Deccani Painting by Mark ZebrowskiReview by: Annemarie SchimmelJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 105, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1985), pp. 357-360Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/601736 .

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Reviews of Books Reviews of Books

finest in the world" (line 276) and thus they deserve to have a

poem discussing the duties and rights of princes. Robert Dankoff has translated the poem into fluent, enjoy-

able English prose and has provided it with an introduction which traces the genre of "Mirror for Princes" back to ancient

Egypt, as he also tries to disentangle the different influences that have worked on this poem. The four heroes, King Rising Sun (Justice), vizier Full Moon (Fortune), and his son Highly Praised, the sage (Intellect), as well as the ascetic Wide Awake

(cf. Yaqzan in the Avicennian tradition), man's last end or, as it is translated elsewhere, "Contentment," discuss the duties of man in this world, Wide Awake representing the early ascetic Sufi attitude of renunciation.

Yusuf Khass Hajib's goal was to instruct the ruler of his duties thanks to which "the wolf walked together with the lamb" (line 460), an eschatological formula always used in classical Persian literature for the just ruler. He teaches him to show justice to all his subjects, and not spare money for the army, because these two are the pillars of the state. The

poem contains very interesting descriptions of the medieval ideal of statecraft and offers remarkable comments on the offices of the vizier, the chief cook, and other members of the community, including physicians, astrologers (the author is well versed in astrological terminology), craftsmen, etc. For a lover of Persian poetry, who is used to seeing the adorable "unbearded cupbearer" as a standard figure, it is

surprising if not amusing to see that Y0suf Khass Hajib advocates too that the saq? should be beardless "to guard the drink from any hairs or specks," which certainly smashes

many a romantic notion. We learn about the customs in

dining (and apparently the author has some reason to warn

people of gluttony and of drinking too much!) and learn that he, too, thought that "daughters are best when they are not born or on the bier," an idea expressed almost verbatim by his younger contemporary Sana'! in Ghazna. Yusuf speaks of the old Turco-Persian custom of providing the parting guest with "tooth-rent," a gift one offers because the guest, by eating one's food, has diminished his teeth, and despite its numerous cliches, the book offers many an insight into the

daily life of the higher classes in eleventh century Central Asia. Besides, the poetical language is remarkable. Not only does Yusuf use traditional forms like the threefold visit to Wide Awake, but it seems to me that Highly Praised does not go by chance to his brother Wide Awake in the fortieth

chapter: the period of waiting and preparation is finished, and the spiritual path can begin. The use of the old topos of ubi sunt (line 4710ff.) is as classically Arabic as his beautiful descriptions of nature, especially at night, are typically of Persian poetry, and one reads with delight the colorful com- parison "alert as a magpie and far-sighted as a raven on the cliff, sleepless at night like the owl" (p. 115).

But what is the meaning of the poem? Highly Praised has been interpreted (although Dankoff refutes this idea)

finest in the world" (line 276) and thus they deserve to have a

poem discussing the duties and rights of princes. Robert Dankoff has translated the poem into fluent, enjoy-

able English prose and has provided it with an introduction which traces the genre of "Mirror for Princes" back to ancient

Egypt, as he also tries to disentangle the different influences that have worked on this poem. The four heroes, King Rising Sun (Justice), vizier Full Moon (Fortune), and his son Highly Praised, the sage (Intellect), as well as the ascetic Wide Awake

(cf. Yaqzan in the Avicennian tradition), man's last end or, as it is translated elsewhere, "Contentment," discuss the duties of man in this world, Wide Awake representing the early ascetic Sufi attitude of renunciation.

Yusuf Khass Hajib's goal was to instruct the ruler of his duties thanks to which "the wolf walked together with the lamb" (line 460), an eschatological formula always used in classical Persian literature for the just ruler. He teaches him to show justice to all his subjects, and not spare money for the army, because these two are the pillars of the state. The

poem contains very interesting descriptions of the medieval ideal of statecraft and offers remarkable comments on the offices of the vizier, the chief cook, and other members of the community, including physicians, astrologers (the author is well versed in astrological terminology), craftsmen, etc. For a lover of Persian poetry, who is used to seeing the adorable "unbearded cupbearer" as a standard figure, it is

surprising if not amusing to see that Y0suf Khass Hajib advocates too that the saq? should be beardless "to guard the drink from any hairs or specks," which certainly smashes

