently been given the legal status of gaothan or urban village, and excluded from the current Slum Redevelopment Authority plans, at least for the time being. Self-development of the village is being considered as an option by the Kolis.

Residents of the potters colony of Kumbharwada also claim their right to their land because they were brought to Dharavi by the government when development caused them to be displaced from land they were

The social capital of Dharavi is formed by neighbors supporting each other, and sharing life on the semi-public areas just outside their homes

8previously occupying. Also in contention in Dharavi are many low-income residential clusters called chawls. These were developed in the past by the government to provide affordable housing at the time when Dharavi was on the periphery of the city, and considered of no significant property value. Residents of these chawls have been paying rent to the government, and do not consider themselves illegal occupants of land. They claim their right to be in Dharavi under the normal tenant protection laws of Mumbai.

As the residents of Dharavi are making their voices heard and demanding their right to the city, a shared sense of community is emerging among various nagars, with growing understanding that their destinies hang together as the Mumbai government evaluates Dharavis future options. Several community leaders have emerged to represent the interest of the people of Dharavi. Jockin Arputham, recipient of 2000 Ramon Magsaysay award, is a social activist who founded The National Slum Dwellers Federation and also Slum Dwellers International. Sheela Patel is another important community leader. She is the founding director of the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centers (SPARC) organized in 1984, and works closely with Jockin and Mahila Milan, a micro credit self-help organization for women. Both Jockin and Sheela are working to organize the people of Dharavi to have an effective voice in negotiations with the government about the future of their communities. Slum Dwellers International also offers similar consultation to informal settlements in other countries based upon its success in Dharavi. Other leaders like Bhau Ramachandra Korde have done important work in promoting community harmony, especially after the 1992-93 communal riots.

Other than during the tense period of in 1992-93, Dharavi residents of all castes and backgrounds have lived together in harmony (4). In many ways, Dharavi is much like the rest of Mumbai, where people from all parts of India feel at home and everyone simply goes about their own business. While the social capital of Dharavi is strong, it would be stronger if the fear of eviction was eased. This remains a matter of deep concern for its residents.

The urban fabric of Dharavi

The organic urban fabric of Dharavi represents an important repository of history and memory for the communities it serves. It has developed incrementally over several generations. Pedestrian oriented narrow streets are lined with 2-4 storey structures that are commercial at the street level and residential on upper floors. The roof terraces are used for storage, to catch the evening breeze, or for children to fly kites. The occasional nooks and bends of streets allow for casual meetings or for street vending. Small streets and courtyards that veer away from the main streets have a distinctly residential character, where children play and women work on crafts or food processing enterprises. Family members can watch over children as well as public activity from within their homes. Public spaces and streets are integral parts of the residential life, with activities spilling out into the open during the cool of the evenings. All aspects of life in Dharavi are lived within close proximity to others. The large open spaces that serve many nagars are

well guarded against encroachment, and provide venues for festive celebrations, political speeches and cricket matches.

The population density of Dharavi is estimated to be close to 300,000 people per square kilometer (3). Compared to this, the daytime population density of Manhattan is approximately 50,000 people per square kilometer, and for Mumbai as a whole it is about 22,000 people per square kilometer. Living conditions in this very high-density area are exacerbated by lack of adequate roads, sewage, and water supply. There are 60,158 structures in Dharavi, of which 45,563 are residential. A majority of the tenements are about 150 square feet in area (6). While the building stock in some nagars is made up of structures pieced together from scrap material, other areas have pucca or permanent houses of brick or concrete, often with toilets, water storage tanks, and marble details. These homes are usually decorated with exuberant colors and decorations on the interior as well as exterior. Families with some space and funds have also expanded their homes on the floors above as they grew, often cantilevering over the street and public areas. Some have also built additional rooms to rent.

Generally, the building stock in Dharavi is not of the quality most people want or can afford, because people are afraid to invest in their homes for fear of eviction. Toilets are a particular problem, as both private and public toilets are inadequate and most people have to take turns for their use. Communal taps and wells are the source of water supply for many people. The streets are dusty and poorly maintained. Peoples homes are generally kept very clean, but garbage is often tossed into the streets, where it awaits sporadic garbage removal. This poverty penalty is clearly a drain on peoples resources. On a per capita basis, the people of Dharavi end up paying much more for basic services than in other parts of Mumbai.

History of government sponsored Slum Redevelopment Programs in Dharavi

The Slum Redevelopment Authority (SRA) dates from the Slum Redevelopment Law in 1971, as the government body in-charge of redeveloping Dharavi and other slums. However, the history of slum redevelopment efforts in India and Mumbai is long and varied. Slums started to appear in Indian cities in the 1950s. The first reaction of the government was to clear them as part of the planning process. However, planning in Mumbai is not controlled by a single authority and is subordinate to prevailing commercial forces (5). As the futility of the Slum Clearance Policy of 1950s became evident, it was replaced by the Slum Improvement Law in 1971 with a goal of providing in-situ basic amenities and infrastructure to slums. Dharavi was officially recognized as a slum in 1976, and some amenities such as electricity, communal water taps, and public toilets were installed. The clamp down on the organized criminal elements and illicit liqueur production in all of Mumbai at that time also helped make Dharavi a safer place than before. As the slum population around India increased rapidly during the 1970s, the Prime Ministers Grant Project (PMGP) was launched in 1980s. The selection of Dharavi as one of the areas subject to this initiative was

9largely due to health concerns. High floodwater containing raw sewage remaining for days in Dharavi during the monsoon was considered a health hazard to the whole city. However, the community in Dharavi was skeptical of the relocation plans that the PMGP had offered. The Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centers (SPARC), the foremost NGO operating in Dharavi at that time, opposed the plan on the basis that 65,000 families would be displaced. As a result, no action was taken (3).

The impetus for redevelopment was further reinforced in 1985 when Rajiv Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India at that time, visited Dharavi and announced the Prime Ministers Grant Project (PMGP). One billion rupees were made available to Bombay, with a substantial portion allocated to infrastructural and housing projects in Dharavi. Beginning in 1995, the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) was launched along with the Transfer of Development Rights (TDR) program. These schemes offered incentives to developers for constructing buildings in slums where small flats of 225 square feet would be given free of charge to slum dwellers as part of the relocation strategy, enabling the builders to develop the land thus cleared with buildings which could then be sold on the open market. The high-rise buildings that can be seen on the periphery of Dharavi were built under this scheme. However, most of these high-rise apartments quickly turned into vertical slums. The quality of life for their residents became, in many instances, worse then before. Families could no longer watch over their children playing on the streets, and the adults lost the community interactions that had benefited them before, including the possibilities for informal sector enterprises which proliferate within the dense horizontal fabric. Nevertheless, people who were relocated still reported some satisfaction since they were now the legal occupants of their apartments.

