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Cultural Policies in Modern Spain: Originsand OrientationsXan Bouzada aa University of Vigo , SpainPublished online: 08 Jun 2013.

To cite this article: Xan Bouzada (1999) Cultural Policies in Modern Spain: Origins and Orientations,Loisir et Société / Society and Leisure, 22:2, 453-485, DOI: 10.1080/07053436.1999.10715597

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CULTURAL POLICIES IN MODERN SPAIN: ORIGINS AND ORIENTATIONS

XanBOUZADA

University of Vigo, Spain

The objective of this article is to present an evolutionary outlook of cultural policies in Spain. This work approaches an issue hardly dealt with in studies from a sociological viewpoint. In this sense, our approach is based on a compilation of diverse bibliographical and documentary material of an irregular nature, citing both rigorous works and thoughts from experts, presented at the few forums which have been organised around this issue in Spain. Besides a general synthesis of the issue, we have also set out to establish two streams of thought which, in our opinion, required or indeed now require a more specific treatment. We refer to the specific correlation between the French and Spanish experiences, and to the contextual framework defmed by an increasing globalisation process, where the current spread of autonomous cultural values in Spain has occurred.

Also, we have paid particular attention to the process of change in models occurring since the break with the Franco regime and the advent of democracy. This special attention will also help to take the pulse of the decentralising experience in Spain, which stands out as a new, relevant profile both because of the decisive nature of the process and the intensity achieved.

In terms of our analysis, we note how Spanish cultural policies, practically up to the arrival of democracy, have shown a continued state-run vocation, tending, from that point onward, to reorientate both its philosophy and contents as well as the distribution of its competencies in the different administrative departments.

After the Constitution was passed in 1978, the share-out of competencies in culture was gradually established until 1985 among central, autonomous and local government administrations. The central administration is currently respon­sible for maintaining national heritage and the important cultural facilities at state level (libraries, museums, art galleries, archives or the national ballet and theatres), besides the responsibility for controlling cultural trade (audiovisuals and books).

Loisir et societe I Society and Leisure Volume 22, numero 2, automne 1999, p. 453-485 • ©Presses de l'Universite du Quebec

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Apart from these functions, state administration may develop programmes for cultural and artistic promotion, co-operating with other administrations in providing cultural facilities or projects. The autonomous communities have been granted competencies related to the conservation of their heritage and the promotion of their own particular cultural traits.

Local administrations, for their part, also enjoy a good deal of freedom to put their competencies into practice, both by creating cultural facilities and by conserving their heritage or by developing cultural promotion programs. Possibly for this reason, municipal cultural policies have been highly heterogeneous, mainly depending on the amount of budget available or the types of local governments in question. County councils, for their part, entail a political-administrative area at provincial level, their declared objective being to carry out a simple function of support and co-ordination between municipalities.

1. Origin and Genesis of Cultural Policies

The existence of any type of cultural action in Europe is no recent phenomenon. During the Old Regime, various forms of intervention were developed in the cultural field, which included setting up the academic system, royal patronage and censorship. Later, with the appearance of the Modem State in the 17th century, particularly with the dawning of the Age of Enlightenment, it is evident how diverse types of public intervention have been conceived in the field of culture. In this regard, from a very early date, the state decided to intervene in this field in issues such as the recovery or evaluation and promotion for public enjoyment of the assets belonging to the cultural heritage for creation and cultural consumption, this being a line of work which, in the case of France, was to experience a notable step forward in the 19th century, during the revolutionary decade (Poirrier, 1998).

Although there is no doubt about the fact that the earliest origins of cultural policies in Europe go back a few hundred years, it is true to say that the emergence of a determined political will, on the part of the public administrations, to take on this field is a relatively recent phenomenon. This appeared towards the middle of this century, coinciding in time with various processes, which highlighted the advancements made in competencies experienced by the modem welfare states, following World War II. Two of these landmarks which, in our opinion, most help us to understand the European origin of this process may, on the one hand, be the "invention of cultural policy", as led by the French state during the General De Gaulle government, and the cultural vocation of the Council of Europe, also clearly shown after World War II, with the start of a European line of work inspired on a cultural type action aimed at averting the risk of national conflicts between the countries on the continent.

There is a generalized acknowledgement of the fact that it was to be in France, following World War II, where these processes and lines of state intervention in

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 455

the cultural field, which may be conceived as concrete models of"cultural policies" (Urfalino, 1996) were first established. Liberated France was to set up a cultural policy in the 4th Republic which was marked, at the same time, by the twofold convergence of diverse inherited experiences with intervention policies, as well as by the ideals of renewal fostered by certain sectors comprising old members of the Resistance. And it was to be along these lines that, in the preamble to the new republican constitution, the right to culture was acknowledged as such.

In addition to the diverse heritages and ideological stances which were to foster the emerging protagonism in France of cultural policy, which would make possible the birth of a specific ministry, in January 1959, responsible for cultural matters, mention must also be made of the convergence of a series of special circumstances (Dijan, 1996) which were to help towards an understanding of this emergence, regardless of the existence of a clear, reflective will to make the 5th Republic coincide with the consecration of a public cultural policy as such. And in these circumstances, the decision made by General De Gaulle for the government to shelter Andre Malraux has probably not been one of the least important, in the interests of taking advantage of the prestige of such a strategically charismatic personality as his.

This initial period in which the birth of cultural policies began to take shape was to be marked by a well-defined centralist, state-orientated, erudite vocation, and a clear focus of attention on the aesthetic and artistic aspects. The Ministry for Cultural Affairs was to take on the central task of making the crowning oeuvres of mankind accessible, and as a matter of priority for France, to the population of the country as a whole. In order to achieve this, a strategy was deployed supported by a facility conceived for such a purpose: the Cultural Departments. By virtue of this, the Cultural Departments were, until 1972, the core of all debates and controversies set up around the fact of the incipient cultural policies. This protago­nism, played by a specific cultural type facility, was to be derived, among other causes, from the political fragility experienced by a minister such as Malraux who had to define and assert himself by differentiating his lines of action from those of other governmental areas, such as education, youth or sports. It may be due to these and other servitudes that Cultural Departments (Maison de Ia culture) soon became obsolete, a fact which, to a large extent, called the underlying utopian emphasis into question. By 1966, the first criticisms of excessively costly cultural facilities, whose majestic arrogance rendered them suspect of warding off those citizens clearly excluded from access to cultural assets, were to arise. Following these statements, two new managers, F. Raison and P. Moinot, in the ministry at the time, were to propose a different alternative by setting up smaller Cultural Events Centers (Centred' action culturelle ), jointly funded by the local authorities, which were to be clearly receptive towards local cultural initiatives. With these centers and in terms of their determination to promote local associations supported by the town council, the enlightening unit of the discourse imparted by the departments

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was to be broken and as a process of acknowledgement of the periphery and their respective cultures began. It was hoped that this process would become fmnly rooted during the period when Jacques Duhamel, along with G. Pompidou, took on common interests.

Between these two periods, by way of a critical transition, the whirlpool stirred up by May '68 played a part and, in particular the Villeurbaine statement of 25th May that year, given by a substantial group of cultural department directors, who categorically questioned the logic behind the proposals for "cultural democ­ratization". With this crisis, the alternatives of "cultural development", closer to strategies oriented to achieving forms of "cultural democracy", were to mark a clear inflection towards the approaching new period.

During this period, what were to become the European cultural policies in the near future were drawn up and the bases were laid. The approach of cultural policies to the local and town arena, as well as to the social environment, to a large extent, implied reviewing the preceding ideal of an erudite projection of culture towards the individual. This new approach took a firm step forward on the road to the secularization of the perception of culture, initiating a process which would tend to be put in place in the eighties, when culture was instrumentalized at the service of the economy and of employment, identity, local development or tourism; in societies such as those in the West, increasingly populated by cultured, autono­mous citizens familiar with cultural consumption.

The final stage punctuating the recent history of French cultural policies is the period in which Jacques Lang, under the auspices ofF. Mitterrand, moved on to a stage where certain previous approaches were consolidated. At the same time, it was decided to handle the potentialities of all matters cultural as a useful tool, at the service of society and the state, becoming consolidated, in terms of this, into a secularized, down to earth perception of culture.

Whereas during the Malraux period when cultural policies were established, the government was not completely alien to the instrumentalization of culture, and not only in terms of General De Gaulle's strategy aimed at strengthening the state and adorning it with members of intellectual prestige, but more particularly, in terms of an initially opaque objective, evoked by this collaborator in the Biasini ministry (Biasini, 1962), when he acknowledged the existence of a political will in the government for the Cultural Departments to play the important role of contributing to creating new republican elite, it is essential to highlight the fact that it was to be Mitterrand and his political moment that were, by chance, granted the privilege of the revelation that culture was not only a rhetoric of power, but rather on the contrary, that it could become one of its firmest cornerstones as regards prestige and political acknowledgement.

