cummins_mannheim-the river around us, the stream within us

7/28/2019 Cummins_Mannheim-The River Around Us, The Stream Within Us

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1. Eran ms grandes y extraas de cuanto haba imaginado laspiedras del muro Inkaico; bullan bajo el segundo piso encaldo, quepor el lado de la calle angosta, era ciego. Me acord. Entonces de las

canciones quechuas que repiten una frase pattica constante: yawamay, ro de sangre; yawa agua sangrienta; pk-ti yawakca, lago de sangre que hierve; yawa wk, lgrimas de desangre. Acaso no podra decirse yawa mi, piedra de sangre o,pk tik yawa mi, piedra de sangre hirviente? Era esttico el muro,pero herva por todas sus neas y la superficies era cambiante, comolas de los ros en el vernao, que tienen una cima as, hacia el centralde caudal, que es la zona temible, la ms poderosa. Los indios llamanyawar mayu a eso ros turbios, porque muestran con el sol un brilloen moviemento, semejante al de la sangre. Tambin llaman yawamay al tiempo violento de las danzas guerreras, al momento que losbailarines luchan.

Pktik yawa mi!eclam frente al muro, en voz alto (Arguedas1958:11).

2. Scholarship on the Inka basically follows a European model offocusing on a single medium of expression, be it stone, metal, textile,ceramic, or architecture.

and boiling? What was it that a twentieth-century songcould evoke in its pathetic words and music, suchthat vivid and fluid images could be envisioned and beheard? Could it be that this is merely the literary flourish

of the individual imagination of an author? Or, is theresomething more to be seen and felt by an Andean thanis experienced by the most inveterate visitors, be theypoets, scholars, or tourists?2 What kind of synaesthetics isthis in which the natural world, the animate world, andthe cultural world are mixed so thoroughly by ones ownphysical experience?

After all, for most anyone coming from the outside,the natural world of the Andes gives, on first glance, theappearance of immutability, austerity, and intractability,almost anything other than being alive and animate.Yet this is a sacred world of the Inka, and Inka art andarchitecture, which, for Arguedas at least, is alive,

shimmering, and liquid and integral to that world. Forothers, however, Inka art and architecture seem onlyto mimic the starkness, stillness, and harshness of theAndes. Or, at least, this is the impression of GeorgeKubler who wrote of Inka art that the intrinsic meaningof Inka art reinforces the general impression of anoppressive state. It is as if, with the military expansionof the empire, all expressive faculties, both individualand collective, had been depressed by utilitarian aims tolower and lower levels achievement (Kubler 1975:335).Kubler finds an odd bedfellow in Georges Bataille whowrote some fifty years earlier that by the meticulous

organization of an immense army the Inkas powerspread over a considerable part of South America. [. . .]Everything was planned ahead in an airless existence.[. . .] Given these conditions it is not surprising thatthe Inka Civilization is relatively dull (Bataille [1928]1986:35). And lest we attribute the judgments of thesescholars to the closure of the academy, consider thewords of one of the great poets of the twentieth century,

The stones of the Inka wall were larger and stranger than Ihad ever imagined; they bubbled beneath the whitewashedsecond story, which facing the narrow street, was blind(i.e. no windows). Then I remembered the Quechua songs,which continually repeat one pathetic phrase: yawa may,river of blood; yawa , bloody water; pk-tik yawakca, lake of blood that boils; yawa wk, tears ofblood. Couldnt one say yawa mi, stone of blood, orpk tik yawa mi, boiling stone of blood? The wall wasstationary, but its lines were seething and its surface waschangeable, as that of the flooding summer rivers, whichhave similar crests near the center, where the current flowsthe swiftest and is the most terrifying. The Indians call thesemuddy rivers yawa may, because when the sun shines onthem they seem to glisten like blood. They also call the mostviolent tempo of the war dances, the moment when thedancers are fighting, yawa may.

Pktik yawa mi! I exclaimed aloud, facing the wall.1

J Maa Agda, Rios Profundos (1958)How are we to understand this passage? What is it

that provoked Arguedass narrator and protagonist tocry out boiling stone of blood when he first saw theInka walls of Cuzco? What did it mean for him to hearInka walls in the lyrics of Quechua songs? What couldone experience in the stationary and oh so solid Inkawalls that make them so animate and fluid to be bloody

T iv ad , t tam witi : T tac f t

ad Ika kitic

ToM CuMMIns ad BruCe MAnnheIM

Editorial


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6 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011

Pablo Neruda, reflecting on the Inka walls of MachuPicchu ([1948] 1985:127): Piedra en piedra, el hombre,dnde estuvo? (Stone on stone, and man, wherewas he?), opening a poetic argument that is similar toBatailles.

Perhaps, what these men say about the Inka mayappear to be true for some: that they are dull and lackingof any expression. But then again maybe not, or atleast not in the terms by which these men measuredInka art and civilization, even though they arrived attheir conclusions from radically different perspectives.Or perhaps they did not, not really, come from suchdifferent perspectives. But that is a discussion for anothertime and place. What interests us here is how inert and

lifeless they saw Inka art and culture to be, and howfundamentally, perversely wrong all three were; if weare to read seriously what Arguedas so beautifully wroteabout Inka walls. But what could Arguedas mean, ameaning that is so different from that of such erudite menof France, and Chile, and the United States? What weshall ultimately argue is that they literally could not seepast either the forest or the trees, or more precisely liquidor water; earth or sky; stone or mountain to understandand appreciate the dynamics of Andean expression, andespecially Inka art, as something that was and still is socarefully attuned with the coursing of life and movementthat it is impossible to distinguish between the naturaland cultural, sacred and mundane. It is an aesthetic thattakes light and liquid, hardness and softness as sources ofexpression and casts them in various guises across skiesand landscapes, buildings and bodies. Nothing in theAndes of the Inka is as it appears to the likes of Kubler,Bataille, Neruda and so many lesser others.3 Neither theynor the first Spaniards could see (or even now when somany archaeologists witness only the cold remains ofthings) that a crafted, created world was so animatedthat those who lived it, inhabited it, could sing it aloud,such that the hard stones were experienced as turbulentrushing waters.