The economic deregulation policies and the consequent steep economic growth in India during the last two decades has encouraged the government to seek public-private partnerships for solving urban issues. In this context, the Slum Redevelopment Authority has proposed the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) with the participation of a private Developer, Mukesh Mehta. The current Floor Area Ratio (FAR) of Dharavi is 1.33. The government has offered to increase the allowable FAR to 4.00 to enable the developer to accommodate a larger number of slum dwellers while still achieving the desirable economic returns by building a number of mid- and high-income structures.

Under the plan approved by the SRA in 2004, slum dwellers included in the voters list of January 1995 who are actually occupying their homes are eligible to receive a free 225 square feet flat with a ten-year tax abatement (7). Dharavi residents have since negotiated with the government to increase the size of flats to 300 square feet per family, and also to include families who have been in Dharavi before January 2000. The Developer has accepted these conditions, but the plan is still stalled due to opposition from others of the Dharavi community. The SRA had originally proposed that the land in Dharavi be divided into five sectors, but has since increased the proposed number of sectors to ten (7). International tenders were invited in 2007 from

companies to design and develop one sector each. The hope is that this would also divide community opposition into smaller and more manageable units. The SRA announced a shortlist of 19 bidders soon thereafter. This plan appears to have been slowed down by the global financial downturn of 2008-9. Meanwhile, the results of a cadastral, socioeconomic and biometric survey using GIS conducted by an independent NGO consultant retained by SRA were publicized in June 2009. However, this survey only considered ground floor occupants as legal residents, potentially leaving out 25,000 families.

The opposition to the SRA plan continues from many quarters, based upon an apparent distrust of the developer and the government. The plan as it stands now would only cover about 25% of Dharavis residents. The remaining people, many of whom have lived there for generations, would have no choice but to move to another informal settlement due to a severe shortage of affordable housing in Mumbai. People who are entitled to apartments are also concerned about the high building maintenance fees that may be charged from them. The Developer is keen to proceed with the development and has offered to build schools and training facilities for the residents and electric kilns for the potters. SRA has also promised that non-polluting industrial and businesses will be retained in Dharavi itself (7). The SRA has formed an advisory group of Dharavi residents and experts including noted architects and community leaders to help with the development project. However, this group circulated an open letter to the government in July 2009, expressing their opposition to the SRA plan. The letter states that pushing the residents of Dharavi to less than half the land they currently occupy, and developing the rest for high-density housing and offices for the open market will make the entire development too dense. It will also destroy livelihoods. This letter proposes that the government help residents to redevelop Dharavi by themselves without looking for any profits for the government or the developer. Nagars that redevelop according to the guidelines provided by SRA could then be legalized.

Post industrial live-work paradigm

In some ways Dharavi embodies an efficient pre-industrial live-work paradigm that is now being reinterpreted in post-industrial societies as a sustainable lifestyle option. Most people in Dharavi work out of their own homes, or run workshops on the ground floor while staying in the upper floor. People employed in service industries or small scale manufacturing benefit from the decentralized production networks they have created in Dharavi to reduce costs. These networks are now being strengthened by the use of mobile phones, and there are plans to establish community computing centers where small entrepreneurs can reach out to the local and international markets directly. This would help increase incomes and opportunities. The existing urban configuration of the various nagars is likely to be suited for this live-work paradigm in the future as well, once the physical infrastructure and building stock have been improved. Koliwada, the village that predates Mumbai, has the potential of lending personality to new development with its intimate pedestrian-scaled and shaded streets. If these features and community assets are to be preserved, incremental

10

redevelopment with public participation could be considered as a development alternative to the present SRA plan that seeks to completely wipe out the existing urban fabric. Meanwhile, Dharavi has become the site of many studies and concerned speculation among Indian as well as foreign architects, planners, sociologists, and developers.

Moving forward

While all stakeholders, including the current residents, understand the need for redeveloping Dharavi, the agreement on strategy stops with a number of crucial questions. Is the tabula rasa approach being currently considered by SRA the only way forward, or are there alternative scenarios that should be considered? Can development happen in an incremental manner so that the social capital of Dharavis nagars is preserved and enhanced, such that a major urban asset of Mumbai is not lost? Can the existing urban fabric of Dharavi be a valuable asset to the redevelopment in giving it scale and a historic context? How can the future development of Dharavi contribute to strengthening the ecology of Mahim Creek, and to remediating its perennial flooding? What are the possible roles of the existing communities in the redevelopment? Is it valuable to the overall sustainability of Mumbais economy that Dharavi continue to provide support and transition help to new migrants? What are the alternative systems that will be set up if

Dharavis redevelopment does not allow for such migrant support any more? What alternative systems of recycling is Mumbai planning to set up if this function is removed from the redeveloped Dharavi? How will the carbon foot print of the car oriented redevelopment compare to that of Dharavi today? What will be the long-term social impact in Mumbai of segregated low, middle, and high-income housing enclaves?

The above competing priorities and questions were posed in the Urban Design Studio. The intricacies of the debate on all sides of the Dharavi redevelopment issue were introduced, with results that were not exactly conclusive. Perhaps the most interesting challenge had to do with the approach to renewal itself. While obviously there was no consensus for total clearance, there was also no consensus for careful preservation. In most of the inhabitants minds, the answer to renewal seemed to lie somewhere between all obvious strategies; and this was the challenge that most attracted the interest of the design teams. Work focused on devising incremental change strategies that could preserve social fabric (and social capital), while addressing obvious deficiencies in the spatial infrastructure. Among the most obvious infrastructural problems are insufficient dwelling size, inadequacy of space for production activities, ecological dysfunction including flooding of the urban fabric during monsoon season, and inadequate service infrastructure for water and sanitation.

4. Road repair excavations in Dharavi reveal layers oflandfill, and signs of lives supported by Dharavi for nearly 400 years

1. Small scale brick vendors cater to small building projects and expansions in Dharavi2. Dharavi is now surrounded by high-rise, high-end developments, and consequent development pressures

3. Contrast in the urban fabric: SRA housing and self developed structures seen in the foreground

1 2

3 4

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Everyone in Dharavi is busy and productive, this successful live-work paradigm represents Dharavi lifestyle

Work Cited1. Jacobson, Mark. Geographic, May 2007. Dharavi, Mumbais Shadow City. 2. Davis, Mike. Planet of Slums. Verso, London and New York, 2007.3. Savchuk Katia, Echanove Matias, and Srivastava Rahul. Intro: Lakhs of Residents, Billions of Dollars. 4. Sharma, Kalpana. Rediscovering Dharavi: Stories From Asias Largest Slum. By Sharma. New York: Penguin Books, 2000. 5. Mehrotra, Rahul. Evolution, Involution and the Citys Future: A Perspective on Bombays Urban Form. Bombay to Mumbai: Changing Perspectives. Eds. Pauline Rohatgi, Pheroza Godrej, and Rahul Mehrotra. Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2007. 258-277.6. Times of India, June 12, 2009. Deconstructing a Slum: Dharavi at Your Fingertips. 7. Slum Redevelopment Authoritys official website