There is no doubt about the fact that the public budgets for culture which, in the Malraux period, had never exceeded 0.5%, that under Mitterrand reached

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Cultural Policies in Modern Spain: Origins and Orientations 457

the mythical I % of the budget, were to contribute to the particular protagonism played by cultural policy during this period. Perhaps the Mitterrand/Lang period, also marked by the additional solution of commitment to combining orientations of cultural action which, only a few years previously, had been considered as conflicting, had been called to finalize a comprehensive puzzle where, as it was all embracing, would tend to leave behind a certain feeling of excess and redun­dancy in terms of the very meaning of cultural policies.

In this manner, France, being the leading western country to have committed itself, since the mid-20th century, to the task of promoting a cultural policy, was to put in place a three-stage sequence. The first of these, initiated under the wing of A. Malraux, aimed at making effective a cultural action giving access to the great oeuvres of the spirit. This was followed by another stage, under Duhamel, which was more oriented towards acknowledging the value and to promoting the development of all cultures. Now, the latest and most recent period under J. Lang is clearly oriented towards broadening the acknowledgement and social presence of culture in its diverse erudite and creative dimensions, such as design or consumption.

2. Cultural Policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union

The pioneering events in France in the politico-cultural arena were, to a large extent, accompanied by and influenced in the manner in which events in the rest of Europe were developing. By way of an example, after World War II (Grosjean, 1997), the Council of Europe was created in 1949. Although it was founded with the more political than cultural objective of smoothing down nationalist rough edges among member countries on the continent, this body was to set out with a view to sensitizing different European countries regarding the importance of the artistic works and creations of its neighbors. The first five years involved in this task were continued by the Convention of Paris of 1954, which was to mean its opening up to the approaches in force of "cultural democratization". This occurred at a time when politico-cultural responsibilities were starting to be assumed by the European states. As noted at the start of the document drawn up following this first convention, the socio-political objective had to continue to complement the genuinely cultural: "The aim of the Council of Europe is to achieve a greater unity between its Members for the purpose, among others, of safeguarding and realizing the ideals and principles which are their common heritage." At a later date, around 1968, the horizons of the Council of Europe were to open up to a new sensitivity, a product of the events of the time, which by consigning concern as to how to distribute the cultural wealth available as a central objective, was to prioritize the possibility for culture as a whole to be enjoyed, in favorable conditions, to be expressed. This meant that by adopting the strategy of "cultural democracy", the Council of Europe was also to appear sensitive to changes of a politico-cultural

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nature which, although being triggered off in France, were by no means alien to the rest of the continent. It was this inflection which was to open up a new horizon of sensitivities giving room and voice to recently immigrated ethnic groups and to the emerging regional and local realities populating Europe. The Conference of Venice in 1970 was responsible for making this inflection and for recognizing this new orientation, which was to be increasingly accepted. At the same time, another event was to influence the manner of evaluating the social presence of cultural policies: the end of optimism as regards growth. Whereas from 1969 to 1973 the budgets assigned to culture increased by 30% each year and ministers were able to broaden their field of action in each new financial year, the 1973 crisis was to oblige all concerned to perfect their spending strategies and to establish priorities.

In the eighties, at European level, lines of work were developed (Bremen Statement, 1984 ), aimed at highlighting the importance of cultural action regionally and locally, as privileged arenas in the community development of cultural contents, while defending the appropriateness of promoting decentralization dynamics. Also during this same decade, there was a tendency to confirm the fact that cultural action was essential for economic development. The Bremen State­ment also provided suggestions in terms of the interest in strategies to reinforce cultural democracy through participation, accommodating immigrants and youth, or the advisability of opening new lines of experimentation. These lines of experi­mentation included promoting the interrelationship between culture and tourism, or for more pragmatic considerations, such as the suggestion to seek new alternative forms of funding cultural action. In later meetings held throughout that decade, other orientations were also to become consolidated, such as that of drawing the concept of culture nearer to the concept of quality of living, standing up for the role of citizens as social and cultural actors (Conference of Ministers of Culture, Berlin, 1985). Or the acknowledgement of regional cultural policies as factors in articulating regional and European development (Statement of Florence, Culture and Regions, Council of Europe, May 1987). More recently, in statements made in Vienna and Prague, promoted by the Council of Europe in 1993, a new sensitivity was to be defended, receptive to the cultural initiative of civilian society. This reiterated the appropriateness of being imaginative as regards the means of funding culture in the city, taking into consideration the economic relevance of this sector.

Also, if we observe current cultural policy in the European Union, we note that there is now an explicit acknowledgement of the importance of culture, as evidenced in the new article 128 of the treaty included in the Maastricht agree­ment. Programs with cultural contents have recently been reinforced. Culture is the focus of attention of various general authorities; particularly by the D.G.X (Information, Communication and Culture), but also by the D.G.I (Development and Foreign Relations), D.G.XII (Education, Training and Youth), or the D.G. XVI (Regional Policy). Some of the programs designed by the E.U., specifically for

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this field are the RAPHAEL program, focussing on heritage, KALEIDOSCOPE aimed at artistic or cultural activities, or the ARIANE program focussing on books and reading. Others include programs such as LEONARDO, SOCRATES or PHILOXENIA, focussing on training, exchanges and supporting linguistic community wealth. These programs coexist with others focussing on local devel­opment objectives, which do not entirely exclude support for local culturally oriented initiatives. Such programs are concerned with sectors such as tourism, craftwork or town planning, as is the case of programs as widespread in the E. U. as the LEADER or URBAN programs, to name but two. In any case, these pro­grams are orientated towards expressing a wish to maintain a broad-based view as regards the manner of understanding the cultural policies, which lead us to the above reflections given here as general trends of events in Europe in the sector. The European Union established an original way of decentralizing resources, which does not, however, leave aside a twofold level of central control aspiring to serve as a filter for thoroughness and rationalization. The fact that these programs are the object of diverse evaluative follow-ups where they are developed gives rise to a peculiar dialectic between the center of the Union and the periphery, besides diverse types of netlike interchange between the protagonists involved in various areas in Europe.

In this manner, and although strictly speaking, there is no European cultural policy as such, the Union, far from lapsing into centralist intervention, set out to orientate by endorsing lines of action between themselves and in terms of the important components of change shared by the member states (Bonet, 1995). We may also state that this may be the way chosen to challenge the dilemma of building an "inclusive" cultural policy, which accepts and, at the same time, fosters diversity.

So, several elements have marked the development of cultural policies over the last few decades; one fundamental element being territorial reorientation with a decentralizing factor deriving from the new emerging protagonism of cities and regions (Bianchini, 1993; Bassand, 1992), and the increasing proximity of the cultural field to the social and the economic. Decentralization has, to a greater or lesser extent, become effective in almost all European countries: Belgium, Spain, France, Italy, the United Kingdom or Sweden have progressively taken steps in this direction since the end of the sixties. The protagonism of cities in cultural action and the social, economic, tourist and urbanistic use thereof is evident in numerous European experiences ranging from Paris to Barcelona, or from Glasgow to Milan, Bilbao, Hamburg or Santiago de Compostela. The supporting role of culture in terms of local and regional development is a complimentary, recurring concern in the programs and experiences of socio-economic and tourist development.

The figures, in summary, for cultural actions are best read through filters such as those of economy and/or of social inequality (Bianchini, 1993; Corijn and Mommaas, 1995; Thuriot,1994). Action becomes more dense while the objectives and politico-cultural orientations, blend together, complementing each other in the

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new urban territories: "old and new, social and economic, community and elite­orientated arguments coexist, often uneasily, within the agenda of city governments" (Bianchini, 1993, p. 2-3)).

The cultural sector, for its part, has experienced an extraordinary boom, largely due to its increase and diversification as a consumer field. This has meant that it has been the leading socio-economic growth sector in Europe over the last twenty years, giving rise to the fact that almost four million workers have become one of the primary industrial and service sectors in Europe. It is not strange, there­fore, that at this level, the politico-cultural phenomenon should also take on, and increasingly so, an economic and social character.

3. The Birth of Cultural Policies in Spain

If Spanish policies have been influenced in any of their aspects by Europe in general, and by France in particular, it has been in the area of cultural policies. This relationship and mutual influence have gradually been woven out of chance and necessity. By chance, since in the first half of the 18th century, the King of Spain was Philip V, a grandson of Louis XIV, who was to take the ideology and very ideas of Enlightened Despotism to Spain. By necessity, it was to be the modern day influences which Spain and its intellectual elites, as with the rest of Europe, were to receive from initiatives as deep-sounding and effective as Malraux's cultural policy, or the fact that by virtue of the pro-European democ­ratizing efforts of the Council of Europe, since the mid-fifties, Spain began to be taken into account, and to participate in the development of some of its programs and conventions. In any case, if it is a matter of specifying influences, the densest, most intense period for interchanges and Spain's search for orientative itineraries, had to be, without the shadow of a doubt, the period in which democracy was consolidated. This period coincided in time with the second great moment of French cultural policy, under the auspices of F. Mitterrand and J. Lang.