Mayu/qaqa: river/stone

And so we begin with an Inka ritual payer, a prayerthat was surely sung before it was ever written down.It was transcribed in the early seventeenth centuryby a native Peruvian provincial lord, Juan de Santa

Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, who wrote an account of Inkadynastic mythology in which he included ritual poetry. Aportion of the poem has the following invocation of thedeity Wiraqucha ([1613] 1993:f.9v [200]):

Itiqa SunKillaqa MoonPcawqa DayTtaqa NightPqyqa the season of ripenessCiawqa the season of freshnessMaam yaqac do not simply existKamaciqam pi [but] are ordered

Wiraqucha, the Inka deity of the beginning, was giventhe epithet paca yacaciq, the one who causes

the world to have practical knowledge or language(Betanzos [1551] 1987:14; Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqu[1613] 1993:f.14r [209]). In another prayer transcribedby Cristbal de Molina, Wiraqucha divides male andfemale by saying, kay qai kac, kay wami kac(let this be man, let this be woman), creating men andwomen in six short words (Molina [1576] 2008). Theinvocations of Wiraqucha recorded by Santa CruzPachacuti Yamqui and by Cristobal de Molina ElCuzqueo (1576) celebrate the ability of Wiraqucha toalign the order of the world to language.4 The passagethat we quoted before by Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui

(so evocative of Genesis 8:21) asserts that the sun andthe moon, day and night, the season of ripeness and theseason of freshness are not yaqa, a Southern PeruvianQuechua word for purposeless being, useless action,and speech uttered without conviction. The sun andmoon, day and night, and the seasons do not simplyxit. Instead, they are kamaciqa (ordered, organized,imbued with vital force), a word derived from the rootkama (to order, to organize, or to have essence). Theinvocation to Wiraqucha can be paraphrased thus:The sun and moon, day and night, and the seasons ofripeness and freshness do not simply exist, but exist byvirtue of an order among them. This belief is reflected i

the form of the invocation. The terms are introduced inmutually defining matched pairs. Each term is followedby the suffix -qa, the semantically emptiest suffix inthe language, which makes the set of words more than

just a list: It is the simplest form ofmatic cplig,a characteristically Quechua poetic device, in whichtwo semantically related words appear in successivelines, in identical morphological contexts. The suffix -qa

3. To be fair, there are also an increasing number of scholars suchas Van de Guchte (1990), Paternernosto (1996), and Dean (2007) whohave studied Inka art (sculpture, textiles, and ceramics) with muchmore nuanced approaches and sympathies.

4. Sarmiento de Gamboa ([1572] 1988:84) also attributes thisgenerative power to the mytho-historic Inka king Viracocha.


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Cummins and Mannheim: Editorial 7

is the minimum possible morphological context.5 Thefullness of the linguistic analysis appears in Mannheim(1998), but here we want simply to stress two issues thatare fundamental to understanding how the Inka mighthave thought about the images they created. First, theterms of the couplets do not exist in isolationtheyare relational, mutually defining in such a way thatneither can exist without the other. And they are notmerely static categories, but have a kiticexistence,their kinesis signaled by the verb piy. Piyhassometimes been mistranslated as to travel, but it is farmore inclusive, comprehending anything with a kineticexistence: the gears of a wristwatch, the workings of apolitical program, the sexual act, and the existence of the

mountain deitiesthe Apuswho piyeven, thoughthey physically stay in one place (ibid.:244 ).

And so let us begin again and this time with a passagefrom 1553, in which Cieza de Len tells us about thenature of the men and women of Peru. About the womenhe says that one sees them everywhere constantlyspinning the wool of llamas and vicuas; whereas onesees men standing with a cup filled with aqa (cornbeer) held in one hand and while in the other they holdtheir member as they urinate.6 We shall return to thelatter, non-distaff part of this passage, but it is enough tosay now that these two descriptions refer to an Andeanworld in motion and circulation that, unbeknown toCieza de Lenwho found the first instance a sign ofindustry and propriety and the second a sign of disreputeand idlenesswas integral to a circulation of thesustaining life forces of Andean cosmology. This is to saythat Cieza de Len was a soldier who wrote about whathe saw with little understanding or depth, very much like

Kubler and Bataille, but who nonetheless possessed amuch more penetrating observation of things and actionsthat were and still are meaningful to the generation andsustenance of an Andean world. And as we will see,they are part and parcel of the visions of an Inka wall asvoiced by Arguedas.