Other references Correa, Charles. New Bombay: Marg as an Urban Catalyst. Bombay to Mumbai: Changing Perspectives. Eds. Pauline Rohtagi, Pheroza Godrej, and Rahul Mehrotra. Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2007. 312-315. Lehrer, Jim In Famous Mumbai Slum, Redevelopment Plans Stir Controversy. The Web site of the News Hour with Jim Lehrer. 7 April 2009. 11 April 2009 Mehrotra, Rahul. Remaking Mumbai. Urban Age Web site. Nov 2007. 5 April 2009 Mehta, Suketu. Maximum City. Urban Age Web site. Nov 2007. 5 April 2009 Mukhija, Vinit. Enabling Slum Redevelopment in Mumbai: Policy Paradox in Practice. Housing Studies. 18.4 (2001): 213-222. 5 April 2009 Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities. Routledge, Oxon and New York, 2005. Parasuraman, S. Uncovering the Myth of Urban Development in Mumbai. Urban Age Web site. Nov 2007. 5 April 2009 Rode, Philipp. Mumbai: The Compact City. Urban Age Web site. Nov 2007. 5 April 2009

While the evolution of the work in the Urban Design Studio generally recognized that tabula rasa approach to social housing might provide superior internal dwelling standards, it was obvious that the external relationships between dwelling and community would become highly restricted by the usual high-rise typologies. For this reason, high-rise solutions tended to be excluded from the study. Instead, densification of the existing low-rise paradigm became the principal assumption for most of the work. Literal preservation of the existing urban fabric was also not seen as realistic, while deployment of its spatial and social memory was seen as essential. Increasing FAR to levels consistent with minimum space standards was also considered necessary, accepting that there must be no resident displacement. The sensibility of the Studios approach grew from the understanding that because Dharavi has evolved from the needs of so many people, problem-solving there must be understood in the context of the residents point of view rather than merely as an issue for government or experts to solve. As urbanization worldwide continues at a fast pace, it is places like Dharavi that are essential to this transition that must be legitimized.

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DHARAVI: A TRANSIENT CITY

Global cities: inheritance of loss

The 21st century is defined by its inheritance of loss and collective global risks. The effects of multiple collective histories, traumas and missteps of the past as well as the acts of erasures employed by cultures to cope with such legacies have left legible traces on the cities. These acts, or processes, include decolonization in some instances and defiance in others. Lately, they have been a result of struggles for defining what is culture amidst flux in the rapidly changing world under globalization, mobility and connectivity; and the risks the world shares collectively.

Many of todays global risks are results of the process of modernization, urbanization, economic growth (or decline), social inequalities, change, politics and, energy and climate crisis. On the other hand, there is also what scientists call manufactured risks, produced by human activity, risks that have transformed the modernization process itself. Social relations have changed with the introduction of manufactured risks thanks to increased public awareness, media and information technologies. With the influx of tele-technologies and the Internet, social and physical urban networks are being replaced by flows together with, and produced by the interdependent nexus of formal-informal economies and social interactions. Some risks are also culturally relative, and are perceived differently depending on what interests, ideologies and politics are at stake in trying to determine their nature.

Risks, much like resources, are distributed unevenly in geographic terms, locations and densities of population. Sharing resources is easy; sharing risks is not. World has inherited more risks than rewards from the last centurys missteps. An argument for more reflexive approach towards managing collective risks to avoid collective catastrophes is not ill placed. Sustainability and sharing have become keywords in defining reflexive frameworks for minimizing risks and for turning risks into resources. In the age of reuse and recycling, the design of the post-carbon cities calls for the need to re-evaluate that, which is already being used by society to engender new urban paradigms; typologies that integrate spaces with landscape; and built form with urban systems. Dharavi, like other informal cities, not only illustrates how risks can be put to use towards more sustainable living, but also epitomizes culture of less versus culture of excess and may itself provide clues towards building sustainable cities and communities; but more importantly for rebuilding itself while addressing the market-pressures as well as contemporary needs to improve the living conditions.

It is estimated that there are almost a billion poor people in the world with the highest percentage in the Asian cities, of this over 750 million live in urban areas without adequate shelter and basic services. Asias

palette is full as far as global risks are concerned: from population growth, rapid urbanization, inadequate infrastructure, deficient housing and urban poverty to climate crisis, carbon emissions, ecological hazards, contaminated land, air and water; and a million people flocking to cities everyday. Global Urban Development Magazine states: India has 433 million people living on less than US$1 a day, which is 36% of the total number of poor in the world. Out of the 290 million (28% of the total population of the country) that live in urban areas, 62 million live in slums. This represents over 21% of the urban population in India. The face of emerging India is much more scarred than the painted faces in the National Geographic pages.

Urbanization and growth in this sense is a global issue and not merely a local condition considering the total population of the world (a billion people) living in informal settlements or slums; that is one in 6 people. And that number could double by 2030 according to a United Nations report. Insufficient and inadequate housing, deficient infrastructure, poverty, inequality and encroachment are among the most pressing challenges facing the world cities, making Indias precarious urbanization a global issue. As Urban Age Conference in Mumbai concluded, Indias slums bring to attention the difficulties of improving the urban quality of life in densely populated areas with rapid growth. The extent of informal settlements in India and the scale of encroachment make its cities unparalleled sites to reflect on strategies to better accommodate the growing number of urban residents and their multiple needs.

Mumbai

With the staggering rate of urbanization in the developing nations where large cities are growing exponentially, Mumbai is forecast to become the worlds second-largest urban agglomeration after Tokyo . However, unlike Tokyo, Mumbai is not adequately prepared to absorb such fast-paced growth in terms of providing decent housing and infrastructure to urban migrants and the poor who flock to the city for better employment and opportunities. To add to its predicament, 55% of its current population lives in slums or slum like conditions without provisions for basic necessities like clean water and decent sanitation. Mumbai has also already paid a huge price, almost in an irreversible manner for having incrementally altered its ecology over the last 100+ years, swallowing up the mangroves, marshland and changing the watershed and upsetting the natural balance of its estuary.

Mumbai is a divided city, like many others in its category; divided by necessity or by design: from property division to segregation, informal settlements to its double - organized affluent urban ghettos; Mumbai is a city defined by isolated political, economic, and social zones - a city less continuous and cumulus than it may appear on a map. Housing ownership in Mumbai is equally divided between housing occupying privately owned land and informal settlements on publicly owned sites occupied by the so-called slums. Blurred boundaries between what is property and community are perpetuated thanks to lack of regulation over the last 60-70 years. The neutral landscape of Mumbai in reality is cluttered with ruptures, disjunctures and at times not easily

Viren BrahmbhattVisiting critic

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decipherable layers of complexities that translate into urban areas of extreme social differences in close proximity to each other. Mumbai is caught between cosmopolitanism and the ubiquitous localism (as it relates to politics of meritocracy and exploitation of the marginalized). The cosmopolites who desire for Mumbai to become the next global city are eager to embrace the notion of global culture ignoring certain realities on the ground, namely, overpopulation, poverty, squatter settlements; or advocating erasure through ecoplotic. For cities like Mumbai, displacement of the informal settlements to make room for luxury development is not uncommon. The bigger worry is where and how the inhabitants are relocated without creating dispersed cities, expanding rather than densifying the urban metropolis.