many a romantic notion. We learn about the customs in

dining (and apparently the author has some reason to warn

people of gluttony and of drinking too much!) and learn that he, too, thought that "daughters are best when they are not born or on the bier," an idea expressed almost verbatim by his younger contemporary Sana'! in Ghazna. Yusuf speaks of the old Turco-Persian custom of providing the parting guest with "tooth-rent," a gift one offers because the guest, by eating one's food, has diminished his teeth, and despite its numerous cliches, the book offers many an insight into the

daily life of the higher classes in eleventh century Central Asia. Besides, the poetical language is remarkable. Not only does Yusuf use traditional forms like the threefold visit to Wide Awake, but it seems to me that Highly Praised does not go by chance to his brother Wide Awake in the fortieth

chapter: the period of waiting and preparation is finished, and the spiritual path can begin. The use of the old topos of ubi sunt (line 4710ff.) is as classically Arabic as his beautiful descriptions of nature, especially at night, are typically of Persian poetry, and one reads with delight the colorful com- parison "alert as a magpie and far-sighted as a raven on the cliff, sleepless at night like the owl" (p. 115).

But what is the meaning of the poem? Highly Praised has been interpreted (although Dankoff refutes this idea)

as Muhammad, which would be the correct translation of his name, and in the end he teaches the King the necessity of following the shar'Ca; using, if necessary, jihad; and to look well after the ulama' and the muhtasib, the market

inspector. The end of the poem proper is a remark on the role of sahr, "patience," and shukr, "gratitude," a topic which was apparently widely discussedrin Eastern Iran in that period (s. QushairT, SanadT, Ghazzal). An interesting part of the

poem is also the rather brief na't in honor of the Prophet, who is praised because "all his care was for his community."

The poem thus combines general, specifically Islamic, and Sufi, or rather, ascetic trends. If one is very daring one may see in the plot the development of the King from pre-lslamic reliance on Fate through the teachings of Muhammad to Islam, softened by the ascetic ideals of early Sufism (which, in turn, had taken into itself some Buddhist influences, espe- cially in the area were the epic was composed). The combina- tion of prophetic and mystico-ascetic piety is reminiscent of Sana'I's verse, and is also similar to the tenets of the

Naqshbandiyya, whose forefathers lived in Central Asia; the ideal of the khalwat dar anjuman, "solitude even in the multitude" is close to the attitude which the king finally achieves. This is only a conjecture, but would be in keeping with the somewhat sober character of early Central Asian Turkish Islam.

The poem closes with a complaint about the changing times.

Dankoff has added a useful vocabulary, in which I missed

only the expression "reddish face," Persian surkh ru, which also means "honored." The book is a joy to read, and offers not only another example of the genre of Furstenspiegel but allows us an insight into the daily life at a Turkish court in the Islamic Middle Ages.

as Muhammad, which would be the correct translation of his name, and in the end he teaches the King the necessity of following the shar'Ca; using, if necessary, jihad; and to look well after the ulama' and the muhtasib, the market

inspector. The end of the poem proper is a remark on the role of sahr, "patience," and shukr, "gratitude," a topic which was apparently widely discussedrin Eastern Iran in that period (s. QushairT, SanadT, Ghazzal). An interesting part of the

poem is also the rather brief na't in honor of the Prophet, who is praised because "all his care was for his community."

The poem thus combines general, specifically Islamic, and Sufi, or rather, ascetic trends. If one is very daring one may see in the plot the development of the King from pre-lslamic reliance on Fate through the teachings of Muhammad to Islam, softened by the ascetic ideals of early Sufism (which, in turn, had taken into itself some Buddhist influences, espe- cially in the area were the epic was composed). The combina- tion of prophetic and mystico-ascetic piety is reminiscent of Sana'I's verse, and is also similar to the tenets of the

Naqshbandiyya, whose forefathers lived in Central Asia; the ideal of the khalwat dar anjuman, "solitude even in the multitude" is close to the attitude which the king finally achieves. This is only a conjecture, but would be in keeping with the somewhat sober character of early Central Asian Turkish Islam.

The poem closes with a complaint about the changing times.

Dankoff has added a useful vocabulary, in which I missed

only the expression "reddish face," Persian surkh ru, which also means "honored." The book is a joy to read, and offers not only another example of the genre of Furstenspiegel but allows us an insight into the daily life at a Turkish court in the Islamic Middle Ages.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL

HARVARD UNIVERSITY HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Deccani Painting. By MARK ZEBROWSKI. Pp. 296, 24 color and 230 monochrome plates. London: SOTHEBY PUBLICA- TIONS. Berkeley, New York, Los Angeles, London: UNI- VERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS. 1983. $85.00.