His passage also allows us to talk more about theconcept of kinetic in the Andes and in Inka art inparticular: It is to enter into a physical world of aestheticand metaphysical activity that is fully corporeal; aworld that is non-Cartesian. Let us first then look at anenvironment so transformed in appearance and beingthat all that might seem so solid, immoveable, inanimate,and inert flows with movement or in turn exerts a will

not to be moved. If we cast a gaze onto the magisterialslopes of Machu Picchu there are, of course, the everso famous tiered and carefully groomed terraces thatseem to ascend magnificently and geometrically in ever-reduced curved retaining walls (fig. 1). At the same time,however, there is the living rock that is also skillfullyworked so as to simulate the flowing motion down thegrades of terraces as if appearing almost to be liquidbut caught, almost momentarily frozen, in place. Thegeometric pattern of the stepped terraces so laboriouslybuilt are here counterbalanced by the natural boulders.But these are not merely natural boulders, left wherethey are because they could not be moved. Rather, theyhave been left and perhaps worked so as to allow theappearance of a flowing motion down the mountain-side. If we look at their exposed surfaces we see thatthey are all angled to appear as if moving in a downwarddirection. Here the hardness and stability of the lithicappear to have been liquefied, as if pouring, like thechanneled waters gushing onward, into the great riverbelow and eventually reaching the ocean.

In fact, the sky above and the ground below arerecognized as conduits for an ever-flowing source ofcosmic force that transforms the state of being as itcourses through the universe of which stone is a part.

This may sound abstract but it is very concrete, as onecomes to see it manifest in various forms of Inka art andarchitecture. Kii, meaning an energizing or dynamicrather than mechanical sense of movement, is a principleof Inka aesthetics that integrates rock, light, water, andair. For example, as Gary Urton has demonstrated, theMilky Way, something that is so brilliant in the Andeannight sky, is conceived as a river, in fact called Mayorriver. It flows across the sky, perpetually in motion,arising out of the sea (Mamaqca) and settling backinto it. As it courses through the night it seeds the skywith a fructifying rain that falls, then flows down the

5. At the same time, we recognize with Itier (1993, 1995) andDuviols (1993) that the Quechua orations registered by PachakutiYamqui and by Molina were shaped by their contexts within Christian,monotheistic apologetics and cannot be taken to be mere repetitionof remembered prayer. The use of semantic couplets in the text

reflect specifically Quechua poetic traditions (there is no chain oftransference that can link them causally to the parallelistic traditionsin the Hebrew Bible; Quechua semantic couplets work structurally inways that are different from Hebrew parallelism; and they pervade non-religious contexts more than religious ones, so they do not likely havea specifically religious source), contra Itier (1993:140) that there are nospecifically Quechua rhetorical moves in the orations. There is a minordifference in the syntactic interpretation of the passage quoted fromItier, reflecting a distinct reading of the holograph, based on whether ornot a mark was intended as a comma. The difference in interpretationdoes not affect the argument here.

6. [. . .] muchos tienen con la mano la vasija con que estanbebiendo y con la otra el miembro con que orinan. Cieza de Len([1553] 1986:282). See also Allen (2009).


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rivers into the earth until it reaches back to the ocean.Beginning the never-ending cycle again, the waterfrom Mamaqca rises to flow through the Milky Wayand carries with it the cosmic llamas, foxes, and otheranimals that form the constellations in the sky andwhich are the master animals that ensure their increaseon earth (Urton 1981:38, 5665, 106150). This is acosmic circulation that fructifies and sustains the world,a movement that is augmented in a variety of waysthough a host of microcosms. All this movement andcirculation find expression in Inka art and architectureby harnessing the medium of expression (stone, metal,body) with the kinetic mediumbe it light, water,shadow, or direction. For example, at Ollantaytambo,

the course of water leads through the valley so thatit streams over the face of a worked boulder (fig. 2).It highlights by the contrast of wet and dry stone therecursive step-fret motif that is sometimes given theQuechua name cakaa, which according to GonzlezHolgun ([1608], 1989:84), simply means cala orstairs, but which is also replicated in the cosmos inthe constellation of Orions belt. As Urtons workdeveloped initially in a small community outside ofCuscoshows, Inka ethnoaxiology is fully groundednot as the self-reflections of a state, but in the practical

reason of the mundane.7 What is more, even in theprecincts of the state, circulation of water was imbued

with practical politics (Sherbondy 1987).If we return to the invocation to Wiraqucha with

which we began this article, we can understand thisrelationship between stone and water a bit better.Remember it was as follows:

Itiqa SunKillaqa MoonPcawqa DayTtaqa NightPqyqa the season of ripenessCiawqa the season of freshnessMaam yaqac do not simply exist

Kamaciqam pi [but] are orderedThe tradition of semantic couplets appears not only inthe invocation to Wiraqucha and in other early conquesera sources on Peru, but in the modern Quechua

7. There is a substantial ethnographic literature on the practical,political, and ritual logic of the circulation of water in the Andeanregion today. Three excellent starting points (all from the Colca Valleyof Arequipa) are Valderrama and Escalante (1988), Treacy (1994), andGelles (2000).

Figure 1. Western slope of Machu Picchu with terraces and worked boulders, ca. 1500.Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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sung poetry ofay, a popular music that is stillpervasive in the central Andes, which inspired Arguedassprotagonist. These songs draw on the same stock ofcouplets, including such frequent ones as:

mama/tayta mother/fathermay/waylly desire/love affectionatelywaqay/llakiy cry and feel sorrow/feel sorrowllaqta/wai (home) town/houseipy/paay go back/go back (Spanish)may/qaqa river/rockwakca/pb orphan, poor/pooriti/killa sun/moon