Dharavi

Dharavi is a city of dreams, often romanticized, but all the same, home to close to a million people who have occupied this swampy land for generations in search of employment and livelihood. Its a rags-to-riches story, metaphorically and literally: Dharavis informal economy fuels that of rest of the city and manages its recycling needs producing goods and revenues. There are those who came and settled on public land and others who have been the legal inhabitants of Dharavi historically for more than a few centuries. To define entire Dharavi indiscriminately as an illegally occupied cumulus would be a gross mistake.

In 18th century, inhabited by the Kolis, the fisherman community, Dharavi was an island. Now it is a much-maligned ghetto in spite of being still inhabited by the original fishermen villages and migrant communities of the potters and leather-workers. Dharavi, as the name signifies, has been on the edge for more than a century - on the edge of the city, society and economic affluence that otherwise defines Mumba. Having been the marginalized fringe city, it is now suddenly engulfed by the larger metropolis with its crowded streets, inadequate infrastructure and housing. The facts about the demographics are staggering: almost 1 million people live and work in Dharavi contributing largely to citys GDP: $650 Million (USD) per annum. Goods produced in Dharavi are worth $500,000 Million (USD). Traditional industries such as pottery and textiles are still very prevalent in Dharavi however; the largest and most significant industry is recycling which takes care of approximately 50% of Mumbais recyclable materials.

Dharavi remains unique among Mumbais slums a unifying name that in reality defies the boundaries between various villages (nagars) or the communities it contains. Its a place not unlike rest of Mumbai that contains multitudes geographically placed at the heart of Mumbai, it functions more like citys lungs with its hugely well-established and operated recycling-based industries and production units; Dharavi is more than an illegally occupied space, an encroachment, it is also citys infrastructure. It has been part of citys history. The emotional and historical home for the marginalized yet resourceful people who have inhabited and cultivated a swamp into a place, for the people who live there, it is a center of all things, geographically, psychologically and spiritually. What once was an uninhabitable and undesirable area of

the city has now become a hot location as real estate in Mumbai, a metropolis that epitomizes Indias hopes of becoming an iconic city, a national emblem of Indias newfound affluence and growing economy, rivaling those of the other nations.

So, under these sociopolitical, economic and cultural conditions and circumstances, what role can planning, architecture and urban design play? Planning without clarifying the premise would be the first misstep. Opting for the traditional models and not exploring new urban paradigms and pedagogies would put us back by 50 years. Displacement through dispersal should be avoided at any cost because even though Dharavi may embarrass a city aiming to become a global finance center, for many it is home and livelihood. Everyone agrees that Dharavi in its present state is far from desirable and needs to change to improve the conditions for close to a million people living and working there. Then there is the issue of density: considering that Mumbai is one of the worlds most expensive property markets where space is scarce due to citys geographical constraints.

Current levels of density are not sustainable considering the land value, location, and investment in the surrounding infrastructure of the city. However, Density is also cultural and not merely physical at any given time of the day, there are more people outdoors than indoors; streets are production spaces besides being used for social and economic activities. Dharavi, as prime land must meet the pressures from the market for more housing, amenities and other economic needs/activities a city needs to address. However, instead of looking at Dharavi as a problem, it should be viewed as an asset, a resource; the most important resource Dharavi provides is its willing and able human resource. Dharavi, historically has been a place built by people themselves using their own limited resources and labor. Any plans that disregard the local communities and fail to engage the existing large labor force in the processes of reconstruction plans would be a missed opportunity. Incremental growth, phased development would be key in such efforts. Isolating Dharavi from the rest of the city of Mumbai as a sore blemish, a tumor that must be removed would cripple the city in more ways than one: it will displace the large labor force and service-sector that supports the formal industry and the formal sector. The city will have to find alternate place, people and resources to take care of its recycling needs not to mention loss in terms of significant revenue generated by the informal recycling industry and other economic activities, production units situated in Dharavi and run by the local community at no cost to the city. Dharavi, from that point of view is part of the citys infrastructure and should be viewed as such. The policy makers must take into account the cost of displacing Dharavi and its populous in wholesale terms across the board; lost revenue; and jeopardizing the local economy versus the gain from the market-rate development of any sort - cost not merely in fiscal terms but also social, cultural and environmental terms. Policy for contained growth without displacement or dispersal while increasing the density may allow for co-existence rather than create affluent ghettos surrounded by newer future slums.

On more topographic and environmental levels: Dharavi by its location

15

along the Mithi River and peninsula is a critical part of Mumbais ecosystem, the watershed and mangroves. Dharavi and major parts of the city flood during high monsoon months. Not addressing the climate crisis risks, water management, preserving the local ecologies and safeguarding against the future environmental threats (not just to Dharavi but the rest of the city) would be a mistake. Better-coordinated plans that integrate more comprehensive strategies to urban ecology, productive landscape, infrastructure and performance-based zoning and efficient landuse in concert with plans for physical density - would potentially bring Dharavi closer to a model for the 21st century cities.

Last, but not the least is to exploit the potential offered by the existing infrastructure and transportation network that frames Dharavi; the disappearing fishing industry on the river, pottery, leather and other trades that thrive within Dharavi providing employment and producing useful goods. Recycling is the other most important newer industry that is flourishing while helping the city take care of its recycling needs. Of course, the conditions for production, storage and marketing these products leave a lot to be desired.

While the global elites view Dharavi as a laboratory for social engineering experiments and LEGO urbanism, the property sharks in cahoots with developer-friendly bureaucrats and politicians are busy hatching out plans to erase histories of the so-called stigma that has come to be described as Dharavi, the slum city within Mumbai. What impact will this have on the informal settlements that constitute up to 55% of Indian cities; or what their response will be is yet to be understood. However, in the age of information and better connectivity, there are a few positive and important developments: The informal settlements are contributing significantly to local economies and citys revenues; and there is also increased awareness and activism that has produced community leaders who have the tools and know-how to negotiate

with the formal sector institutions, governments and other stake-holders. Media, press and the Internet have helped considerably in this endeavor. The crisis of poverty, overpopulation and lack of resources combined with the climate and economic crises have also drawn well-meaning professionals, NGOs, individuals and the global institutions that are now much more interested in the issues surrounding the informal cities. Research, data collection and communication regarding the larger issues have put the problem in everyones front-yard as opposed to the typical NIMBY responses. Additionally, the politicians see opportunities and are willing to form alliances with such marginalized groups as potential voters. Additionally, the informal sector also stimulates and is closely linked with the formal sector economies by providing much-needed support-structure as well as cheap labor. And since many of the economic activities that fuel larger economic systems are done under the radar of regulating authorities (informally), the cost is lower and there are no compliance issues to contend with. On the other hand, along with the exploits of politics of poverty and the obvious selfish motives, there remain the market forces and the pressures from the real estate industry, developers, investors and governmental policies towards privatization to contend with.

