conklin, "the new ethnology" (2002)

7/28/2019 Conklin, "The New Ethnology" (2002)

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THE NEWETHNOLOGY

ANDLA SITUATION COLONIALEININTERWAR FRANCE

AliceL. ConklinUniversityofRochester

La proposition, avanceparGeorgesBalandierdans les annes 1950, queceque

jobserve, enralit, nestpasunvillagekongouunetribufang, maisunesituation

coloniale, na dunecertainemanirepasencorefinidexercerseseffetssubversifs

dansla discipline. Lerapportdesethnologues la dominationcolonialeoupost-

colonialenestpasdeservilit, maisdedngation. Toutsepassecommesilsnela

voyaientpasetleurcomplicitobjectiveserduitgnralement laissercroire

quellepourraitntrepasvisible1

JeanBazins 1996 invocationof theenduringeffectsofGeorgesBalandiers

criticalinsightsofthe 1950sis a testimonialtonotjusthowrevolutionary, but

alsohowpersuasivethese insightswereandremain. It iscommoncurrency

now, even amongthoseofuswho arenot anthropologists, thatfirstEuropean

travelers, thenEuropeanscientistsinventedplaceslikeAfricathattellus

more aboutthemselves/ourselvesthantherealitytheypurportedtodescribe.

Theparticularinventionofthetwentiethcenturywas anthropologistsdis-

coveryofpureculturesuntouchedbyhistory andespeciallybycolonial-

ism. Havingfoundsuchpeoples, anthropologiststhendevotedthemselvesto

recording andpreservingtheirauthentic traditionsbefore itwas too late.

Balandiersprecociouscontributiontothefield, inthiscontext, wastotakethe

colonialsituationitselfashisobjectofstudy asearly as 1951 andtorendervis-

ibletheunequalpowerrelationssodiscreetlyevacuatedbyhismorecom-

plicitprofessionalcolleagues.2

The above assessmentoffers a useful startingpoint for a discussionof

BalandiersplaceinmodernFrenchethnology, becauseincorrectlyidentifying

the lattersremarkable achievementsBazinneverthelessoveremphasizes the

French Politics, Culture&Society, Vol. 20, No. 2, Summer 2002


2/18

invisibilityoftheempireforFrench anthropologistsgenerally. Recentschol-

arshipon thehistoryof thesocial sciences inEuropehasgonebeyond the

onceuseful, butnowratherconfining, tropeofpreservationist anthropology

asthehandmaidenofcolonialism, toconsidermorecloselythemanydif-

ferentinstitutionsincludingcolonialonesthatsupportedtheemergenceof

thedisciplineinthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury. Historiansofanthro-

pologyhaveincreasinglyshownthatcolonial andacademicknowledgeof

non-Westerncultureshelpedtoconstituteeachother atspecificmomentsin

time, whilediverging atothers.3 Balandiersownwork, Iwouldliketosuggest

inthisessay, is a caseinpoint. Itdidnotspringex nihilofrom a brilliantmind,althoughnoone woulddeny that the latter waspresent. Rather, his con-

frontationwithla situationcolonialewascriticallyframedby atleasttwo

imperialfactors atthebeginningofhiscareer. Bothremindusthatwhilethe

generationof anthropologists thatmentoredBalandiermayhave ignored

colonialismwhenitcametowriting aboutnativecultures, theyopenlysought

theimprimaturofempire andtheopportunitiesit affordedthemfortheinsti-

tutionalizationoftheirscience.

Whatwere thesetwo factors?FirstwasBalandiersowncolonialsitua-

tion as a state-employed anthropologistdetachedtoFrenchWestAfrica in

thehighlypoliticizedpost-Brazzavillecontext. Second, andmyparticularcon-

cern in thisessay, washisearlier sociological training at the Institutdeth-

nologie(IE) attheUniversityofParis andtheMusedelhomme(MH) at a

momentwhenthesetwolinkedinstitutionswereopenlyplacingethnological

knowledge attheserviceofempire.4 FoundedintheinterwaryearsbyMarcel

Mauss, PaulRivet andLucienLvy-Bruhl, theIE andtheMH attemptedtoren-

ovate anthropologyinFrancebypromotingthestudyofso-calledprimitive

culturesin loco, ratherthanfrom armchairsinParis. Theybaptizedtheirnewapproachethnologytodistinguishitfromtheexcessivelyphysical anthro-