The first half of the 18th century in Spain was also a time when the state initially broke away from cultural policies, an occurrence accompanied by an intense centralizing reform of the administration. In the cultural arena, the corol­lary of this was the start of a series of institutions intended to maintain a long-term protagonism in Spanish culture. Examples of these institutions are the National Library ( 1712) or the Royal Academies of Language and History, founded a few years later. In the same manner, during the period of Philip's successor, Carlos Ill, the Prado Gallery was founded with the royal collections, and the institutions promoted by his predecessor became consolidated. All these initiatives arose from the enlightened monarch's wish to provide platforms for the new emerging reformist ideas, as opposed to the conservative stagnation of the Spanish church.

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The 19th century in Spain was to be a particularly unstable period, at social and political level, during which periods of war would alternate with changing political situations unfavorable for developing solid initiatives in the area of education and culture. And it was most likely the educational arena, which most suffered the effects of instability during this period. Because of this, putting school­ing projects in place, under the Moyano Law (1857), for example, which attempted to lay down modernizing cultural bases, met with some difficulty. Also, economic, social and cultural heterogeneity in the country were to make the process all the more difficult as it did not facilitate an integrating balance of its various territories. In any case, despite all the difficulties involved, the 19th century was to be char­acterized by the progressive emergence and increasing protagonism of civilian society. Although rooted in the previous century, during this period the "Economic Societies of the Friends of the Nation" in Spain were to become areas for meeting, reflection and study for all citizens concerned with the social and cultural changes occurring in the country. Alongside this, working class societies were to promote athenaeum throughout the territory, which supported a solid, active task of cultura1 promotion among the people. The newly founded bourgeoisie, for its part, began to promote the expansion of areas for leisure activities and meeting such as theatres. The State, for its part, was to keep itself in a modest second line of action, pro­moting sporadic initiatives aimed at supporting the sciences and the arts.

It may be stated, in accordance with Llufs Bonet (Bonet, 1999: Culturai Policy in Spain, CERC Document, Barcelona), that one of the most conscious models for cultural policy was that promoted by the Community of Catalonia ( 1914-1924) to start up a development project of national sovereignty, based on educational and cultural action, during the brief period of autonomous government prior to the dictatorship under General Primo de Rivera. This project involved a simple coordinating body responsible for the four provinces, to promote professional and artistic education, academic standardization of the language, co-ordination of the policy on museums and national heritage, or the creation of science and arts academies.

The Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923-1930) was to cut short the start of autonomous Catalan and Basque cultural policies which, after two centuries of centralism under the Bourbons had experienced a reluctant arousing. Under Prime de Rivera, the bases were laid and were to serve as guidelines during General Franco's dictatorial regime. Between these two dictatorships, the short-lived Second Republic provided a brief respite for developing cultural policies. During this period, free expression of ideas and avant-garde movements, the development of peripheral cultures with the acknowledgement of Catalan, Basque and Galician statutes, were promoted along with the development of innovative initiatives in the field of pedagogy and folk culture, termed the "Pedagogical Missions1".

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4. The Franquist Period

This period (1939-1975) was to be marked by an obsessive search for ideological pureness, for which reason the Regime, after having exterminated its adversaries, was to make every possible effort to keep the country free of all ideological and cultural pollution from abroad. To do so, the Regime exerted a strict centralized control over culture, using an elaborate system of censorship which complemented the bureaucratic control held over the different mass media (Equipo Reseiia, 1977). On the whole, the regime evolved from an initial fascist character, markedly ideo­logized, towards a second period during which an inexorable change in Spanish society was to favor the start of increasingly bureaucratized, technocratic control policies. In the latter days of the regime, the dominant guideline was to be one of dispute in a civilian society, active and aware in its demand for cultural and social freedom, contrary to the tight restraints imposed by the dictatorship.

Coherent with the aforesaid, it may be stated that General Franco's dictator­ship exerted a peculiar type of opposing cultural policy. In other words, in order to defend itself from both, politics and culture, it opted for controlling them in a conscious, selective manner. It may be considered that during this period, General Franco, in his strategy of divide and rule, from the outset shared out cultural com­petencies, granting the Falangist Movement and its official bodies, the Women's Section, the Spanish Youth Organization, the University Student's Union and the Trade Union Organization, wide-ranging competencies. These areas of responsi­bility in the social and cultural field enabled these heavily ideologized bodies to carry out their task of recruiting and disciplining the various social groups. In order to meet these objectives, said bodies resorted to all types of "cultural mobilization" strategies, taking in both training and events organization, or the socio-cultural services of diverse tendencies. As regards this ideological group, catholic sectors were given control over instruments such as the important Ministry of Education or the CSIC (National Scientific Research Centre). This latter organization, following the French model set by the CNRS, from the outset attempted to start up a regulating body for scientific research in Spain.

In 1951, Rafael Arias Salgado, eminent defender of pre-censorship, involved in political propaganda activity at the service of the Regime, joined the recently formed Ministry of Information and Tourism. This ministry was to start up both the Newsreels, with compulsory screening before films at the cinemas, or the protectionist control of Spanish cinematography, and the public services provided by Spanish Radio Television. That same year, Joaquin Ruiz Jimenez joined the Ministry of Education, a well-intentioned man who differed substantially from his predecessor. Reformist catholic by inspiration, his intention was to reformulate some of the approaches central to the prevailing cultural policy in a broader based, more liberal direction.

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During Rufz Jimenez's time in office, a pioneering program was set up to build "Cultural Departments" (Perez Rioja, 1971 ). These may have taken their inspiration from the old ''Town Departments" and the folk athenaeums of the Second Republic. But contrary to events in France during the Malraux period, in this country, they were conceived as a modest facility set up around a library. This project continued for the following few years, although it was never excessively ambitious since, by 1975, no more than sixty had been built (Fernandez Prado, E., 1992). Furthermore, Manuel Fraga Iribame' s policy, as Minister of Information and Tourism from 1961, was to undertake projects which included one with patent reminiscences of and parallelisms with the socio-cultural re-guiding of the facilities proposed by the French, the creation of 4,500 ''Teleclubs". These were small centers at the service of a voluntary asso­ciation, under an events co-ordinator (Llorca, 1971).

The coincidence in time of this socio-cultural re-guiding, led by Minister Fraga at the previous proposal of Rufz Jimenez, is striking, focussing on the cultural departments to the extent that it coincided with the reformulation, in France, during the same period, set in motion by P. Moinot. His proposal was to create alterna­tive facilities (the CAC, Cultural Events Centers), which were more modest and sensitive to the world of associations than the Departments. With Fraga, the Franquist period would also reach its highest possible level of liberalization by approving a Press Law. This law, by doing away with prior censorship, effectively mellowed the Regime's spirit of control.

One of the most patent features of the cultural policies during this period may well be the great attention paid by the powers that be to controlling and supporting cinematographic production. A policy based on censorship was put in force, screening quotas for foreign productions were established, dubbing became compulsory and the Spanish cinematography industry received controlled funding. Zealous to preserve the essence and values defended by the Regime, a two-fold system was introduced, in terms of which the producers were granted import licenses to be able to finance their films. This indirect funding could be supple­mented by a public credit, which amounted to approximately half of the total cost. It was not until the mid-sixties that a certain liberalization occurred in this area, which was to allow access to support from the so-called "special interest" films, thus leading to the appearance of products of a certain quality.

A final aspect should be referred to at this point, which is the important cultural protagonism by para-public institutions, such as the Savings Banks through­out Spain. Due to their capacity to invest in charitable work, coupled with a greater autonomy than any other state body, never having run into conflict with the Regime, they involved themselves in a deep, ongoing task alongside the social changes taking place in Spanish society, opening up new developments, creating facilities, while serving as a channel for the new matters of concern and cultural expressions arising in a society ever closer and identifiable with any European democracy.

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5. Cultural Policies in the Democratic Period

In 1975, at the death of Francisco Franco, Spanish society had experienced pro­found social, economic and cultural change, making it a more complex society, with an outright rejection of the autocratic, dictatorial oversimplification of the system, by this time on the decline. For this very reason, the disappearance of the General was to coincide with a change in the mode of government and the advent of a democracy, by means of a political transition, agreed by common consensus between the most active and influential political and social actors in Spanish society.