As Mumbai undergoes population growth, urbanization, and economic development, it is poised between being a failed experiment, not unlike the cities of the West in the mid 20th century or cities in China, or an opportunity for defining the 21st century model for sustainable urbanism and architecture. With more than half of worlds population living in the cities - a third of which lives in the informal settlements, transient cities are real and constitute a major part of our living environment. Dharavi therefore has a unique opportunity to become a model for sustainable living and redefine the city for the new millennium.

Citations1. Urban Age Conference, Mumbai: Understanding the Maximum City2. Source: City Mayors; an international think tank for urban affairs.3. The name derives itself from Sanskrit word that suggests a geographic condition for a place that is on the edge (Dhaara, which means edge of the earth). In Marathi, local language of Mumbai, it means creek another geological reference. Some attribute the name to original Portuguese word Daravi which could have been employed by the Portuguese from the native name of a deity Tarak Devi, worshipped by the locals.

Image creditsMumbai City of Coexistence and ParadoxesPhoto: Courtesy, Vastu Shilpa Foundation, Ahmedabad, IndiaPlate 2: Density: Traditional Historical Cities of Jaisalmer, Jaipur and Ahmedabad; India1. Jaisalmer, Historical City, India. Photo: Courtesy, Vastu Shilpa Foundation, Ahmedabad, India2. Jaisalmer, Photo: Viren Brahmbhatt3. Jaisalmer, Photo: Viren Brahmbhatt4. Jaipur, Photo: Courtesy, Vastu Shilpa Foundation, Ahmedabad, India5. Jaipur, Photo: Courtesy, Vastu Shilpa Foundation, Ahmedabad, India6. Jaipur, Image: Courtesy, Google Imagery7. Street, Ahmedabad, India8. Pol in the Old City, Ahmedabad, India. Photo: Web: www.Shunya.net9. Ahmedabad, Old City, India. Image: Courtesy, Google Imagery

Mumbai: City of Coexistence and Paradoxes

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Density in the Medieval Cities: A Comparative Study of the Traditional Historical Cities of Jaisalmer, Jaipur and Ahmedabad; India. Jaisalmer (top), Jaipur (middle) and

Ahmedabad (bottom)

Density is also a function of culture and climate. Dense physical fabrics of the historical city provide shelter from sweltering heat for cooler streets and public

spaces. However, in the contemporary city, density (in terms of both, population and built-form) is governed by more complex set of criteria.

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HEALING MITHI RIVERA Framework for Ecological & Social ChangeDongsei Kim, Daniel Montes-Santamaria, Sheg-Wei Shih

SANJAY GANDHINATIONAL PARK

MAHIM CREEK

DHARAVI

RESTORE RIVER FLOODPLAINSNEW BANDRA

KURLA ISLAND

RECLAIM NEW HABITATS

REMOVE POLLUTING ELEMENTS

NEW WATER COURSE

UPGRADED NALLA NETWORK

PROPOSED NEW MITHI RIVER

POWAI LAKE

CHATRAPATI SHIVAJIINTERNATIONAL AIRPORT

BANDRA KURLA COMPLEX

MAHIM BAYARABIC SEA

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Severe flooding and water pollution of the Mithi River is one of the most serious problems for Mumbai today, and particularly for Dharavi, which is built on low-lying marshlands. The main cause of this massive problem is that Mithi River has lost 54% of its original water basin due to slum encroachments, new bridges, construction of the Chatrapati Shivaji International Airport and the Bandra Kurla Complex.

We propose to heal the river by reversing this haphazard, offensive and profit driven encroachment and introducing a new green infrastructural network based on water elevations. This will be executed at two scales. One at a regional scale that addresses urban program and land-uses that together transform Mithi River from the nalla (drain) of Mumbai into a thriving, productive green infrastructure that reduces risk of catastrophe like flooding and increases public health and ; the second at the neighborhood scale where the green infrastructure infiltrates Dharavi through the existing nalla right-of-way.

This intervention promotes sanitary environments, a social network of bike streets and public spaces for recreation and commercial activities. These two scales of interventions envision a new way of living with nature to remediate the current predicament of Mithi River, and generate valuable new green eco-economy and community that reinforces Dhraravis current dynamic economy and social fabric.

NALLA OF MUMBAI: EXISTING MITHI RIVERMithi river receives 68% of the sewage of Mumbai

EXISTING NALLAS OF DHARAVIMost of Mumbai is built on reclaimed land. Nallas are the storm water drainage network of the city, but they also carry rubbish and other pollutants

NEW PROPOSED NALLA

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++

India, like in many other rapidly developing countries, is going through growing pains. One of the most prominent issues is the water control and pollution. Here in Mumbai, the biggest city in India and the economical capital of the country, the problem is even worse, due to industrialization, migration and urbanization.

The central government, in order to maintain a fast growing economy, does not tightly monitor environmental regulations, and many factories dump heavy pollutants into the rivers without control. The city also receives about 480 new migrants per day, most of whom do not have a place to stay, so the slums are growing everywhere they can, and the encroachments are taking place over the waterways choking them. In addition, the untreated sewage and garbage flows from the slums directly to the rivers. Furthermore, global finance and real state interests continue to take over enormous areas of natural land and modifying the waterways, backed by the Government.

The tipping point for this to change took place on 26 July 2005, when a 24-hour rainfall of 994 mm lashed the metropolis. Mumbai, the economical power of India, died for two days: metropolitan trains could not circulate, major

MUMBAI EXISTING CONDITIONS

roads closed. Due to landslides, children and workers had to stay in school or office overnight. Phone, internet and power blackouts lasted for hours or days, airports closed, and sewage water overflowed.Over 600 people died, 2,000 houses were destroyed and 50,000 were damaged, 30,000 vehicles were ruined, 16,300 animals died (1,300 buffalos and 5,000 sheep and goats). Direct losses reached the US$100 million, and total losses were estimated at more than $690 million.

One of the causes for the flood was the Mithi River. It has lost over 54% of its original water basin due to slum encroachments, bridges and developments such as Bandra Kurla Complexand the International Airport. Its natural ecosystems were devastated, since most of natural mangrove forests have been destroyed, and the river has lost its capacity to absorb all of the water from monsoon rainfall.

Additionally, the river is now highly contaminated, as it is used as an open sewer for pollutants and garbage. Industries upstream dump heavy chemicals and oils, while the slums dwellers produce enormous amount of sewage, garbage and light manufacturing industrial waste.