This book is a feast for the eyes. The Deccani miniatures with their strange color combinations transport the spectator into a world of exotic delight, a delight similar to that which 1 felt, in my childhood, when I first came across the picture of the so-called "Emperor of the Deccan" (here called "Siesta") in Ernst Kuhnel's book "Indische Miniaturen aus den Berliner Museen." Princes and attractive yoginis with fullsome, softly plaited robes walk in a stately fashion, to

Deccani Painting. By MARK ZEBROWSKI. Pp. 296, 24 color and 230 monochrome plates. London: SOTHEBY PUBLICA- TIONS. Berkeley, New York, Los Angeles, London: UNI- VERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS. 1983. $85.00.

This book is a feast for the eyes. The Deccani miniatures with their strange color combinations transport the spectator into a world of exotic delight, a delight similar to that which 1 felt, in my childhood, when I first came across the picture of the so-called "Emperor of the Deccan" (here called "Siesta") in Ernst Kuhnel's book "Indische Miniaturen aus den Berliner Museen." Princes and attractive yoginis with fullsome, softly plaited robes walk in a stately fashion, to

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 105.2 (1985)

the sound of mysterious instruments, in landscapes with oversized flowers, or gallop on multi-colored steeds along rocks and brooklets and leave the observer wondering as to their meaning.

But despite this exotic charm, Deccani painting, like Deccani Muslim culture in general, has been a neglected field even among those who specialize in Indo-Muslim culture or in Urdu literature. For one tends to forget that Akbar

(r. 1556-1605) and his son Jahangir (r. 1605-1627) in the

Mughal north of India were not the 'only patrons of art,

poetry, and architecture: at exactly the same time, Sultan

Muhammad-QulT Qutbshah of Golconda (r. 1580-1612) and Ibrahlm 'Adilshah of Bijapur (r. 1580-1626) excelled as

patrons of fine arts; the Qutbshah ruler was a first-rate poet in Dakhni Urdu, while Ibrahlm was a master musician. Both, like their northern neighbors, were also great builders as can be seen in Hyderabad, founded by Muhammad-QulT, and in

Bijapur. It was high time that a comprehensive history of Deccani

painting was published. This area has always been highlighted by Stuart Cary Welch in his lectures at Harvard, and it was his inspiration that made Mark Zebrowski explore the art of the Deccani kingdoms.

Zebrowski's book begins with a survey of the rare and

extremely beautiful paintings and drawings of Ahmadnagar, the center of the Nizamshahi dynasty, where most of the

existing painting can be dated to the last quarter of the six- teenth century-just before the fall of Ahmadnagar in 1600. The author then discusses the few pictures that have their

provenience in the northern Deccan. Here, the Hindu tradi- tion produced some ragamala pictures of haunting beauty, such as the fragment of the "Peacock in a rainstorm at night" (P1. I11).

Chapters 3 to 6 are devoted to the great center of Deccani

art, Bijapur. (1 would not be so positive about the alleged Ottoman descent of the founder of the 'Adilshahl dynasty, p. 9.) One wishes that the dispersed, mysterious manuscript of the Nu/um al-'uuIm, "Stars of the Sciences," of 1570 as well as the later Jawahir al-mus!qat, "The Jewels of Music," will be analyzed for their textual content by specialists in

magic and music, respectively. Bijapur, long a seat of Sufis of at least two major orders (as Richard Eaton has shown with great clarity), a city in which some of the earliest

mystical works in Dakhni IJrdu were composed, grew into a

royal capital in the course of the sixteenth century. (Its Great

Mosque proves the skill of its architects, and the enormous, colorful mihrah of this mosque-though dating from the time of Muhammad 'Adilshah-deserves a monograph in

itself). Bijapur's glory reached its zenith under Ibrahim II, who ascended the throne at the age of nine in 1580, to rule for 46 years. During his time, many poets and artists found shelter in Bijapur. Some had fled from Ahmadnagar where, as so often in Deccani history, Sunni-ShiCa riots broke out

in 1589. Among them was not only the historian Firishta but also ZuhirT, who was to accompany his sultan's Dakhni verse with highflown Persian prose and to sing of the joyful life in the Deccan. Calligraphers reached the city from Iran, as they had worked in Bidar, the first Deccani capital, as early as in the 1430s. The numerous portraits of Ibrahim II-often with his favorite stringed instrument, called M6ot Khan, and some- times with his beloved elephant Atesh Khan--reflect those

happy days which, despite the increasing Mughal pressure, seem to resound with the king's music in which he invoked both the great Muslim saint of the Deccan, Gesudaraz of