The first Spanish Minister of Culture was to be appointed in 1977, as a symbol of the new Spain, which was, at that time, agreeing on its first democratic constitution. His appointment was a clear signal of the end of a long obscurantist period during which the relationship between politics and culture sprung from both fear and a will to instrumentalise the former in terms of the latter. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that the role of politicians in the transition should focus on reconverting structures such as the propagandistic Ministry of Informa­tion and Tourism, the state-run mass media or the markedly ideologized official bodies and services dependent on the "Movement" which, due to their origins, meant a heavy, barely functional burden in the way of stabilizing the up and coming democracy. For this reason (Equipo Reseiia, 1989), during the transition, no efforts were spared to clean up the image and solve the situation of the structures inherited from the previous regime, and to draw nearer to the new social and intellectual elites which had been taking up positions during the latter part of the Franquist period. These efforts were aimed at privatizing the state-run media, relocating the civil servants in the organs of the Movement, or finding new uses for the old facilities and services inherited from the previous regime. In the face of these difficult tasks of easing the transition process by replacing the old, authoritarian criteria and heavily hierarchical structures with other modes more in tune with the new situation, political Ministers of Culture in the UCD party (Democratic Centre Union), such as Pfo Cabanillas or Bartolome Clavero Arevalo, were used exten­sively. Said politicians had a flair for showing special care and moderation as far as the rights acquired by the old Franquist civil servants were concerned.

Undoubtedly, the final assessment of this period shows the defensive will to renounce the design of a cultural policy as such, giving way to a turbulent, irregular period, although it may also be said that this period was to create an essential foundation for everything which was to come later. Generally speaking, the policies that were put in place under the five Ministries of Culture of the UCD (Union de Centro Democratico, governing in Spain in the period 1977 -1982) were grossly inefficient, with a precarious level of articulation when applying these measures. The objective of applying said measures, as occurred with the protec­tion of the historical-artistic heritage or with the policy on libraries, which were promoted, with a lack of the complementary development required of a precise

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legislative, technical and financial framework. Despite the fact that if any event was relevant to define this initial stage, this was, undoubtedly, the point when the Spanish Constitution was drawn up and approved, a fact which was to mean the appearance of a new spirit in the relationship between cultural life and the state. One of the important innovations resulting from the new constitution was the acknowledgement of the cultural regardless of the educational. The Constitution established that the public powers were obliged to facilitate the access and participation of citizens in cultural life, it being the responsibility of the public powers to promote and guide access to culture. Nevertheless, where the articles were somewhat confusing, in accordance with the will to reflect a consensus solution with the cultural peripheries of the nation, in order to make acknowledge­ment of cultural and linguistic pluralism effective, it was regarding competencies between the central state and the autonomous governments.

The Ministry of Culture has existed in Spain for nineteen years, dividing up into two different periods: 1977-1982 and 1982-1996. In each of these stages, the minister was under the successive responsibility of five UCD ministers and four PSOE ministers (Partido Socialista Espafiol). In tum, during the second period, two different points in time may be established. During the eighties, the ministry, under the PSOE, was initially to experience a strong, decided activity which, in accordance with the progressive cuts in budget experienced, tended to become more continuist and routine from the end of that decade onwards.

With the PSOE's coming into power, the first socialist government was to assign Javier Solana, a politician with prestige within the party, as Minister of Culture. This decision undoubtedly highlighted its will to use culture as a support for a new political image, this decision acting in line with the French experience promoted by F. Mitterrand and J. Lang, which was also to cause an overwhelming, progressive increase in investments in culture.

When the new socialist leaders entered the ministry, under Javier Solana, they immediately became aware of the situation. In their diagnosis, they detected diverse problems and deficiencies, such as the risk of loss and deterioration of the historical-artistic national heritage, deficiencies in the legislative field due to the non-existence or obsolescence, excess bureaucracy, deficiencies in facilities updated for the new requirements, the critical situation of the cultural industry or other such issues as the lack of reliable, verified sources of information on the culture sector. Due to all this, this first team set out to design a cultural policy which, starting from the situation at the time, was to seek a source of privileged proposals in the French experience. From this point onwards, studies were carried out, official bodies were adapted, at all times endeavoring to act in terms of an overtly non-interventionist philosophy, respecting the capacity for initiative of the civilian society. With the backing of expanding budgets, a multi-annual plan was to be established to construct and renovate cultural facilities. This reforming drive was accompanied by a patent debureaucratizing will, which gave clearly positive

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results: whereas in 1983, 76% of personnel were employed in bureaucratic func­tions and only 24% in attending services, in 1986, following the application of diverse initiatives and reforms, the situation was reversed, with a 35% reduction in personnel involved in bureaucratic functions, as opposed to 65% responsible for cultural services (Bobillo, 1998). Between 1982 and 1986, the Ministry focussed its attentions on managing the fields of music, theatre and cinematography. In 1983, a law was passed to protect cinematography, which included general financial aid for production and other specific aid for quality or high costs. Also at this time, apart from an active policy to promote facilities, bodies such as the National Youth Orchestra of Spain ( 1983 ), the Center for Broadcasting Contemporary Music ( 1983 and 1985), the National Center for New Theatrical Trends (1983) or the National Theatre Company ( 1985) were established. Other highly important initiatives during this period were the policy to support literature, or the Laws on Spanish Historical Heritage and the Intellectual Property Law. This period witnessed a true dawning as regards the organization of activities and promotion of spectacles and large scale events. These increased in number with the participation of new actors and the autonomous communities or towns, giving rise to a new, live, dynamic situation in this area. It must also be pointed out that this period was fundamental for the consolidation of the cultural policies in the new autonomous communities which were now acknowledged with the passing of the Constitution. In this aspect, the decentralization deriving from this process was to cause a degree of distribution of competencies between the state and the communities. The trend here was to reserve the competence for the important facilities such as the National Library, the Prado Gallery and the Indies Archive in Seville to the state.

The final period of the Ministry, which was to last until the triumph of the right-wing Partido Popular, covered the period 1986 to 1996. At the start of this period, the Minister of Culture was Jorge Sempnin, (Minister, 1988-1991), a well­known cinema scriptwriter and prestigious intellectual from the opposition to the Franco regime, resident in France, who was to make his cinematographic interests evident, by reformulating the existing policy established in the previous period, appointing Pilar Mir6, the cinema director, as head of the General Directorate. Also during this period, the National Contemporary Art Gallery became the Queen Sofia Art Center, and the Thyssen-Bomemisza Gallery was created. During these initial stages, an Industry and Book Trade Promotion Scheme was put in place. This turned out to be somewhat fragile, despite the socio-economic importance of this sector in Spain, taking into account the extensive Latin American market for books in Spanish. The initiatives put into practice also included various studies, such as the Map of Infrastructures or Culture in Figures, besides the efforts made to establish cultural networks, co-operation with Latin America, and training managers or promoting cultural tourism. During this period as a whole, which may basically be defined in terms of the will to apply and consolidate the plans already in force, several factors were to affect it: the first of these, the removal of competencies

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due to transferal to the Autonomous Communities, budget cutbacks or the loss of absolute majority which obliged the socialist party to become more flexible in the way in which it dealt with peripheral nationalist parties. In any case, it may be said that in this period, the Ministry fully complied with its budgets, increasing funding in some sectors, starting up a long-term investment plan through agreements with the Autonomous Communities.

6. Current Situation of Cultural Administration in Spain

The competencies of the Spanish Cultural Administration, which since the Partido Popular came into power in 1996 are, on the whole, under the responsibility of the current Ministry of Education and Culture, have their origins in a profound restructuring in the department, carried out in 1985, following the transfer of competencies to the Autonomous Communities. These competencies include the management of diverse official bodies, such as the National Library, various historical archives and twenty or so supraregional museums, control of certain strategic aspects of the cultural industries, and co-operation with the Autonomous Communities with a view to protecting historical heritage. Apart from these func­tions, the Ministry collaborates with the autonomous administrations and town councils in creating an infrastructure network, administering institutions and services such as the National Dramatic Center, the large national orchestras or artistic companies, developing artistic and cultural promotion programs, while also being responsible for all matters concerning international cultural relations.

Regarding the promotion of artistic creation, it may be said that this has been benefited by support from the state and from local and autonomous administra­tions. The state has played an important role as public investor, acquiring works by Spanish artists, while also investing, via the Ministry, in the artistic production of musical, theatrical and dance projects, or by subsidizing cinematography pro­ductions.

On the whole, we may state that over the last few years in Spain, a para­doxical balance has been established by evidencing the fact that there has been participation in the demand for cultural policies and initiatives which, at all times has exceeded the capacity of citizens and consumers to take part and to enjoy the newly found facilities and assets. It is more than likely that this imbalance is not unlinked to factors such as the fact that culture, to date, and for large masses of the population, has basically been more of an identifying, festive and socio-cultural phenomenon than a ritual for the individualized enjoyment of great works of the spirit. Furthermore, the excessive proximity of politics to culture has often caused the population to demand cultural freedoms where it hoped for political liberties, and the politician responsible has swiftly, but not always thoroughly, provided the socio-cultural decoy where civil liberties were called for, and a greater acknowl­edgement of civilian society.