The sequential order of the terms in semantic coupletsis almost always the same, a relatively unmarked term

paired with a relatively marked one, closely related tothe firstwith no possibility of another term interveningin the relationship. For abstract concepts like may/waylly(desire/love affectionately) or waqay/llakiy(cryand feel sorrow/feel sorrow), the relationship betweenthe terms is fairly transparentthe second term in thepair is more specific than the first one, narrowing thesemantic field, as it were. For very concrete nouns suchas mama (mother)/tayta (father) or llaqta ([home] town)/wai(home), the second term seems to presuppose theexistence of the first. Pairs like these, and may(river)/

qaqa (rock), and iti(sun)/killa (moon) are misleadingin their naturalness, in that they seem to be exactcounterparts of their English or Spanish translations.But the cognitive organization of these word stems inQuechua cannot be approached without considering thecognitive structures within which they are embedded,including lexical domains, implicit theories, and tacitlyrelated cultural assumptions. At first glance, it seems oddthat may(river) should form a pair with qaqa (rock),but as we have seen, Quechua speakers understandrock to be a substance that flows like water in the veinsof the mountains. River and rock are also associated inmythology. The question that must be posed is how dosemantic couplets reflect both broader patterns in the

organization of the lexicon and the specifically culturallogic of word? Semantic couplets, then, take lexicalrelationships that are normally covert and bring themto the surface. Qaqa (rock) is the marked counterpartof mayu (river)both flow. Qaqa (rock) is in turn theunmarked counterpart to mi(segmented rock, stones).Compare two pairs constructed by similar principles:iti(snow, solid water)/cllk(ice, segmented); and(in southern Quechua prior to the nineteenth century)(water as a substance)/yak(water under irrigation).(Today, Southern Quechua speakers use one word or the

Figure 2. Fountain at Ollantaytambo, ca. 1500. Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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that carries the water that is channeled ever downwardto the river below. We shall return to the coursing ofliquid, but first we want to look at the other energizingforce that is so ever-present in Inka expression.

This is, of course, the sun, worshipped as theparamount deity, Iti. The sun is naturally a brilliantobject in the sky and is manifest again as light andshadow as it casts itself upon the earth. If we look at twolate sixteenth-century watercolors (figs. 3a and b) we seethe sun both as the solar being in the sky and its imageworshipped within its temple known as the Cicaca

(golden enclosure). There is something else to be seen inthese watercolors, which are the temples themselvesunadorned, simple stone structures with yellow grassroofs, bathed in sunlight. These images capture neatlythe fact that the Inka did not use figural sculpture tomark the presence of the sacred. We will suggest that thsacred is manifest directly by the sun just as it is by wateand stone. It is marked directly on the walls through thesuns own sacred energy; the stone on the wall uponwhich it reveals itself also possesses a sacred energy thais made visible.

other to mean water.) In each of these sets, the kinesisthat inheres in the first, unmarked, term is harnessed inthe second.

It is important here to follow the logic of the language,not of the objects that the words denote or the translationof the words into English or Spanish. It makes as littlesense to question the rationality of the may/qaqa (river/rock) relationship with reference to the bjctthat thewords river and rock denote as it does to account forthe fact that the Navaho expression for sorrow belongsto a covert round class (Whorf [1945] 1956:91) by

searching for a universal characteristic of sorrow thatwould make it round.

The wall was stationary, but its lines were seething andits surface was changeable

The slopes of Machu Picchu are a visual instantiationof the pairing formed by mayand qaqa, by river androck. The hard stone is cut like tapered boulders, thin atthe top and bulbous at the base, such that it appears toflow off the mountainside through natures force, a force

Figure 3a. Acalla Praying to the Sun, folio 7v in Martn deMura hitia dl oig y Galga ral d l ry dlPi, d c, ctmb, taj, maa d gbi,begun ca. 1589, finished ca. 1613. Private collection.Photograph by Tom Cummins.

Figure 3b. Coricancha, folio 64v in Martn de Mura hitidl oig y Galga ral d l ry dl Pi, d c, ctmb, taj, maa d gbi, begun ca.1589, finished ca. 1613. Private collection. Photograph by TomCummins.


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details that are intensified by the light and shadow thatis cast by the sun. To understand that the articulated

joins of Inka walls in Cuzco participate in a pan-Andean(aesthetic?) understanding of a wall in relation to thesun, one need only stand and look at these walls in therarified air at eleven thousand feet. There is much lessatmospheric interference at this altitude, which makeslight and shadow much more intense. This effect iscaptured by the walls.9

Before we continue with a discussion of the animatingforce of the sun on the Inka walls, it is important to

reiterate that the stone itself is not necessarily inert.If we study two other images by the Andean artistGuaman Poma we can see how this animating force wasarticulated visually using Western-style drawing (figures4a and b). Though the images come from differentmanuscripts, they both depict an event that is similarlydescribed in their respective texts, which concerns alarge stone that is being dragged from one site to the

Inka sites are justly famous for their masonry, butto some scholars, such as Kubler or Bataille, theirappearance suggests the utilitarian or the dull, as theylack the exuberance of architectural sculpture. But theunadorned walls of Cuzco, for example, are in factstunningly beautiful as the high Andean sun rakes acrossthem. Cut to precision such that the individuality ofeach stone embraces and fits with all surrounding ones,one can see the states capacity to command the laborto build them. The labor-intensive character of Andeansocial organization is articulated through the carefully

beveled joins of multi-angled stones of sometimescyclopedian dimensions.8 Protrusions on the surface thatprobably were used to help place the stones by meansof logs are left in place. These are intentional masonry

9. See also Billie Jean Isbell (1982).

8. The labor and social identity as being an expression with theconstruction and maintenance of a wall has been suggested for theMoche at Huaca de Luna and Wari walls at Pikilllaqta and has beenbrilliantly described and analyzed in contemporary communities byUrton (1988).

Figure 4b. The ninth captain, Urcon Inka, p. 161 in FelipeGuaman Poma de Ayala, nva cica y b gbi, ca.1615. Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark, GKS 2232 4.Photo courtesy of Royal Library, Copenhagen.