Gulbarga, and the Hindu goddess Sarasvati; such a com-

binration of Sufi Islam and popular Hinduism is reflected in

the paintings as well. We know Ibrahim's face fairly well from the numerous portraits; therefore it seems to me not

very likely that, in a superb miniature, the swarthy man who

visits a hermit (PI. VII) could be the king; the complexion appears too dark, the beard too sparse. The half naked derwish (who was certainly not a "wild lawless Sufi," as

Zebrowski, p. 81, assumes) in this painting has not yet been

identified; the cinnamon colored loin cloth may characterize him as a member of the Chishtiyya Sabiriyya; the flags and

standards ('alam) around his modest seat bear Shi'ite invo-

cations. This picture of the so-called "Bodleian painter" invites further investigation. Some other most beautiful pic- tures, such as the flamboyant "Yogini" (PI. XII) and the

peaceful "Siesta" (PI. XlII) can be attributed to Ibrahim

'Adilshah's reign. Portraits of great power were painted during those years: the face of the pensive "Stout Courtier"

(Nos. 55-56) is of unforgettable beauty. There are also some

paintings of animals which vibrate with vigor and elegance. Paintings continued successfully under Ibrahlm's successors

Muhammad (who used the thirty years of his reign to erect the enormous Gol Gunbad) and CAll II cAdilshah. Both have been portrayed several times. (No. 108 is wrongly described

by the person who mounted it as "Ibrahim CAdilshah"

although it clearly represents 'All II.) On p. 128, however, I have doubts about the dating. The

Persian text in minute characters on the scroll, as transcribed

by Zebrowski, reads ... az shuhur sana ihdcl khamsin wa alf (not alif, as in the transliteration!). Ihda khamsin is fifty-one, not fifty-two, as translated, and although I am well aware that Indians have used numerous systems of calendars and

styles of dating, yet I cannot agree with the "shuhur year" ("to which one has to add 599"?). Shuhur sana means nor-

mally "in the months of. . ." that is, "during the year . . " "in the course of the year...." Then the date for this fine

painting would be simply "some time in 1051," corresponding to 1641-2, which is certainly in keeping with the age and the looks of the people represented.

To 'AIT 'Adilshah's reign (1656-72) can be attributed the

splendid "Deer Hunt" with its clouds that look like marble- ized paper. Indeed, marbleizing appears to have been one of

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Reviews of Books

the specialities of Bijapur, and a welcome appendix deals with some of the admirable examples of this art. That the

"starving horse" in Persian poetical parlance is not only a

symbol of the restive lower soul but also a topos by which a

poet might express his need for a new riding beast in a poem dedicated to his patron, should be added.

Chapters 7 to 10 deal with Golconda. Whereas in Bijapur Mughal influence showed itself increasingly during the later seventeenth century, Golconda seems to have relied more on the decorative Iranian traditions of painting, natural

enough when one thinks of the strong political relations between the ShiCa Qutbshahl dynasty and the Safavid state of Iran. The poetical collections of Muhammad-QulT Qutb- shah have been lavishly illustrated to suit the royal taste. A

picture of Muhammad Qutb ul-mulk (No. 143) bears an

inscription by JahangTr's hand as does the portrait of 'All

cAdilshah I (No. 48); the handwriting and the tendency to scribble on the picture itself, not on the border, is typical for

Jahangir, who liked to collect portraits of his neighbors and even to exchange portraits with them.

Golconda was also strongly under Arabic literary influ- ence and Arabic poetry flourished beside Dakhni romances

(s. Muid Khan, The Arabian Poets of Golconda). Toward the end of the dynasty one of the Arab immigrant litterateurs had hoped for the throne which, however, finally fell to Abu'l- Hasan Tana Shah. Abu'l-Hasan-wonderfully spherical and with a benign smile, as the painter shows him (No. 156)- was a disciple of the Sufi Shah Rajii whose monumental mausoleum is still visited by the Hyderabadis. Shah Raju and his son are several times portrayed, probably owing to their close relation with the court. It seems, however, doubt- ful to me whether Nos. 157 and 159 really show the same

person, Shah Rajii's son Akbar. Among the pictures from the latter part of the Qutbshahl dynasty some portraits are

especially worthy of mention.