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MUMBAI WATERSHEDS

MUMBAIOVER 600 DEAD

MANGROVES

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HALTS FOR 2 DAYS

LOSSES

WATER POLLUTION LAND RECLAMATION

CHOKING NALLASDESTRUCTION

16,300 CARCASSES

0 1 4 km

1600 ORIGINAL ISLANDS 1979

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BANDRA KURLA

2005 2025 PROPOSEDDHARAVIDHARAVI

EXISTING CONDITIONS OF MITHI RIVER

REVIVING MAHIM CREEK

The shape of Mumbai topography and Mahim Creek has been continuously changed from its original form. Both formal developments and informal settlements have encroached on the water course reducing its surface and water capacity enormously. Human encroachments have changed Mithi Rivers ecology and behavior dramatically, specially the Bandra Kurla Complex that funnels monsoon waters towards Dharavi and other areas, as happened on July 2005.

Our project proposes to reverse the formal and informal development process and recover the water basin areas, for the river to flow and grow on its natural course but also for reintroducing Mithi into

Mumbais livelihood resources and, taking advantage of the rivers periodical changes, create seasonal economic and social activities related with it.

This project strategy is based on the changing water levels of Mithi River: the low and high tides, the water level for the 25 year flood and the water level for the 100 year flood. The proposal redraws the intertidal area and floodplains as a starting point for arranging new areas for related ecological habitats to be recovered and also designating new land uses, activities and policies that will change the citizens approach to Mithi River

INDUSTRIES CHEMICAL & OILS MANGROVES NATURAL GREEN

CUMULATIVE POLLUTION PURIFIERS - VEGETATIONSPOLLUTANTS

SLUMS SEWAGE & LIGHT INDUSTRIAL PARKS SHALLOW WATER

WATER RUNOFF AND LAND RECLAMATION

RUNOFF SEWAGE & LIGHT POLLUTION

GREEN AREAS RIVER VEGETATION

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PROPOSAL:STRATEGY BY WATER ELEVATION

NEW WATER COURSE

NEW WATER COURSE

NEW WATER LEVELS AND FLOODING NEW WATER LEVELS AND FLOODING

100 YEAR FLOOD PLAIN

25 YEAR FLOOD PLAIN

OPEN LAND

FOREST

FRESHWATER WETLANDS

SEAWATER WETLANDS MANGROVESINTERTIDAL AREA

0 1 2 km

ECOTOURISM

BANDRA KURLA COMPLEX

DHARAVI

POWAI LAKE

BIKE STREET

AGRICULTURE

FISHING

FISHING

MANGROVE NURSERY

ECOTOURISM

SOCIAL HOUSING

NEW LAND USE PROPOSED SCHEME WITH ALL LAYERSNEW INFRASTRUCTURENEW POLICIES FOR EXISTING URBAN FABRIC

PUBLIC OPEN LAND - AGRICULTURE & RECREATION

NEW POLICIES & PUBLIC HOUSING

NALLAS INTERVENTIONS IN SLUMS

BIKE STREETS

NATURAL VEGETATION

NATURAL PARK

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AGRICULTURE BIKE STREETSPORTS/SOCIAL FACILITIESNO CONSTRUCTION PUBLIC OPEN SPACE

MANGROVE NURSERY BIKE STREETBIRD NESTING FISHING NO CONSTRUCTION

ECOTOURISM BIRD NESTING PUBLIC AWARENESS FAUNA SANCTUARY

50% PERMEABLE SURFACE BIKE STREETSOCIAL HOUSING REINFORCED DRAINAGE SYSTEM

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HIGHEST TIDE WATER LEVEL

25 YEAR FLOOD LEVEL

+10.00mDHARAVI AVERAGE GROUND LEVEL

[2005 MUMBAI FLOODS] 100 YEAR FLOOD LEVEL

MEAN SEA LEVEL

LOWEST TIDE WATER LEVELARABIAN OCEAN - MITHI RIVER

1500

27

50

2500

43

50

OPEN PUBLIC LAND

NEW POLICIES FOR URBAN FABRIC

LOCATION OF NEW PROGRAMS

NATURAL VEGETATION

NATURAL PARK

All existing vegetation is declared a natural park, for protection of vegetation, migrant birds and other fauna, and a new economy of ecotourism is developed. Meanwhile new natural vegetation is planted in the rest of the inter-tidal areas and in marshlands upstream, for recovering the destroyed habitats. Human activities are permitted, such as fishing and transportation. On the 25 year flood plain, construction is still not allowed but land is given back to the public and activities such agriculture, sports and social activities are programmed to take place. Finally, on the 100 year flood plain, existing urban fabric is not removed, but will be gradually phased to have a minimum of 50% permeable surface with future developments and a reinforced drainage system, and social housing is built for people displaced from other areas.

Elevation over the sea level is the primary driver for the entire proposal. Based on this, different ecological habitats grow and different programs and activities take place. Mangroves only grow on inter-tidal areas, while at upstream freshwater marshes develop. Forest and open land are more frequent in higher lands.

1750

STRATEGY BY WATER ELEVATION

NE

WE

CO

LOG

ICA

LH

AB

ITAT

S

WAT

ER L

EVEL

100

YEA

R F

LOO

DPL

AIN

25 Y

EAR

FLO

OD

PLA

ININ

TER

TID

AL

AR

EA

WATER

LEVEL100 YEA

R FLO

OD

PLAIN

25 YEAR

FLOO

DPLA

ININ

TERTID

AL A

REA

NE

WLA

ND

US

E

WATER LEVELS AND FLOODING

NA

TUR

AL

PAR

K

AGRICULTURE BIKE STREETSPORTS/SOCIAL FACILITIESNO CONSTRUCTION PUBLIC OPEN SPACE

MANGROVE NURSERY BIKE STREETBIRD NESTING FISHING NO CONSTRUCTION

ECOTOURISM BIRD NESTING PUBLIC AWARENESS FAUNA SANCTUARY

50% PERMEABLE SURFACE BIKE STREETSOCIAL HOUSING REINFORCED DRAINAGE SYSTEM

NA

TUR

AL

VE

GE

TATI

ON

PU

BLI

C O

PE

N L

AN

DN

EW

PO

LIC

IES

FO

R U

RB

AN

FA

BR

IC

+10.0

0m

HIGHEST TIDE WATER LEVEL

25 YEAR FLOOD LEVEL +7.25m

+10.00m

+10.25m

+4.75m

+0.40m+0.00m

DHARAVI AVERAGE GROUND LEVEL

[2005 MUMBAI FLOODS] 100 YEAR FLOOD LEVEL

MEAN SEA LEVEL

LOWEST TIDE WATER LEVELARABIAN OCEAN - MITHI RIVER

1500

27

50

2500

43

50

OPEN PUBLIC LAND

NEW POLICIES FOR URBAN FABRIC

LOCATION OF NEW PROGRAMS

NATURAL VEGETATION

NATURAL PARK

All existing vegetation is declared a natural park, for protection of vegetation, migrant birds and other fauna, and a new economy of ecotourism is developed. Meanwhile new natural vegetation is planted in the rest of the inter-tidal areas and in marshlands upstream, for recovering the destroyed habitats. Human activities are permitted, such as fishing and transportation. On the 25 year flood plain, construction is still not allowed but land is given back to the public and activities such agriculture, sports and social activities are programmed to take place. Finally, on the 100 year flood plain, existing urban fabric is not removed, but will be gradually phased to have a minimum of 50% permeable surface with future developments and a reinforced drainage system, and social housing is built for people displaced from other areas.