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This type of vice and structural limitation in Spain's cultural policies has, in recent years, caused diverse problems and imbalances, giving rise to excessively arbitrary, discriminating distribution maps for cultural facilities. A further reper­cussion of this has been that a country with a publishing potential as ours should, in some cases, although has not been able, to set up the adequate ratio of public libraries, where there is a requirement to establish one for every five thousand inhabitants. Also, it is noted that support for theatrical productions has not caused, contrary to the case of film-making, a sustained effect favoring products of quality (Fernandez Prado, 1992).

Since the boom of cultural policies under the frrst socialist government, there was an excessive increase in the presence of the state in this area. This phenom­enon was more a response to interim criteria linked to a traditional distancing of the right as regards culture, which the new social democrat actors attempted to meet. In supporting this, diverse political statements of principles were made such as "debts with culture" or the "moral obligations towards the leading figures of cultural life", attempted to make up for a gap rife with voluntarist political considera­tions, with a distinct lack of rigorous technical criteria. Taken as a whole, the situation portrayed showed substantial deficiencies, both at the level of organising artistic training and in the genesis of mediation between the great creators and their public, or with respect to the efficiency of the protective mechanisms for the creators controlled from the administration (Rodriguez Morat6, 1996 and 1997). All these problems gradually came to light in circumstances such that two higher determining factors tended to frame the process more closely: the increasing budget restrictions aimed at controlling public deficits and the difficulties deriving from the objective of co-ordinating or, at least, successfully combining the different levels of local, autonomous and state administration.

7. Autonomous Community Cultural Policy

Perhaps the most relevant and original process experienced by cultural policies in democratic Spain is the creation of seventeen autonomous communities, equipped with a notable protagonism at politico-cultural level. A protagonism which is all the more so in the case of three historical communities: Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, which have greater competencies due to there being defined by the constitution as "nationalities", with their own specific language and culture.

This process has been accompanied by an intense decentralizing movement. This was strongly conditioned both by the political demands of its citizens (Delgado, 1994, p.10), such as the at once political and cultural need, felt by the autonomous communities, to consolidate certain identifying reference points, which would serve as a support for the existence of political bodies of their own. In any case, a certain complementary subsidiarity in the autonomous community administrations may be noted in terms of the relative specialization of these areas in socio-cultural

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 469

policies and programs. Conversely, in the case of the central state, attempts were made to keep the competence for itself as regards the more noble fields of high culture. This hope, however, will not lack peripheral logical resistances to the extent that the autonomous administrations are also gradually going to broaden their demands and requirements into this area. In any case, both the socio-cultural initiatives and the competencies taken on by the autonomous communities, in terms of promoting the arts and creativity, in accordance with their strong symbolic components is going to be channeled into cases where this is possible, at the service of promoting projects sensitive to the differential and specific features of these territories. In the particular case of encouraging artistic creation, this has benefited from the decentralizing process of cultural responsibilities in Spain, although without ever having a notable involvement in the sector by the government of the state. In any case, this situation does not imply that their competencies are no longer concurrent between the different administrations, but simply that the central State assumes protagonism in this sector. Undoubtedly over the past few years, and in accordance with the political role played by the Basque and Catalan nationalists by favoring government from the state, the trend in the last two terms of office has been towards a progressive dialogue between the autonomous bodies and central government in the interests of constructing a consensus of opinion which, in many cases, has been based on the principle of subsidiarity and, in practice, on mutual conferral.

Certainly, the degree of competencies in the autonomous communities was orientated by the political and cultural demands which had arisen during the closing years of Franquism. These demands became particularly intense in territories with a language and culture of their own. Due to this, these demands, under a democracy, became strong demands with a marked political component which the democratic could not overlook. In accordance with this, some of the aspects acknowledged as rights were: the practice of cultural expression in all the languages of Spain, the practice of collective cultural rights in the use of the codes and symbols par­ticular to a given cultural group, and the provision, by the democratic institutions, of the skills and knowledge required to fulfil this type of right. It has to be said that a radical reading of these rights was also to lead to a demand which, to date, has not been met. This demand involves the full transfer of cultural competencie~ from the state to the autonomous communities in "historical nationalities".

At the point when the Autonomous Communities started out, an inflexion of the cultural policies was to become consolidated, a phenomenon which wa~ defined by a clear sensitivity towards community and local territory. Certainly thi~ sensitivity had not been completely absent until that time in the public practice~ of cultural action. Proof of this is found in the County Councils, a body of the Spanish public administration, which has co-ordinated and provided financial resources and services to the town councils in each province. In the same manner, the Savings Banks (para-public social economy entities distributed throughout the

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Spanish territory), as they enjoyed a wide margin for financial maneuvering, also carried out an important task of cultural and social action, normally at municipal level. The novelty here is not so much the local object on which these cultural actions are inspired and projected, but rather the decision, broadness and intensity of the new institutional commitment. From the outset of democracy, and between 1979 and 1986, there was to be a transfer of competencies in terms of culture between the state and the different autonomous communities. In the same manner, it was also during this period when the autonomies assumed a progressive, effec­tive transferal of cultural competencies. Said transferal was to be headed by the autonomous communities with a greater level of linguistic, cultural and political definition. It was probably due to the fact that in 1982 as well, the Partido Socialista, for the first time in power after the newly recovered democracy, decided to convert the cultural area into the guiding light of its policy. And for some years, this was to cause the situation to be marked by a lack of co-ordination of initiatives, the duplication of programs or the respective abandonment of certain sectors in favor of others. The difficulties and conflicts were to become inexorable when the communities defended the exclusivity of competencies in their own territory, and the Ministry did not give up establishing a policy for the entire state from the capital (Delgado, 1994).

In the interests of establishing some logic in the distribution of competencies, articles 147 and 148 of the Constitution established a generic distribution of responsibilities to be set in each of the specific statutes. In principle, the cultural sectors with the longest tradition of intervention in public powers are attributed to the autonomous communities (Buildings heritage, promotion of their own language and culture, craftwork, museums, libraries, music conservatories ... ), except those museums, libraries or archives at state level or under state control. Another of the ways open to dealing with competencies, which was of great importance for the autonomous communities, was to have the authority to create its own media. This has involved starting up autonomous radio-television compa­nies, strategic for promoting their own language and culture. The state, for its part, assumed competencies such as the defense and protection of the historical-artistic heritage, promotion of infrastructures, legislation on intellectual property or the standards for operating the media.

Generally, it may be said that beyond these specific functions, the other areas may be dealt with by the two levels of administration under a concurrence system. In response to the conflicts over competencies occurring in the cultural sector, the arbitration of the Spanish Constitutional Tribunal took a Solomonic decision in the matter, to the effect that cultural competence should be shared by the state and the autonomous community, or even by any type of community, taking into account the fact that culture, as a human activity, lacks any strict, clearly defined limits.

It must not be overlooked at this point that the tension and conflict between the historical communities and the state regarding the extent of cultural competencies

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 4 71

is a problem far from being solved. Considering that already by 1982, followin~ transferal of most of the competencies by the state to the autonomous communities. the national governors of the Basque Country and Catalonia expressed themselve~ to be in favor of removing the Spanish Ministry of Culture, this call for exclusivit) by the historical nationalities has recently been posed yet again, within the frame· work of a work group meeting known as "Galeuzca". This group is composec of the three main nationalist parties of Catalonia, the Basque Country anc Galicia, which once again demand the removal of the Ministry of Culture (El Pa(s,

12th February, 1999). The position adopted by the Spanish right-wing Partidc Popular, however, has been different. From a liberal stance, opposed to intervenin~ in the area of culture, it has opted for an intermediate decision, made effective witt the party's coming into power in 1996, involving removal of the Ministry o1 Culture by joining it with the Ministry of Education, under a single Ministry o1 Education and Culture.

A brief look at the situation as a whole shows that the cultural policies ir. the seventeen autonomous communities present in Spain, in most cases, have departments linked to other areas of activity different from the cultural. This linl< is often with Education, Youth, Sports, Social Welfare or Tourism. In terms o1 the efficiency of developing their own competencies, the factors which explai11 higher or lower levels of autonomous government involvement in the sector are associated with the degree of cultural and linguistic defmition in the community, with the type of territory or even the characteristics of the ruling parties, whicl: are more or less active the more or less they depend on a vote linked to local socio· political reality. Generally, at the initial stages, the prevailing factor has been 2

style of work marked by improvisation, paying little respect to the rigor of analysh and planning initiatives. The political, generally speaking, has prevailed over the technical and the sociological. In any case, it must be acknowledged that in all these communities, an important task has been carried out in recovering historical heritage. and in the creation of cultural infrastructure networks. In many cases, the fact tha1 taking on a new responsibility in culture was exalted by the autonomous commu­nity meant that the citizen was able to identify the initiative and the institution witl: the subsequent reinforcement of the prestige of the latter. The current situatior. allows us to note two facts: the fact that the steps taken show a profound structural deficiency, which refers back to the lack of co-operation, exchange and technical and cultural relations between the various autonomous communities; and on the other hand, the fact that the overall balance of the entire process which may be established today turns out to be clearly favorable (Fernandez Prado, 1992). In fact. it may be said that the territorialization process of cultural policy and managemen1 in Spain has probably been the swiftest and most intense out of those adopted ir. any country over the last few decades. This process has involved the transfer o1 competencies as regards policies, heritage and administration. And all this has beer. put in place in terms of the progressive consensus of opinion achieved betweer. all the parliamentary political powers. In this manner, a situation such as the curren1

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one has been reached whereby cultural policies have played a vital role in easing the joint process of decentralizing public policies in Spain.