Figure 4a. Inca Urcun and the Tired Stone, folio 37v inMartn de Mura, hitia dl oig y Galga ral dl ry dl Pi, d c, ctmb, taj, maad gbi, begun ca. 1589, finished ca. 1613. Privatecollection. Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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next.10 At a certain point the stone becomes too tired,weeps blood, and eventually comes to rest where itis. And although the texts describe the stones travelsdifferentlyit is either carried from Quito to Cuzco inone version, which is a north to south direction; or fromCuzco to Guanaco Pampa in the other version, which isa south to north directionthey are depicted travelingin the same direction. That is, composition overrides anydifference in the narrative of the event. The figures alsoare arranged slightly differently, but, again, the narrativemoment is the same. However, the stone, the protagonistof the story, is treated entirely differently. In GuamanPomas own image in the nva Cica, the naturalshape of the stone is suggested by the undifferentiated

roundness that defines its contours. The weeping ofblood is indicated by a patterning of streaming linesthat become thicker as they pour down the side, andtherefore is reminiscent of the abstract sign of thestigmata as used in the Franciscan coat of arms, whichis often used in the woodcut frontispieces of devotionaland catechetical texts. Below the two horizontal rows ofblood is written Llor sangre la piedra, so as to ensurethe correct iconographic reading of the liquid. The useof the stigmata form also ensures that there can be anunarticulated association between the bloody tears of thestone and the animating force of Christs blood. One alsocan make the association between this bloody stone andthe Inka walls as described by Arguedas.

The stone in the first version treats its animacy in anentirely different way. First, the outline of the stone isnot conventionalized as a rounded shape but is given anirregular outline. However, within this form is sketchedthe regular form of an ashlar block, into which it wouldbe carved once it reaches its destination in Cuzco. Inother words, the form of what is to become is alreadyexistent within its natural state. This may sound like amodernist sculptures manifesto, but what is visuallyexpressed is, we believe, the Quechua idea ofkamay,or the potentiality existent within any natural state to be

realized as a metaphysical presence of the sacred.11 Thisnotion is intensified by the anthropomorphism of thestone itself. Guaman Poma endows it with a pair of eyesthat look forward and in the direction it is moving. Thesedifferences in the image are only slight, but they createan entirely different expression and mood. The GuamanPoma image of 1590 is one that is more revealing aboutwhat is at stake in the narrative whereas the nvaCica drawing is more illustrative of the facts ofthe narrative and align the animating force with that ofChristianity.

If we then move back to the real walls of Cuzcoand elsewhere, we can perhaps think of the way thewalls are made of light and shadow cast against the

physical properties of a wall as having critical Andeanmetaphysical importance articulated through thecarefully beveled joins of multi-angled stones as wellas subtle carvings on the surface. This relationshipbetween wall and sun as a kinetic expression of cosmicforces is born out in the mythology as recorded inHuarochiri, the only colonial-era narrative in Quechua,the language of the Inka. In explaining the origins of thecult of Pariacaca, the paramount divinity of the area, thenarrator says:

Pariacaca began to lay down the rules for his worship. Hislaw was one and the same in all the villages: We are all of

one birth (i.e. ayllu).They say that Pariacaca gave a command to oneparticular person in each village: Once every year youare to hold a celebration every year commemorating thecustoms I have established. He then said As for their titleof these people they will be called huacsa. The huacsa wildance three times each year bringing coca in an enormousleather bag.

To first become a huacsa, people in fact perform acertain ritual.

10. The exertion of the will of an object to come to rest at a specificbut unintended place is a rather common belief, and many Christianobjects including architecture are ascribed similar histories. It is theaspect ofkamayand how it is illustrated in these two images thatdistinguishes the Andean version of the story.

11. Gerald Taylor (1976) has written a penetrating analysis ofsixteenth- and seventeenth-century uses of the root kama-. As regardsthe verbal form, kamay, nous le traduisons par animar en donnant ce terme la valeur multiple que lui accorde Garcilaso, cest--dire:transmettre la force vitale et la soutenir, protger la personne oula chose qui en sont les bnficiaires. Le monde anim des Andes

voque un horizon beaucoup plus vaste que son quivalent occidentatoute chose que possde une fonction ou une fine est anime a fin qusa fonction ou sa fine puissent tre raliss: les champs, les montagne

les pierres aussi bien que les hommes (Taylor 1976:235). We wouldadd the note of caution that the meanings animate and transmit avital force do not require the action kamayto have an agent. For thisreason, the Third Council of Lima (Tercer Concilio Limense 1584:77v)chose to use the word aq(one who makes something) rather thancamaqin the Quechua translation of the Nicene Creed. Were theyto have used camaq, the translation would have been ambiguous,since camaqcan also be understood as the agent of the vital force,an entity or person infused with a vital force, or as the prototype for aspecies or object. (They were not consistent in their usage, however;see ibid.:5r.) The word kamaciqa is a nominalized [-qa] causative[-ci] form of kamay. According to Taylor (1976:236), the causativesuffix -ciindicates that the vital force is received from elsewhere: onfournit lautre la capacit ou lautorisation dagir.


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It is like this: a man of the Caca Sica ayllu functions asthe officiant for these ceremonies. From early times theseofficiants were only one or two people, and, as for theirtitle it was yanca (priest entitled by heredity). The same titleis used in all the villages. This man observes the courseof the sun [esta es la sombra que va haziendo la pared][pirca is the word used in Quechua] from a wall in perfectalignment. When the rays of the sun touch this wall, heproclaimed to the people, Now we must go.