Chapter 11 discusses the comparatively short period of

Mughal hegemony in the Deccan after Aurangzeb's conquest of Bijapur and Golconda in 1686 and 1687 respectively and before the establishment of the Nizamulmulk's rule in 1724. Besides good portraits, the picture of a prince on a wonderful, radiant blue horse (PI. XXI) stands out in singular beauty. It would be worthwhile to disentangle the extremely fine draw-

ing in the upper part of the composition. The picture shows a landscape with an army with elephants and camels on the march, green flags waving and two angels watching them: one blows a trumpet (of victory? of the Last Judgment?), the other holds a sword and a golden fish which also seems connected with the riders' lances. What does this mysterious emblem of several Indian dynasties, including the Nawwabs of Awadh, mean in this connection? The picture is unearthly and somewhat disquieting.

The last chapter of Zebrowski's book is devoted to Hydera- bad and the provinces. The author carefully tries to follow

the developments of Deccani in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in various minor centers. Pp. 266-67: the portrait shows Ictisam, not lhtisam al-Mulk; his unex-

plained title, "arzabili" is simply 'aribegL, "the officer who reads petitions before the king" (half a letter and one dot have been lost). Some delightful drawings portraying female

beauty are remarkable in this period. Zebrowski has collected much new, or otherwise dispersed

material. An appendix, "Rulers of the Deccan," is very wel- come and so are the bibliography, indices, and a map.

One may disagree with some formulations and with the

tendency (so common, alas! with modern non-Orientalist

writers) to drop the ibn in names like Ibn Battuitah. And is it

really "curious" (p. 189) that marthiyas, dirges for the tragedy of Kerbela, were as much loved in the "dying kingdom" of Goldonda as they were in Lucknow shortly before the British annexation? The marthiva (which is basically devoted not to 'All's sons (ibid.) but only to the martyrdom of the younger one, Husain) was able to infuse a certain consolation into the hearts of the Muslims in times of suffering; the foreign invaders were, perhaps unconsciously, identified with YazTd who inflicted suffering on the Prophet's family. Besides, there were not only relations between the Deccan and several

Rajput states, as Zebrowski clearly shows, but also between the Deccan and Awadh (despite the political antagonism of the Nizams and the Nawwabs); for a good number of Deccani

calligraphies found their way to Lucknow. The book brings examples from numerous museums and

private collections all over the world, even though some of the apparently crucial pictures could not be published. In recent years, more Deccani painting has come to light. To mention only the best known pieces: there is the "Floral

Fantasy" in the collection of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (see A. Welch and S. C. Welch, Arts of the Islamic Book, No. 75), in which the roses outgrow the birds and resemble the flowers surrounding the great Yogini of Bijapur-a pic- ture that is less formal than Iranian flower studies and cer-

tainly more fanciful than the very naturalistic flowers which

JahangTr had portrayed out of scholarly interest. Another

painting from the same collection (ibid., No. 76) is signed by one Bahram Sufrakash and dated 1050/1650 which, according to Anthony Welch, seems "thirty years too early." But per- haps the grandest of all the newly emerging Deccani paintings comes from Bijapur in the time of CAIl CAdilshah: "A Sea

Serpent that swallows the royal fleet" (ibid., No. 77). A per- fectly oval, enormous serpent with golden, very regular scales, looking almost like a calligraphic device, seems to swallow whatever is available, men and boats alike, just as the fishes in the foamy silverish ocean are eating each other. The idea that "everything grazes on everything else" was common with the medieval mystics, especially RumT. It is surprising that Zebrowski has published two other, certainly attractive miniatures from the same dispersed and not yet sufficiently

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 105.2 (1985) Journal of the American Oriental Society 105.2 (1985)

identified Dakhni epic (p. 222, Nos. 196 and 197). Another

interesting miniature, in the Philadelphia Museum, shows a scene from the often retold story of "Manbhar and Madhu- malati": Prince Man6har receives a magic ring from an

utterly weird looking wizard or djinn who is reminiscent of the skeleton-like Majnun shown in Zebrowski No. 178 (Gol- conda, dated ca. 1700). The Philadelphia manuscript bears the date 1742.