In any case, and by way of an overall reflection on the situation in this sector over the last few years, we may conclude this section by noting certain facts of a general nature: firstly, that the factors of political and territorial identity have established process guidelines, both at the origin and in the development of cultural policies; secondly, that by the process having given a new protagonism to the local territorial areas, it has allowed the appearance of diversified models of intervention, in detriment to a possible recognition of the services; and thirdly, that the rise of the autonomous arena as a cultural policy actor runs parallel to the increase of the municipalities and towns as actors, to the extent that these favor the proximity of the citizen to the cultural services and practices.

8. The Politico-cultural Situation of the "Historical Nationalities": the Cases of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia

The sociological and territorial characteristics of these three historical communities in Spain are somewhat heterogeneous. In the case of Catalonia, we find a country close to and open to Europe which, at all times, has played its cards in favor of cultural modernity. In Catalonia, at territorial level, the determining factor prevalent in the area of cultural policies has, undoubtedly, been the tension between the great metropolis of Barcelona and the rest of the territory. Expressed in a different manner, the tension between the town council of the capital and the autonomous government of Catalonia (Generalitat), which on several occasions, have competed in their effort to achieve protagonism in creating and promoting cultural institutions or projects. In any case, the fact that the city has been governed by a state structured party and the Generalitat by another nationalist party has caused a degree of differentiation of strategies, marked by the Generalitat' s greater attention towards all aspects linking culture with national identity (Marce, 1998).

In the practical manifestations of autonomous government cultural policy, the central concern for working towards achieving the "linguistic and cultural standardization" of the country has been evident. In terms of advancements in promoting the country's own language, efforts have been made on various fronts. One of the privileged instruments here has been the autonomous public Radio­Television, besides the development of intense training programs, the creation of an elaborate policy of subsidies and the establishing of diverse standardizing regulations aimed at recovering the Catalan language. In line with the central socio­cultural objective of the Generalitat, this body was to set up a series of institutions, the purpose being to consolidate the past and identity of the country; the National Arts Museum of Catalonia, the National Archive or the History Museum of Catalonia were to contribute, along with other national cultural institutions such as the National Theatre or the National Auditorium, to exercising a clear political

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symbolism. By way of a complement to these lines of work, a clear cut effort has been made to construct an approach open to the avant-garde and world-wide culture. This orientation has been given expression both in a policy of generic subsidies supporting creation, support for the stage and the publishing industry and the consolidation of institutions such as Catalan Television, the Contempo· rary Culture Center or the Museum of Contemporary Arts.

The characteristic features of Catalan cultural policies have always stressec the importance, solidity and variety achieved in the country by the network of associations and the existing extensive network of museums which, with over two hundred and fifty, is now an authentic cultural achievement characteristic of the cultural policies in the country.

The Basque Country, for its part, is conditioned at territorial level by precisely the opposite problem to Catalonia: the existence of - above all - two capitals, Bilbao and San Sebastian, anxious to exert cultural protagonism in the country, which has caused acute competitive tension between the two (Etxebarria Etxeita, 1997, 1998).

The Basque cultural policy appears to be orientated around three basic points: firstly, as with the Catalan case, the fundamental efforts aiming at linguistic anc cultural standardization. In this sense, both the creation of the public complex of the autonomous Radio-Television network and all the policy on recovering the Basque language and history follow the same line. In accordance with these initiatives focussing on reconstructing history and culture, the autonomous government has also designed an elaborate National Museums Scheme, which aspires to balance out this type of service by distributing them among the three provinces in the community. Promotion of Basque cultural institutions in Euzkadi, such as the Symphonic Orchestra of Euzkadi, the Hall of Congresses and the Euskalduna Music of Bilbao, or the Kursaal Hall of Congresses in San Sebastian have not been relegated. By way of opening up the Basque society to international cultural, tourist and economic movements, the Guggenheim was recently inaugu­rated in Bilbao by the autonomous government, a striking, innovative building designed by the architect, Frank Gehry. Cultural competencies between the cities of Bilbao and San Sebastian have not only affected the building of large scale architectural facilities for the purposes of spreading culture and attracting tourism, but also emulating the promotion of forums for artistic creativity, such as "Arteleku" in San Sebastian, which have been imitated by "Bilbaoarte" in the city of Bilbao.

On the whole, cultural policy in the Basque autonomous community has shown a clear trend towards favoring aspects related to diffusion, in detriment to the support for projects for creation and creators. This, undoubtedly, is not alien to the fact that the very characteristics and limitations of the Basque country's cultural framework, where the political development of its civilian society has not

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been accompanied by a tradition and cultural vitality comparable with any of the other two historical nationalities.

In the case of Galicia, here we have a community with a firm cultural density, firmly rooted in a historical wealth around the great religious and artistic center which is Santiago de Compostela. But however, in recent years, this has been afflicted by the disadvantages of its peripheral situation. At territorial level in Galicia, the tensions between the different towns has not come to the forefront in an important way, possibly because of the notable symbolic meaning of the community capital, Santiago, which has gained recognition as a spiritual and tourist center in Galicia. Nevertheless, between Santiago and A Corufia there have been disagreements due to the frustrated aspirations of the latter to become the capital of the autonomous community.

The fact that the autonomous community of Galicia has not been governed by nationalists has, undoubtedly, conditioned the extent and level of the ambition of cultural policies. Nevertheless, the recovery of the native Galician language has rested, to a large extent, on the existence of a public Radio-Television and on the development, over the last few years, of an ongoing effort aimed at facilitating access to, and use of, the Galician language to Galicians. Needless to say, this effort has not always responded to a solid, coherent plan (Senin, 1997).

Cultural work on history in Galicia has focussed, in a pragmatic manner, on religious and cultural tourism, with initiatives associated with the Road to Santiago and modem day pilgrimage. A series of exhibitions and cultural events of diverse types has been organized around the Santiago Holy Year. (Santiago Holy Year­special years dedicated to St. James the Apostle, Patron Saint of Spain. Holy Years occur when the Apostle's day falls on a Sunday. This event caused an important influx into the city, of pilgrims and tourists from around the world.) To open up the way for the cultural and identifying consolidation of the Galician community the Cultural Department of the Regional Government has created diverse institu­tions such as the Documentary Library of Galicia, the Dramatic Centre or the Galician Institute for the Stage and Musical Arts on which the Royal Philarmonic of Galicia and the Galicia Ballet depend. Also, as in the case of the other historical communities, more avant-garde projects have been present in Galicia, such as the Galician Center for Contemporary Arts or the City of Culture, an ambitious personal initiative of the current autonomous government. A large scale cultural facility project, defined by the autonomous Galician government as a "museum of museums" with an approximate initial budget of 130 million US dollars. This project, in our opinion, links up both with the "Guggenheim effect" and the wishes of the President of the Galician autonomous government, Manuel Fraga, to leave an architectural legacy, pertaining to his period as president of the country. The project design has recently been awarded to the North American architect, Peter Eisenmann.

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 4 7 5

Generally, it must be noted that the cultural situation in Galicia cannot be fully understood without taking into account the great importance in this country of "historical Galleguismo". This was a cultural political movement, starting with the resistance movement against Franquism, which managed to set up such important projects as the emblematic Galaxia Publishing House or the Penzol Library, now operating as the national library of Galicia. Consideration must also be given, as specific to the country, to the great support lent by autonomous insti­tutions for producing and distributing literature in the Galician language, or the organization of cultural circuits throughout the country in a recently created network of social and cultural centers.

Lastly, it must be noted that, in 1996, as regards communication and culture, the three historical communities present in Spain, started up a pioneering initia­tive by creating a television channel for cable systems in Latin America, known as "Galeuzca", which aspires to serve as an initial platform to assert and spread their cultures abroad.

9. Autonomous Government Cultural Policies within the Framework of the Tension between the Global and the Local

The autonomous communities in Spain are a clear example of socio-political areas which have been conquered, in terms of a cultural revindication process of a local identity placed at the service of a call for territorial political rights. In terms of this, Spanish autonomies have, in recent years, been characterized as areas defined by a situation of tension and of crisis due to constant change. The aspects which have gradually formed the profile of this situation have varied. But generally, it has taken the shape of a power crisis, a financial resources crisis and a crisis of the definition of global intervention models. The first two of these aspects basi­cally depend on the socio-political means of integration in the Spanish state and on the on-going renegotiation strategy in order to improve the joining conditions. Conversely, the third aspect refers particularly to the difficulties encountered nowadays for an autonomous government to build a cultural policy able to respond adequately to the current challenges of globalization, without renouncing the conservationist calling of the struggle to preserve and defend memory and culture themselves.