(Aym [ca. 1607] 1991:7172)

What can be heard in the written version of this oralaccount are the critical elements of sunlight, shadow,

and stone. They are not fixed but caught momentarily,and therefore index the constant state of change aslight moves across a surface. Here, on a specific day,one could see time marked by the celestial movementof the sun as it touches walls and sets in motion ritualsof initiation. There is no tangible mimetic sense ofsurrounding images such as can be found for the Aztecin their pictorial personifications of the sun. Of course,there were Inka images of the sun made in gold, butwe do not know what they looked like, and it is mostlikely that whatever images there were, their significancewas understood to reside in their reflective qualities

rather than any figural iconography. The paramountInka temple dedicated to the sun, the Qurikancha, andother buildings in Cuzco seem to have been girdedwith golden plaques. If this is the case, then the sunsreflection on these golden surfaces shared in the shiftingstate of sunlights essential elements (brilliance, shadow,and warmth) and also manifested divine presence. AtOllantaytambo in the sacred valley, the protuberancesleft on the face of the stones of its monolithic wallcatch the sun and seem to ignite into pure energy (fig.5). This play of light and shadow is also how we areto understand the enigmatic step fret design (cakaa)

carved in very low relief on the same wall. It catches thesun and marks a crisp shadow that sharply outlines thegeometric shapes as a mark of time on the surface.

And just as the light moves across the stone surfaceof a wall so as to highlight in a variety of ways, watercourses through the Andes pouring down and darkeningthrough moisture and flickering brilliance of the stones.The relationship between the two cosmic celestialforces of light and fluid in relation to stone is expressedin part by a common visual vocabulary just as it is inQuechua song poetry through semantic couplets. Thatis, the step-fret design (cakaa) carved in low relief

Figure 5. Sun on a wall at Ollantaytambo, ca. 1500. Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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on the wall of Ollantaytambo is the same as the onecaved into the living rock of the fountain below, wherewater animates the stone as it flows over it and into apool. The design cut into the stone can be activatedeither by having the water pour over it or reflect uponit. This image is cut into a boulder in the Saphi Riverthat originates behind Sacsahuaman and then flowsinto the sacred city of Cuzco, becoming the Huatanayand defining one of the borders of the sacred city.This boulder and the carving became a focal point ofthe December ritual sacrifice called Maycatiwhenall the remains of the years sacrifices were gathered

together. At the same time a series of dams were builtin the river.12 When the first dam was broken, the waterrushed forward, bursting through all the other dams builtbelow, thereby picking up ever-increasing force untilthe water rushed though Cuzco carrying the residueof all the years sacrifices with it (Cristbal de Molina[1576] 2008:108109). Where the Saphi joined the

Tullumayu, the second river that defined the Cuzcosother border, called Puma Chupan, the Inka stood oneither side awaiting the rushing water in order to throwthe sacrificial remains into the river as an act of thanks,so as to not appear ungrateful to the Hacedor de todascosas (Virachocha). They were ordered to follow thewaters as far as Ollanntaytambo, where they offeredmore sacrifices, so that if Virachoca resided in the sea, hwould receive them (ibid.). It is therefore interesting thathe same design is cut into the fountain at Ollantaytambwhose waters also joined the river as it rushed to theMamaqca.

Whether these two designs were related through rituacannot be determined, but it is important to note that thedesign cut into the stone sitting in the streambed of Sapiriver clearly participated in this December ritual (fig. 6).As late as in 1981 stone residue of the damming processcould still be seen on the banks of the Saphi just belowthe Chakana boulder. During the ritual, the water backeup above the dam, deepening and becoming calmerbefore it was released. Before that release, the bouldermust have appeared almost to be floating in the water,because just below the design a deep recess is carved,so that it allows any lapping to occur unseen and thus

12. Several chroniclers, including Jos de Acosta (2002:305306,312, 317) and Bernarb Cobo (1990:146), mention this ritual. The bestdescription, however, is by Molina ([1576] 2008:3133).

Figure 6. Boulder in Saphi River above Cuzco, ca. 1500. Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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creates a smoother reflective surface. The pool is un-dammed, and water rushes into the city to cleanse it andtake the years evil away. The purification ritual of theInka recognizes the cycle nature of time and life throughthe coursing of this water. It fuses the image of the stonewith the water and its rushing force as it channels themthrough the city and down the river to join again inendless circulation.

The coursing of liquid is also channeled in variousother ways and forms, such as a pakcapakca cutinto a rock. The flow of corn beer passes down thecarved channel to then drain into the earth. The idea ofa pakcapakca is that the liquid courses through thechannel and is transformed from one state to another.

This is similar ontologically to the transformation oflight on stone. The transformation can also be producedby bringing discrete objects of different materialstogether in proximity or by forming objects in a singlematerial so as to express their relationship. The latteris best seen in a ceramic pakcapakca that join thesculptural form of an p(aryboloid-shaped jar fortransporting corn beer) and a caki taklla (footplow)into a single composition (fig. 7), such that the offeringofaqa (corn beer) is first poured into the pwhichthen passes through the caki taklla, finally emptyinginto the ground and thereby completing a cycle ofplanting, harvesting, fermentation, and consumption asunderstood through these utilitarian objects and theirquotidian use (Carrin Cachot 1955; Stone-Miller 2006,Cummins 2007:278279).