One could also mention the extremely fine, almost invisible

drawings between the lines of a deluxe copy of (presumably) 'Abdullah Qutbshah's DTvan in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal

Museum, Hyderabad, where whole landscapes, hunting scenes and figures are drawn in the space between every two lines of

calligraphy, that is, on the space of about 1/3 of an inch

high. They prove the great technical skill of the artists at the Deccani courts.

More Deccani paintings have been discovered recently, and will probably keep on appearing once the art lover's eyes are

opened to their unearthly charm. Mark Zebrowski's book will remain the basis from which further discussions about

provenience, exact dating, and the closer identification of masters can start and out of which studies in the specific iconography and the interpretations of paintings in the con- text of Deccani literature will also finally emerge. But apart from that, even the non-specialist will always return to this book because of the beauty of its pictures.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL HARVARD UNIVERSITY

My Memories of Baha u'llah, by Ustad Muhammad-'Alhy-i SalmnT, the Barber, with a selection of his poems. Trans. from the Persian by MARZIEH GAIL. Pp. 146. Los Angeles: KALIMAT PRESS. 1982.

Door of Hope. A Century of the Baha'i Faith in the Holy Land. By DAVID S. RUHE. Pp. 247. Oxford: GEORGE

RONALD. 1983.

Studies in BhbT and Baha'i History. Edited by MOOJAN

MOMEN. Vol. 1. Pp. 337. Los Angeles: KALIMAT PRESS.

1982.

Publications on the origins, growth, and development of the BabT-Baha'i religion, although of special importance to the believers, contain a wealth of information of a purely historical nature especially about Iran, the birthplace of this vibrant and continuously expanding faith. It is this aspect of

identified Dakhni epic (p. 222, Nos. 196 and 197). Another

interesting miniature, in the Philadelphia Museum, shows a scene from the often retold story of "Manbhar and Madhu- malati": Prince Man6har receives a magic ring from an

utterly weird looking wizard or djinn who is reminiscent of the skeleton-like Majnun shown in Zebrowski No. 178 (Gol- conda, dated ca. 1700). The Philadelphia manuscript bears the date 1742.

One could also mention the extremely fine, almost invisible

drawings between the lines of a deluxe copy of (presumably) 'Abdullah Qutbshah's DTvan in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal

Museum, Hyderabad, where whole landscapes, hunting scenes and figures are drawn in the space between every two lines of

calligraphy, that is, on the space of about 1/3 of an inch

high. They prove the great technical skill of the artists at the Deccani courts.

More Deccani paintings have been discovered recently, and will probably keep on appearing once the art lover's eyes are

opened to their unearthly charm. Mark Zebrowski's book will remain the basis from which further discussions about

provenience, exact dating, and the closer identification of masters can start and out of which studies in the specific iconography and the interpretations of paintings in the con- text of Deccani literature will also finally emerge. But apart from that, even the non-specialist will always return to this book because of the beauty of its pictures.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL HARVARD UNIVERSITY

My Memories of Baha u'llah, by Ustad Muhammad-'Alhy-i SalmnT, the Barber, with a selection of his poems. Trans. from the Persian by MARZIEH GAIL. Pp. 146. Los Angeles: KALIMAT PRESS. 1982.

Door of Hope. A Century of the Baha'i Faith in the Holy Land. By DAVID S. RUHE. Pp. 247. Oxford: GEORGE

RONALD. 1983.

Studies in BhbT and Baha'i History. Edited by MOOJAN

MOMEN. Vol. 1. Pp. 337. Los Angeles: KALIMAT PRESS.

1982.

Publications on the origins, growth, and development of the BabT-Baha'i religion, although of special importance to the believers, contain a wealth of information of a purely historical nature especially about Iran, the birthplace of this vibrant and continuously expanding faith. It is this aspect of

certain recent Babi-Bahad' publications that will be stressed in the present review.

Marzieh Gail's translation of Salmani's "memories" of

Baha'u'llah, covering the years of his exile to Baghdad, Istanbul, Edirne, until his arrival in 'Akka, Palestine, in 1869, is a delightful memoir on social life and conditions among Iranians forced to wander about in various places until their

religious leader settles down in an Arab environment along the shores of the Mediterranean. Salmani, a simple barber, recounts his experiences in his travels and the difficulties he encounters along the road, his activities as a bath attendant, his services in the retinue of his master, and his shrewdness in

handling customs officials and government functionaries. His account is a human document on customs and manners of the mid-nineteenth century Muslim world.