Global-local tension nowadays is probably the thorniest issue, but it is also, perhaps, the most suggestive, on which the logics, which currently inspire the cultural policies of the autonomous governments, rest. Both at political and eco­nomic level, and in terms of effective cultural management, this two-fold point of reference poses blockages and possibilities at the same time. This tension is certainly no novelty which, without harking too far back in the past, was in its heyday during the romantic movement of the mid-19th century. It was during this period that the first assertions of local cultures occurred. But although it is true to

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say that this tension is not entirely a modem phenomenon, it is however, irrefutable that never before as in the present day -and this, undoubtedly, beyond the trivializing "global babble" which now inundates mass media- the global fact had attained a level comparable neither in its intensity or simultaneity. The current intensity of the exchanges of an economic nature, fostered by the GAIT agreement signed in Marrakech in 1994, which liberalized international trade, along with the extraordinary development of transport and communications networks, have also led to a multiplication of movements of people, inspired both by the attractiveness of the large metropolises and by a tourism in an eager search for authentic places to visit. The latest advancements in the media have opened up a new scenario where the instant global area becomes possible. Satellite communications or the Internet network, which in just a few years will reach some five hundred million people, provide new opportunities for consolidating debates and simultaneous communications.

Nevertheless, despite the above, it is also true to say that, as the threat of homogenization spread as a global process, local areas have tended to recover, if not reinvent, their own cultures. Maximalist statements to the effect that the global homogenization of culture would be an inexorable fact about to be consumed (Ritzer, 1995) appear to ignore the whole dense reactive movement which, from the local arena, has gradually taken shape over the last few years. A further particularly significant fact is that it has been precisely in those central areas of the West, these being more impregnated by global values, where some relegated cultures have experienced a swifter capacity to react. From Ireland, Wales, Scotland, Quebec, French Brittany, Languedoc, Corsica, to the historic Spanish communities, or even in the case of the new republics which have arisen after the fall of the Iron Curtain, a trend appears which questions the hypothetical linearity of the homogenizing process.

From this point onwards, a situation involving new challenges, conflicts and paradoxes was to take shape, which some have described as a "glocal" process (Robertson, 1992; 1995) to the extent that this had to give account of a scenario in which the dialectic complexity of events would have to replace a simplistic dichotomy polarization between the global and the local.

The change in scenario also accounts, at least in the case of the "local cultures" with which we are concerned here, for a resubstantiation of the polarized concepts themselves. While at the origin of modem day culture the tension between globals and locals (even this bias also appeared in the old Merthonian distinction between "local" and "cosmopolitan") distinguished between local- by routine and inertia - as opposed to individuals able to take control of and decide on their opening up to the global, the new situation confronts us with a reaction which is, more than anything, elective. The new locals are no longer so because of a coercion caused by circumstances, but rather as conscious actors which assume their position voluntarily and consciously. This situation is undoubtedly not far removed from

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 4 77

the fact that the citizen of latter modem times does not intend to renounce a two-fold longing for local union and global hoboing, which leads it to have this double link of fidelities. This same versatility, which makes it possible to redefine the ways of linking may also provide it with access to new, more ironic, less mechanical ways of belonging, "a belonging without identity" (Grossberg, 1997, p.103). A context such as the present, inhabited by reflexive actors complete with increasing scope for initiative and autonomy, undoubtedly favors the appearance of new communal and local links. These make possible the appearance of belonging communities elected by the social actors themselves.

This new situation is going to confront us with several paradoxes which will help us to recognize some of the positional dilemmas to be solved by the actors involved in processes of this kind. Frequently, those most introduced into the global flows of culture are, at the same time, those most sensitive to local cultures. The local elected appear at the same time to be the most active in the practices of the global network. It may possibly be for this reason that the local is often affirmed by resorting to the latest technological means (Duran, 1998). Or, in the same sense, the fact that, on occasions, it is essential to learn the ways in which the dominating culture acts so as to defend ourselves from it is also evident. Or, in other words, the fact that the local tends to resist change while, at the same time, it has the ability to adapt itself to it. To illustrate this, at this point, there is the recent case of many local cultures which, after years of consuming American pre-cooked T.V. serials, have finally reacted, showing themselves able to make their own productions efficiently. Continuing with the same kind of logic, in some local contexts, it is precisely those traditional, local individuals who, out of necessity, have best taken on the changes deriving from a cultural modernization in global flows. And this appears to have provided them with the opportunity to broaden their life's horizons and outlooks.

A further paradoxical aspect posed by this problem is that of the respective characterization of local and global. On the one hand, the condition of global often covers up the multi-local. Being global appears, in these cases, as the way to be culturally open to a range of local realities. Conversely, it is also evident that nowadays heterogeneity, on our planet, is on the increase in all spheres and areas, while cases of individuals who call for this from one single place are, in fact, doing so from many, a fact which is nothing but revealing. The faithfulness on the part of those inhabiting the local thing is increasingly more diversified. In short, the current recovery of the local thing is open and complex, in the same way as the real manner in which they come about is complex and open.

Furthermore, nowadays, the local thing is experiencing a new capacity which equips it to become global, to the extent that its authentic cultural originality is more evident. In this sense, the local thing, strong in art, music or creation, gains renewed access to universality. Possibly for this reason, that well-known apho­rism proposed by W. Thompson regarding "global thinking, local acting", should

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now be rethought the other way around. The other way around is the manner in which minority cultures, such as the Irish or the Galician, act now, with a global efficiency, with a locally rooted thinking, for instance in the field of musical culture, in terms of which they achieve a revealing access to the global of their local memory and of their creative capacity.

Yet another of the paradoxical ways which local culture has been highlighted is its tendency to "produce the local against the local". It is likely that this inflec­tion is inexorable. This may be due to the fact that the dynamic reconstruction of identity is impossible to achieve without a two-fold striving to reclaim memory while reclaiming being a traitor to it. Denying localism to foster the emergence of a new "local thing". Especially when traditional localisms held a connotation of being relegated and submissive, the captivating fight against what already existed arose, in those cases, as a positive regenerating, inexorable rite.

If the globalization process or the threat of cultural homogenization have caused, by way of a reaction, the local response, they have also, over the last few decades, led to a series of social changes which, by questioning the local thing, have favored its revitalization. The decline of the great holistic utopias has helped towards a fresh view of the near and the concrete. Apart from this, the threat of the break­down of the protective state has, particularly in Europe, opened up the way to recover the old familiar, local solidarities. By opting to contemplate this process from below, some have it that the irresolute expressive demand for identity tends to spring up anew in the heart of societies such as ours, with an individualistic, atomized nature. Faced with a contextual, environmental situation involving increasingly more flex­ible networks which call into question the traditional modes of social linking, the reaffirmation of identity appears to want to recover a solid terrain for the people on which to settle. In an increasingly heterodetermined society, local reaffirmation acts as a symbol for assumed freedom. By virtue of this, the gap caused by a destabilizing of the traditional modes of belonging and with the space-time equilibrium brought into question, this would be alleviated by achieving a firm anchorage in the memory.

From the very inside of the social system of local communities, a particular homeostatic virtuality has issued, which appears to refuse to accept the inevita­bility of the breakdown so repeatedly augured. In this manner, different vigorous forms of identity as resistance have taken shape, in socio-historical contexts, which refuse to be swept away by the virtual global tide (Castells, 1998). But also these identities which shape local realities are not only those which define their direction, but they are also responsible for orientating their projection towards the future. It will be because of this fact that these collective groups may consider not only the "who are we" or the "where do we come from", but also the "what can we or what do we want to become" (Hall and Du Gay, 1997).

Included within this context of global/local tensions, the cultural policies of the autonomous communities in Spain have, gradually and progressively, taken on

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facts such as the fact that their cultural origins were called to take on a concrete form as political and self-governing power. From this reference point, cultural action was to become a well-oiled tool at the service of building the state and the local nation. The new autonomies began to form states sheltered by the pretext of memory and cultural heritage. Along this road, the vernacular language was to be given pride of place and serve as a guiding light for all cultural policies. Fulfillment of this initial linguistic requirement was to authorize all creators and cultural broadcasters respect­ing the same to deal with any opening onto the world of global culture.

Other verifications such as the virtualities of the increasingly closer relationship between identity, culture and development also have a variety of local arenas (autonomous communities, towns, districts ... ) to capitalize, in various ways, on their particular features and cultural potential, in the shape of tourism, craftsman­ship or local development.

These challenges also occur in a context such as that of the new Europe which, to a large extent, may be defined by their attempt to find creative alterna­tives and solutions to the global/local tension.