Elevation over the sea level is the primary driver for the entire proposal. Based on this, different ecological habitats grow and different programs and activities take place. Mangroves only grow on inter-tidal areas, while at upstream freshwater marshes develop. Forest and open land are more frequent in higher lands.

1750

PROGRAMMATIC SECTION

PLAN / SECTIONS

++

WAT

ER L

EVEL

100

YEA

R FL

OO

DPL

AIN

25 Y

EAR

FLO

OD

PLA

ININ

TERT

IDA

L A

REA

+10.

25m

+10.

00m

+7.2

5m+4

.75m

+0.4

00

PLANS

NEW NETWORK OFBIKE STREETS

NEW NALLAS AND SOCIAL PUBLIC SPACES

INTERTIDAL AREA:FISHING

SLUM AREAREMOVED

NEW WATER COURSE

NEW WATER COURSE

INTERTIDAL AREA:ECO-TOURISMBIRD NESTING

INTERTIDAL AREA:AGRICULTURE

EXISTING OPEN SPACESCONNECTED TO NEW NALLAS

INTERTIDAL AREA:MANGROVE NURSERY

DHARAVI

SITE INTERVENTION

BANDRA KURLACOMPLEX

TOILETS

REINFORCED DRAINAGE SYSTEM

NEW WATER TREATMENT PLANT

PUBLIC BIKEPATH

NEW COMMUNITY

NEW NALLA NETWORKS

NEW SOCIAL HOUSINGS

NEW PUBLIC FACILITIES

RESIDENTIAL AREARELOCATED POLLUTING

INDUSTRIESREMOVED

SLUM AREARELOCATED

SLUM AREARELOCATED

RESIDENTIAL AREARELOCATED

PROPOSED PLAN

EXISTING NALLA & TOILETS NEW NALLA & TOILETS CONNECTING OPEN SPACE

THE REVERSAL: GREEN ENCROACHMENTS

0 0.5 1KM

NEW NETWORK OFBIKE STREETS

NEW NALLAS AND SOCIAL PUBLIC SPACES

INTERTIDAL AREA:FISHING

SLUM AREAREMOVED DASHED

NEW WATER COURSE

NEW WATER COURSE

INTERTIDAL AREA:ECO-TOURISMBIRD NESTING

INTERTIDAL AREA:AGRICULTURE

EXISTING OPEN SPACESCONNECTED TO NEW NALLAS

INTERTIDAL AREA:MANGROVE NURSERY

DHARAVI

SITE INTERVENTION

BANDRA KURLACOMPLEX

TOILETS

REINFORCED DRAINAGE SYSTEM

NEW WATER TREATMENT PLANT

PUBLIC BIKEPATH

NEW COMMUNITY

NEW NALLA NETWORKS

NEW SOCIAL HOUSINGS

NEW PUBLIC FACILITIES

RESIDENTIAL AREARELOCATED DASHED POLLUTING

INDUSTRIESREMOVEDDASHED

SLUM AREARELOCATED DASHED

SLUM AREARELOCATED DASHED

RESIDENTIAL AREARELOCATED DASHED

SITE INTERVENTION

INTEGRATED SOCIAL NETWORK OF NALLA IN DHARAVI

++

WAT

ER L

EVEL

100

YEA

R FL

OO

DPL

AIN

25 Y

EAR

FLO

OD

PLA

ININ

TERT

IDA

L A

REA

+10.

25m

+10.

00m

+7.2

5m+4

.75m

+0.4

00

INTER-TIDAL LINE 25 YEAR FLOOD LINE NEW 100 YEAR FLOOD LINE

NEW WATER ELEVATIONS

NEW SOFT EDGES OF MITHI RIVER

NEW NALLA NETWORK

NEW DRAIN SYSTEM

AGRICULTURE

BIKE STREETS

OPEN SPACE: PARKS

OPEN SPACE: PARKS

NEW COMMERCIAL

NEW DENSIFICATION

ECO-TOURISMMANGROVE FARMING

NEW MANGROVESFISHING

NEW SOFT EDGES FOR MITHI RIVER

ENVIRONMENTAL RESTORATION OF BESOS RIVERBarcelona, Spain

In 1996, the European Union commissioned the restoration of the Rio Besos, One of the most polluted rivers in Europe. In order to improve the quality of the dry season river water sources, 60 water treatment wetlands were embedded within the channel in the upper, less developed reaches. By embedding this extensive wetlands system into the fluvial channel, Barcelona Regional has increased the utility and quality of the entire system.

1 2CHEONGGYECHEON URBAN RENEWALSeoul, South Korea Cheonggyecheon is a nearly 6 km long, modern public recreation space in downtown Seoul. The massive urban renewal project is on the site of a stream that flowed before the rapid post-war economic development required it to be covered by transportation infrastructure.The $900 million project attracted much criticism initially but opened in 2005 and is now popular among Seoul residents and tourists. It is lauded as a major success in urban renewal and beautification.

CASE STUDIES - Learning from Barcelona and Seoul

MITIGATE CURRENT POLLUTING INDUSTRIES & LARGE RUN-OFF AREAS

WATER MANGROVE MARSH LANDS LANDFISH

I

PHASING

PHASING

ECOLOGICAL HABITATSOPEN LANDSFORESTFRESHWATER WETLANDSSEAWATER WETLANDS

LAND USEPOLICIES FOR EXISTING URBAN FABRICPUBLIC OPEN LAND AGRICULTURE & RECREATIONNATURAL VEGETATIONNATURAL PARK

NEW INFRASTRUCTURESBIKE STREETSNALLAS INTERVENTIONS IN SLUMSNEW POLICIES & PUBLIC HOUSING

PHASE 01: 0-5 YEARS

PHASE 03: 10-20 YEARS

PHASE 02: 5-10 YEARS

RENEWED MITHI RIVER

NEW PROPOSED SOFT EDGES

REMOVE GARBAGERECLAIM MARSHLANDS

PROPOSED NALLA OF DHARAVI

Dharavis Nalla Infrastructure is to be remade as part of the larger ecological and social recovery of Mumbai. Using existing infrastructure as right of way, new social network of bike streets, and commercial activities will promoted the well-being of its inhabitants. This new public space will also be a device to mitigate the flooding in the area.