Salmani is also a keen observer of one of the basic issues that confronted the Babi community following the execution of the founder, Sayyid 'All Muhammad Shlrazi, the Bab

(1819-1850), namely the question of succession. It is clear he is on the side of Baha'u'llah and against Subh-i Azal who is

depicted as a plotter attempting in various ways to assume the

ascendancy. It is also true, if Salmani's details are to be trusted, that Baha'u'llah was gaining in stature during those crucial years when the movement was passing through a critical stage in its development. The direct and unadorned observations made by the barber, seemingly based on first- hand knowledge, lend credence to his account.

It is interesting to note that Baha'u'llah is never harshly critical of his half-brother. On the contrary, he is always kind and generous to him. Thus, taking a hint from the great man, Marzieh Gail would have done better than describe Subh-i Azal as a "cowering, puny figure" (p. xi), and "perfidious" (p. 144). Almost every major movement in history has its own succession troubles which, when resolved, are best forgotten.

To the research-oriented historian, for whom this short work is of considerable importance, it is necessary to provide some information about the original manuscript from which these Memories have been translated, its location, date, and

general description. In the short, 3-page Foreword, the trans- lator chose to say nothing about the original source. Neither does she make reference to the provenance of Salmani's

poems she translates in consultation with Yousef Mostaghim (pp. 109-122). Did SalmanT leave behind a poetical dTvan?

At the end of the book the translator has added five not

very informative appendices on the bath, the howdah (a riding carriage mounted on a horse), the water pipe (ghalyan), the andarun and bTrunT (the private and public parts of a house), and Persian names, (pp. 125-134). There is no index; but the translator has provided a useful list of the most important names mentioned in Salmani's account with references to them in other works (pp. 135-144). Many of them are trade names; e.g., a kharrat, a gardener, a sayya.h, an ashfi, a

certain recent Babi-Bahad' publications that will be stressed in the present review.

Marzieh Gail's translation of Salmani's "memories" of

Baha'u'llah, covering the years of his exile to Baghdad, Istanbul, Edirne, until his arrival in 'Akka, Palestine, in 1869, is a delightful memoir on social life and conditions among Iranians forced to wander about in various places until their

religious leader settles down in an Arab environment along the shores of the Mediterranean. Salmani, a simple barber, recounts his experiences in his travels and the difficulties he encounters along the road, his activities as a bath attendant, his services in the retinue of his master, and his shrewdness in

handling customs officials and government functionaries. His account is a human document on customs and manners of the mid-nineteenth century Muslim world.

Salmani is also a keen observer of one of the basic issues that confronted the Babi community following the execution of the founder, Sayyid 'All Muhammad Shlrazi, the Bab

(1819-1850), namely the question of succession. It is clear he is on the side of Baha'u'llah and against Subh-i Azal who is

depicted as a plotter attempting in various ways to assume the

ascendancy. It is also true, if Salmani's details are to be trusted, that Baha'u'llah was gaining in stature during those crucial years when the movement was passing through a critical stage in its development. The direct and unadorned observations made by the barber, seemingly based on first- hand knowledge, lend credence to his account.

It is interesting to note that Baha'u'llah is never harshly critical of his half-brother. On the contrary, he is always kind and generous to him. Thus, taking a hint from the great man, Marzieh Gail would have done better than describe Subh-i Azal as a "cowering, puny figure" (p. xi), and "perfidious" (p. 144). Almost every major movement in history has its own succession troubles which, when resolved, are best forgotten.

To the research-oriented historian, for whom this short work is of considerable importance, it is necessary to provide some information about the original manuscript from which these Memories have been translated, its location, date, and

general description. In the short, 3-page Foreword, the trans- lator chose to say nothing about the original source. Neither does she make reference to the provenance of Salmani's

poems she translates in consultation with Yousef Mostaghim (pp. 109-122). Did SalmanT leave behind a poetical dTvan?

At the end of the book the translator has added five not

very informative appendices on the bath, the howdah (a riding carriage mounted on a horse), the water pipe (ghalyan), the andarun and bTrunT (the private and public parts of a house), and Persian names, (pp. 125-134). There is no index; but the translator has provided a useful list of the most important names mentioned in Salmani's account with references to them in other works (pp. 135-144). Many of them are trade names; e.g., a kharrat, a gardener, a sayya.h, an ashfi, a

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