The new Europe endeavors to construct an arena and common values without overlooking differentiating facts, aspiring to acknowledge them as a supranational arena, but without considering the realities of the infranational towns and cultures. This is all based on a challenge involving the two-fold loyalty to mixed cultures and to the authentic. This gives rise to the fact that, in a certain way, the current challenge of moving towards a common European culture may also be understood as a contribution on the road to constructing a global culture, founded on shared universal values.

Cultural policies have been developed in Spain out of an initial effort to recover culture and identity, which has been asserted in a political manner, albeit on a provisional basis, in the current autonomous government model. This model has led to its institutionalization in a process where diverse manners of intervention are in conflict with each other, becoming polarized and echoed in the two-fold memory-creation (Giner, 1985), which to a large extent, is superimposed by and coincides with the local/global tension.

In this scenario, the most heartfelt dilemmas confronting the politicians responsible for the autonomous governments' decisions are germinated. Which lines of action should be given priority? Looking back to the past and, therefore, focussing on a work based on memory and the legacy of artistic and cultural heritage or alternatively, to venture towards the future, making living history and creativity the true protagonists? To opt for designing cultural policies with little intervention by the state, which risk allowing the market to sweep away all the achievements which have been so conscientiously gained in this field and with difficulty, or alternatively, to opt for a protectionist model of intervention involving the danger of degrading culture by suffocating it?

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In summary, how to opt for giving a practical solution to the difficult dilemma of solving the way in which to introduce a minority culture into the international arena, and how to put it in a concrete form? By favoring free circulation, by pro­tecting pluralism, or by adopting an active policy aimed at changing culture into a relevant economic sector with a calling for efficiency, both at internal and international levels?

Throughout this article, we have set out not only to describe the itineraries followed by the cultural policies in Spain from their roots, but we have also attempted to deal with some of their chief setbacks in terms of the conception and design of local autonomous government cultural policies, both from the viewpoint of the globalllocal tension, but also from the viewpoint of the dilemmas of greatest concern nowadays in this field (Zallo, 1997). In any case, these considerations are presented here in the awareness that this is an arena which will, over the next few years, experience an intense, profound change, in the form of structural changes which, both at a political and technological level, are now taking place in the European arena in general and in the Spanish arena in particular.

Conclusions

The Spanish experience in the area of cultural policies has shown some similarities with the French experience, in that it is as constant as it is fluctuating. This is boosted by the mutual acceptance of the relevance of public intervention, in the field of culture, while it breaks up from the moment when the Spanish model decided to develop a decentralising formula, far removed from the traditional Jacobin centralism prevailing in France. It should be noted at this point that this influence has been given expression in many ways which have affected both the type of intervention involved and the contents of the same.

The new framework in which the cultural policies of the European Union members have been developed has encouraged the two models to draw nearer, while creating an increased common sensitivity towards new problems, such as the relationship between culture and social and local development; or the problem of the new potentialities deriving from the relationship between culture, leisure, industry and job creation.

Cultural decentralization in Spain, which favours the new protagonism of the autonomous communities and by the democratically elected town councils, has led to a special cultural growth, throughout the territory, and a generalised expan­sion of public budgets for culture. During the period, the factors linked to the cultural identity of the various territories have greatly influence priorities in drawing up the cultural policies of public institutions. The lack of a standard framework clearly governing competencies among the different departments, at state, autono­mous government and local levels, has led to the negative effect of encouraging

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 481

dispersion, reiteration and conflict between the three levels, as well as the positive aspect of making it easier to take on new challenges open to local reassertion of culture and identity, at the same time as its inclusion in the cultural and economic movements of global reality. In this regard, it may be stated that the orientation of public cultural policies has developed divergently and so, while at state level, they have kept fairly stable in their competencies at autonomous community level, they have evolved from giving priority to the development of a cultural identity of their own.

This has occurred in terms of a renewed effort to assert, often backed by brand name facilities (Guggenheim, City of Culture ... ), their presence in the frame­work of global culture. Furthermore, the autonomous communities and large towns have opted for tapping into new opportunities for development and employment. To do so, they have resorted to a concept of cultural initiatives aimed at attracting tourism. Also, we must stress the fact that the current distribution of cultural compe­tencies in Spain, which gives a relevant role to the autonomous communities, has led to diverse problems with varying casuistries; on the one hand, the need to experience and articulate effective, imaginative means of co-operation between the autonomous communities and between these as a whole with the central administration has become increasingly clear. Apart from this, and in a different sense, new dilemmas have arisen, which exert an important influence on political decision-making in this field. Examples of this include the need to have to opt for prioritising some of the predominant politico-cultural orientations: investing in the conservation of national heritage (memory), promoting creativity and opening up to the exterior (cultural industry), or in the economy and employment (cultural tourism). Or even the problems posed by the risks involved in maintaining inter­vention policies highlighting public expenditure or running the risk of leaving the market to proceed according to its own logic. In any case, what certainly has helped towards identifying these option challenges has been a new sensitivity towards the convenience of establishing management strategies which are more and more suitable and efficient.

NOTE

1. The Pedagogical Missions were a Spanish institution, created in 1931, intended to take culture to the more neglected rural areas. Their activities included initiatives as diverse as setting up libraries, theatre plays or promoting public meetings for discussing political matters. This initiative wound up at the end of the Spanish Civil War.

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Xan BOUZADA

Les politiques culture lies dans I' Espagne moderne: origines et orientations

RESUME

Cet article presente un aper~u des origines et de Ia genese des politiques culturelles en Espagne, en partant du fait que les politiques en question ont maintenu un rapport continu avec les orientations donnees par les politiques culturelles fran~aises et europeennes. Nous soulignons aussi le caractere particulierement espagnol des solutions de rechange de I' Etat autonome qui ont clairement favorise Ia reconnais­sance des cultures locales des nationalites historiques qui, jadis, avaient ete negligees sous Ia dictature de Franco. Enfin, nous relevons comment les politiques actuelles du gouvernement autonome sont caracterisees par divers dilemmes qu'entrainent d'une part les difficultes auxquelles on se heurte en voulant leur donner une forme concrete et un equilibre territorial fonctionnel, et d'autre part les strategies de negociation adoptees pour ameliorer leur integration dans le cadre politico-culturel de l'Etat.

Du reste, il est plus que probable que le principal probleme que confrontent ces politiques est aujourd'hui celui de Ia gestion des difficultes resultant de Ia tension actuelle entre les efforts visant a conserver les valeurs Iiees a Ia memoire et a I' identite, par opposition au defi incontournable de Ia resolution du rapport entre Ia culture locale et les formes mondiales des mouvements avant-gardistes et les medias.

Xan BOUZADA

Cultural policies in modern Spain: origins and orientations

ABSTRACT

This article describes an outlook of the roots and genesis of cultural policies in Spain, commencing with the fact that said policies have kept an ongoing relation­ship with the orientations given by the French and European cultural policies. We also highlight the notably Spanish character of the autonomous state alternatives which has clearly fostered recognition of local cultures in the historical nationalities hitherto neglected under the Franco dictatorship. Finally, we note how current autonomous government cultural policies are resolved by various dilemmas stem­ming from the difficulties involved in giving them a concrete form and an internal functional territorial equilibrium as well as negotiation strategies maintained to improve their introduction into the state political-cultural framework.

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Cultural Policies in Modem Spain: Origins and Orientations 485

Although it is more than likely that the main problem facing these policies is now that of channeling the difficulties arising from the existing tension between efforts to conserve memory and identity values, as opposed to the unavoidable challenge of how to solve the relationship between local culture and the global forms of the avant-garde movements and the media.

XanBOUZADA

Las poHticas culturales en la Espana moderna: or{genes y orientaciones

RESUMEN

En este articulo nos proponemos trazar una perspectiva del origen y la genesis de las politicas culturales en Espafi.a partiendo del hecho constatado de que estas han mantenido una relaci6n continuada con las orientaciones de las politicas culturales francesas y europeas. Por otro lado pondremos tambien en evidencia el caracter marcadamente espafi.ol de la altemativa del Estado Auton6mico que ha impulsado de manera clara el reconocimiento de las culturas locales de las nacionalidades hist6ricas que se habi'an visto relegadas durante la dictadura franquista. Finalmente constatamos como en el momento actual las politicas culturales auton6micas se dirimen entre diversas dilematicas que remiten tanto a las dificultades por alcanzar una vertebraci6n y un equilibria intemo territorial y funcional como a las estrategias de negociaci6n mantenidas para mejorar sus condiciones de inserci6n en el marco politico-cultural estatal. Aunque muy probablemente el problema central al que seven enfrentadas hoy sea el de la canalizaci6n de las dificultades derivadas de la tensi6n existente entre el esfuerzo de preservaci6n de los valores de Ia memoria y la identidad frente al ineludible reto de c6mo resolver la relaci6n entre la cultura local y las formas globales de las vanguardias y los media.

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