UPGRADED NALLA

BIKE STREETNEW COMMERCIAL

SUSTAINABLE HOUSING

SOCIAL PUBLIC SPACE

SOURCES AND REFERENCES

Image credits: 1. Busquets, B., Cites 10 Lines: A New Lens For the Urbanistic Project. pg 130- 131.2. Margolis, L & Robinson A., Living Systems: Innovative Materials and Technologies for Landscape Architecture. pg 106-107. Aerial maps: Google Earth

PLAN B: RETAINING DHARAVIA new development modelHabiba Akhtar, Shruti Gaonkar, Amardeep Labana, Shreya Malu

31

The origins of Dharavi predate the formal settlement brought in with colonial rule. But this history is easily forgotten in a capitalist economy where the inhabitants status is reduced to illegal squatters, leading to a marginalization of the least represented section of society. Upon closer scrutiny, the grand vision proposed by the city of redeveloping Dharavi becomes less a philanthropic measure and more a prime real estate deal. This plan recommends the relocating of some of the present inhabitants into high rise tower blocks, relocating part of the industry and conveniently disregarding the rest. The emergent settlement would end up being a gated enclave surrounded by high end commercial towers. The fractures that would be caused in the community would be irreparable.

Our proposal attempts to preserve the rich social capital of a threatened community. While we do acknowledge the need to urgently upgrade the dilapidated building stock and the poor infrastructure, our intent is to address these concerns in a way that causes the least amount of disturbance in the ongoing activities of Dharavi. Our strategy thus addresses the task of redevelopment in a phased manner that retains the work-live relationship that is the core of the community.

Seeing the enormity of the practical problems (old housing stock and ailing infrastructure), piecemeal developments were disregarded in favor of a larger, all encompassing scheme. We seek to address the present and anticipate the future by creating practical guidelines that are open ended enough to create an alternative to the top down master-planning scheme. We move down in scale from the long term relocation planning of Dharavi to localized phasing for individual nagars and then onto the development of suitable models of development at the architectural scale.

Our design thesis concentrates on preserving and reinforcing the identity of Dharavi. Dharavi has acted for a long time as first choice for the disenfranchised migrant workforce entering into the city in search of a livelihood. Over the years, these people have organized themselves into communities based on regional, caste based and profession based biases. These communities become a microcosmic representation of India, each contained in well defined spaces called nagars. What sets Dharavi apart from other informal settlements is the presence of an intensive work and live relationship. There is an overwhelming presence of grass-root entrepreneurship with people appropriating all available spaces for manufacturing of one kind or the other. The living space thus transforms into the working space. There is an inherent but not often acknowledged dependence of Mumbai on such settlements, settlements that are considered blemishes on the cityscape. Some of the people living in Dharavi have practiced their family trades for generations and thus have become cultural guardians in a rapidly changing urban setting.

32

Open pocket near Main Road

Consolidated open space around houses

Pedestrian commercial street

Narrow Alley

Open pocket near Main Road

Consolidated open space around houses

Pedestrian commercial street

Narrow Alley

Open pocket near Main Road

Consolidated open space around houses

Pedestrian commercial street

Narrow Alley

Open pocket near Main Road

Consolidated open space around houses

Pedestrian commercial street

Narrow Alley

43

2 1

1 2 3 4

1 SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCIES WITHIN AN ORGANICALLY GROWN SPATIAL FABRIC.

2 CASE STUDIE OF INTERSTITIAL SPACES MAXIMIZED IN USAGE WITHIN ONE NAGAR

13

24

5

DESIGN STRATEGY

The estimated amount of redevelopment is Rs 300 crores . The government plans to sell 58% of the Dharavi land and +4 FSI to developer and remaining 42% for re-housing of Dharavi residents. According to our financial plan NGOs can facilitate micro-loan to each household which could be given to Government as a rent and can be used for redevelopment of Dharavi. This will allow the inhabitant to establish better living condition and grant land ownership rights. This loan can be paid at the rate of Rs 500/month over a period of 20 years.

MUKESH MEHTAS FINANCE PLANNING

OUR FINANCE PLANNING

SII58%

42%SELL

DEVELOPERBUILDHIGHRISE

DHARAVIRESIDENTS

MOVE TOA TALL TOWER

FOR DHARAVI RESIDENTS RE-HOUSING

REDEVELOPMENTRs 3 CRORE

BETTER HOUSE

FINANCE

GOVT

GOVT

DHARAVI RESIDENTSPAY Rs 500 PER MONTH

100,000X300X400X1.25100,000X20X12

= Rs. 500

NEEDS

NEEDS

GOVT FINANCEREDEVELOPMENT

OF DHARAVI

1

23

4

5

LEGEND:TRANSIT CAMPFOR TEMPORARYRELOCATION

AREA OF REDEVELOPE THE INHABIANTS OF THESE AREA WILL BE LOCATED IN TRANSIT CAMP

PHASE THAT ARE COMPLETED (PEOPLE HAVEBEEN SENT BACK TO THEIR ORIGINAL LOCATION)

12

3

4

5

MUKESH MEHTAS FINANCE PLANNING

OUR FINANCE PLANNING

SII58%

42%SELL

DEVELOPERBUILDHIGHRISE

DHARAVIRESIDENTS

MOVE TOA TALL TOWER

FOR DHARAVI RESIDENTS RE-HOUSING

REDEVELOPMENTRs 3 CRORE

BETTER HOUSE

FINANCE

GOVT

GOVT

DHARAVI RESIDENTSPAY Rs 500 PER MONTH

100,000X300X400X1.25100,000X20X12

= Rs. 500

NEEDS

NEEDS

GOVT FINANCEREDEVELOPMENT

OF DHARAVI

1

23

4

5

LEGEND:TRANSIT CAMPFOR TEMPORARYRELOCATION

AREA OF REDEVELOPE THE INHABIANTS OF THESE AREA WILL BE LOCATED IN TRANSIT CAMP

PHASE THAT ARE COMPLETED (PEOPLE HAVEBEEN SENT BACK TO THEIR ORIGINAL LOCATION)

12

3

4

5

MUKESH MEHTAS FINANCE PLANNING

OUR FINANCE PLANNING

SII58%

42%SELL

DEVELOPERBUILDHIGHRISE

DHARAVIRESIDENTS

MOVE TOA TALL TOWER

FOR DHARAVI RESIDENTS RE-HOUSING

REDEVELOPMENTRs 3 CRORE

BETTER HOUSE

FINANCE

GOVT

GOVT

DHARAVI RESIDENTSPAY Rs 500 PER MONTH

100,000X300X400X1.25100,000X20X12

= Rs. 500

NEEDS

NEEDS

GOVT FINANCEREDEVELOPMENT

OF DHARAVI

1

23

4

5

LEGEND:TRANSIT CAMPFOR TEMPORARYRELOCATION

AREA OF REDEVELOPE THE INHABIANTS OF THESE AREA WILL BE LOCATED IN TRANSIT CAMP

PHASE THAT ARE COMPLETED (PEOPLE HAVEBEEN SENT BACK TO THEIR ORIGINAL LOCATION)

12

3

4

5

Long term relocation planning scheme is for the phased rebuilding of Dharavi into a sustainable living environment. We propose an alternative to the proposed sector-based breakup scheme which includes a