The kinetic here is a transformative act, engaging timeand motion. To understand further what the kinetics ofliquid can mean in terms of transformation, we turn toa mid-colonial rlaci written by Felipe de Medina. Itbegins with his account concerning a coastal huaca, orsacred place, that he discovered still being used. Medinafound that it was the principal huaca (sacred image) ofthe area and that it attracted an ongoing interregionalpilgrimage. The importance of the sacred is underscored

as he not only describes its form and its destruction,but he also gives an account of the architectural layoutof the entrance to and interior of the temple as well asthe significance of the rituals dedicated to the principalimage, through which the idol gains a transformativeagency. Medina writes about the sanctuary that

the temple lies on a low hill, on the right hand side of thecami al; entering this temple by a narrow path way ofwalls built on either side, hand made of stone and mud, andone enters the temple, which is also walled and made thesame material as the pathway, by different compartmentsand divisions, some that serve for those of highlands and

others that serve for those from the lowlands, and forthe women of these (two regions) there are also differententrances [. . .] .13

Medina describes the temple compound with itsentrance as having same horseshoe or U shape, similarto one of Perus oldest and most famous ritual centers:the Old Temple at Chavn de Huntar, wherein stoodan image known popularly as the Lanzn, which couldbe thought of as a surrogate for the image that Medinadestroyed. Medina describes the ingress, noting that thetraveler was led through one of four entrances into the

huacas innermost chamber not only proceeding alonga passageway, but also the labyrinthine interior. Each

13. [E]l adoratorio cae en una media loma, a mano derecha delcamino real; empiezase a caminar y entrar a este adoratorio por uncallejn de paredes, por una y otra banda, hecho a mano de piedra ybarro, bien formado y muy curioso; tiene mas de una cuadra largo yse entra al adoratorio (que tambien est cercado y hecho de la mismapared que el callejn) por diferentes compartimientos y divisiones,unas que servian para los serranos y otros para los yungas, y para lasmujeres destos hacan tambien diferentes entradas [. . .] (Medina[1650] 1904:215).

Figure 7. Pakcapakca composed of an urpu and chaki taklla,Chimu Inka, ca. 1500. Ceramic. Photograph by Tom Cummins.


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entrance was differently accessed, depending uponboth the sex and the geographic/ethnic identity of thepilgrim. All four passages came together at the center ofthe temple, arriving from four different directions. In thecenter of the adoratorio there was what Medina calledan idol, which he describes in the following manner:

[. . .] the idol was (made) of an extraordinary stone, and notlike any from this area, rather it was brought from far away;I noted that it stood three and a halfvaaand three vaawide. It has very small eyes carved into surface and doneappropriately; it also has carved in to it two very large hornsthat twist downward in the form of canals, with a depth ofabout two inches, ending in the snout itself, by which theypour the blood and chicha that they offer to it in sacrifice

and there they study (interpret) its (the idols) signs.I found further on, a small (statue) of native sheep [llama]that they call mama llama, (made) the increase of them [. . .] .

Medina ends his rlaci by describing how thesculpted image was used and what its name was inQuechua: [I]t is the case that when they offer it (thestatue) sacrifices of corn beer and blood it (the liquid)ran through the canals of the idol, and it gave theappearance of how urine or some other liquid spilledonto the ground. The idol is called Ipaa which meansurinal or place one urinates. While Medina focused onthe concreteness of urination in translating the Quechuaipay, the Quechua word could be used for any liquidflowing from a body.

The surface of Choque Ispana was carved, not fully inthe round, but as Medina writes, gabad. That is, thesurface was carved in low relief, such that the lines thatformed the anthropomorphic features of eyes, horns,and so on, also created the channels through which thelibations poured from the top, coursing down the figureuntil they spilled to the ground. This ritual act isnominalized by the sculpture, at least as understood byMedina. He specifically says that the sculpture is calledIpaa, a term that he translates as place where oneurinates. It is clear that this is the name of the figure and

that it is associated to the way the rituals enliven thesculpture; however, what is the ipaa really intendedto mean?

It is important first to think of the kinetic quality ofthe scultures/huacas. Chicha and/or blood are poureddown the figure, emphasizing the relation of the huacato the ground in and on which it is placed. In the caseof the huaca Ipaa, the liquids, blood and chicha, areoffered to it by being poured at the top or head so as torun down the figure through the incisions that create itsiconography. The orientation of the sculptural form can

therefore only be conceived as being downward, just asit is with the Lanzn at Chavn de Huantar, even thoughits iconography suggests a standing figure. Moreover thimovement acts to transform the liquids as they coursedown the canals such that they take on a different stateof being, from blood to urine. Urine is thus one liquid,which essentially is in a continuous transformationalprocess, a process that at Huacho is given a specificmanifestation by the kinetic or fluid movement of theliquid down the canals of the idol called ipaa. Thetransformation ofcica or blood into urine is notthen to be understood as something disagreeable, ashuman waste, but rather as part of the essence of liquid,the continuous circulation of which is essential to the

fecundity of the earth. Certainly this is implied in aprayer printed fewer than twenty years earlier, beforeMedina wrote his rlaci concerning the idolochoqque Ispana. Juan Perez de Bocanegra (1631) inthe southern highlands wrote a prayer in Spanish andQuechua dedicated to irrigation sources. In the Spanishversion, rain is prayed for in the following [. . .] madrefuente, laguna o manatial, dame agua sin cessar, orinasin parar [. . .] , the verb iareflecting a SouthernQuechua ipay(ipay). In this sense, the circulationof liquid in the form of rain as it becomes lake andriver water to then pass to the ocean and back again isunderstood within the cosmic circulation of the MilkyWay as we described earlier. All natures secretionsare ipay, just asare the secretions of liquid fromhumanssuch as blood, urine, and perhaps even sweatmilk, semen, tears, and others. They all form a part ofthe process of the unending flow and transformationfrom one stage to another. This is, of course, whatpakcapakcaare. The nature of liquid as well as thesun in the Andes is about transformation, a processunknowingly described by Medina.

Equally important, the god called haiin 1656 byHacas Poma not only distributed land but also water.As Hacas Poma told it to a priest inquisitor, the ai,

Coricuicyan

urinated in two parts and two pqi(springs) appearedcalled Ocopuquio and Cucupuquio that are in the fields ofthis Ayllu, and Capabilaca urinated in three parts and threepuquios called Ucupampa, Colcacocha and Muchacpuquiappeared that are also next to the fields of this Ayllu withwhich they water them and those from this Ayllu venerate[mca] them [pqi] with live guinea pigs that theyoffer them and these said idols recognizing the power andknowledge that they had became friends and divided thefields between themselves and when they died they turned


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to stone, those from this Ayllu have venerated these idolsever since.14

The idol found and described by Medina only six yearsprior to Hacas Pomas testimony was called CqIpaa, and so clearly associated with urination andwater.

But what does the act of urinating mean? Let us lookat one myth about the form of the Inkas punishment ofguests who had come to Cuzco a year before andcomplained a bit too loudly that he had not providedenough drink (Santa Cruz Pachacuti [ca. 1613]1993:254). The following year he gave them great cupsof corn beer all day but did not allow his guests to get upto urinate. This punishment suggests more than mere

physical discomfort. The Zapa Inka threatens thesubsistence of his guests by breaking the chain of actsrequired for a bountiful agricultural year. Urine isequated with sufficient water supply as recorded in Prezde Bocanegras prayer to irrigation sources, [. . .] madrefuente, laguna, o manatial, dame agua sin cessar, orinasin parar [. . .] . Human urine conceptually is part of awater cycle and fecundity, especially during drinkingfeasts. An eyewitness details how during such a feast inCuzcos main plaza there were two drainage canals [. . .]which must have been made for cleanliness and fordraining rainwater in the plaza [. . .] (that) ran all day

long with their urination. [D]os vertedores [. . .] quedeban ser hechos para la limpieza y desaguadero deagua de las lluvias que caan en la plaza [. . .] (que)corran todo el da orines, de los que en ellos orinaban[. . .] (Estete [ca. 15351540] 1924:55).

Muchos tienen con la mano la vasija con que estanbebiendo y con la otra el miembro con que orinanCieza de Len ([1553] 1984:282).

And so if we first return to Cieza de Lens remarksabout Andean men, his observations may signify muchmore than he realized. Drinking and urinating were

related acts within the cosmic circulation of nature, as

much as the coursing of water through the Andes and theMilky Way (Skar 1987). The relationship as described byCieza de Len is represented in two pakchapakchas. Thefirst is a ceramic pakchapakcha from Machu Picchu (fig.8). It is shaped in the form of a human hand holding adrinking cup. This pakchapakcha is almost a synecdochicillustration of the first part of Ciezas description of theAndean male. The second pakchapakcha is a silver bowl,perhaps colonial, that was stolen from Cuzcosarchaeological museum and recovered only after it wasbadly damaged (fig. 9a and b). On the lip of the bowl isperched a small p, an aryballoid-shaped vessel usedin Inka rituals for transporting and distributing aqa (cornbeer). A tube connects this pto a man who stands atthe center of the bowl [cca], so that when liquid waspoured into the urpu, it passed out of and into this smallfigure. He stands with both hands holding his penis as heappears in the act of urinating into a jar that forms the

earths opening. The penis is hollow and open so that theliquid would actually pass through it. Such a depictionrepresents the process so graphically described by Ciezade Len and Estete, by which the cultural substance,cica, is transformed back into its natural state therebycompleting the cycle and ensuring sufficient rain for thenext harvest. Within the bowl are several sculptedanimals, a male and female llama. They seem by theirgender to suggest increase as is understood by theconstellation seen by the Andeans in the Milky Way(Urton 1981:100, 187, 200, 207208). Around the

14. Y el dicho Coricuicayan orin en dos partes y salieron dospuquios llamados Ocopuquio y Cucupuquio que estan en las chacarasdeste aillo y Capabilaca orin en tres partes y salieron tres puquiosllamados Ucupampa, Colcacocha y Muchacpuquio que estan tambien

junto a las chacras deste aillo con que las riegan y los mochan losde este aillo con cuyes vibos que les ofresen y estos dichos ydolosconociendo el poder y sabiduria que tenian se hisieron amigos yrepatieron las chacras en si y quando murieron se conbirtieron enpiedras y los deste aillo an mochado siempre estos ydolos (HernandoHacas Poma 1656, folio 28, as cited in Duviols [1973:156157]).

Figure 8. Pakcapakca composed of a hand holding a quero,Chimu Inka, ca. 1500, excavated at Macchu Picchu, Ht. 3.1.Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History 16962.


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flow ofkamaythough the world. Another ceramicpakchapakcha manifests the distaff side ofipaa/kamayand their life-giving energies of flowing transformation. is a coastal ceramic figurine that depicts a mother breastfeeding her child (fig. 10). She is seated cross-legged and

exterior wall is another Andean male with a lampa orhand hoe, who may be either planting or harvestingcrops. This small silver bowl, probably colonial-era,seems to express visually the complexity of liquid,flowing substances, the human body, and the cosmic

Figure 9a. Silver Pakcapakca, ca. 15001550. Museo del Inka, Cuzco.

Figure 9b. Silver Pakcapakca, detail of side, ca. 15001550. Museo del Inka,Cuzco.


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cummins_mannheim-the river around us, the stream within us

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