pologythatstilldominatedinFrance. Intheirbidtoprofessionalizeethnologie,Mauss, Rivet, andLvy-Bruhlconsciouslysoughtcolonialsubsidiesfortheir

newcourses, publications, andresearchdevotedtothesocialfactsofnon-

Westerncultures. Suchknowledgewouldsurely improvecolonialrule, they

claimed, byhelping administratorstounderstandtheirsubjects. Theydidnot

haveto asktwice. Anthropologyinitsnewethnologicalguisewas aninex-

pensivesciencetofund, andthedesiredsubsidiessoonmaterialized. Ethnol-

ogys stated goalmaking colonialismmore efficient andmorehumane

throughbetterknowledgeof their subjectswasone, moreover, thatevery

colonial interestcould applaud in theory, ifnotdevote itself to inpractice.

Las

t

but

not

least

, asB

eno

t

d

elE

sto

ileh

aspo

int

ed

out

,th

eFr

en

ch

st

at

e aft

er

WorldWarIwasnoweagertolegitimateitsrighttocoloniesbymobilizingthe

prestigeofscienceforitsownsake.5 Outofthistangledwebofcross-cutting

motivations, ethnologyinthe 1920s and 1930s, attheInsti andtheTroca,

becamecolonialthroughandthrough, atleastinstitutionally, financially, and

initschoiceofscientificobjects. Atthesametime, asVroniqueDimier and

AliceL. Conklin30


3/18

GaryWilderhaveeachshownindifferentways, French administratorsinthe

coloniesbecameincreasinglyscientific andethnological.6

GiventhiscolonialimbricationoftheIE andMH, Bazinssuggestionthat

French anthropologistspaid little attention to empire requires revising, at

least for the interwarperiod. Butdoesnot this samephenomenoni.e.,

ethnologies relianceon colonialism to institutionalize itselfproveBazinslargerpointthat anthropologywasdirectlycomplicit intheempiresmany

inequities?There are, ofcourse, degreesofcomplicity.Iwill arguethatwhile

Mauss, Rivet, andLvy-Bruhlcertainlymobilizedimperialresources, theydid

soinwaysthatreflectedtheirparticularprofessional aspirationsfirst andfore-

most. Thispreoccupationinturnkeptthem(and atleastsomeoftheirstu-

dents) at a criticaldistanceliterally and epistemologicallyfrom empires

mostdirectuse and abuseoftheirscience. Wasitnotfromhisspecificloca-

tion, oftheempirebut alsooutsideofit, thatBalandierwas abletoproduce

the kindof anticolonial sociology for whichhe isjustly famous? Indeed,

Balandierscasesuggeststhatwestillhavemuchtolearn aboutcolonialforms

ofknowledge, astheyemergedonthemarginsofa scientizingempire and a

professionalizingscience.

TograspMauss, RivetandLvy-Bruhlsscientificaspirationsintheinter-

waryears, a brief reviewof theorganization and statusof thedisciplineof

anthropologyinFranceishelpful.7 Inthe 1920s, therewasstillnouniversity

chairorprograminthefield, althoughtherewas a rich andvariegatedtradi-

tionofstudyingmaninthemanyparallelschoolsthatexisted alongsidethe

variousfacultsdeslettresand facultsdessciences, andinprivate associations.Therewas also a markeddividebetweenphysical anthropologistsinterestedin

systemsofracialclassification andethnographersconcernedwithhumanitys

diversecultures andmoreespeciallyprimitive andexoticones. Thefor-

mer, anoutgrowthofnaturalhistory, historicallyhadenjoyedthemostpres-

tige inFrance and internationallydespitedeepdisagreements within their

ranks. Itsprofessionalbases were thecoledAnthropologie, the Musum

NationaldHistoireNaturelle(Musum), theInstitutdePalontologie, andthe

Broca Laboratory atthecolePratiquedesHautestudes(EPHE);thesewere all

teachinginstitutionsthatneverthelessdidnotconfertheuniversitydegrees

essentialtocareersinFranceinhighereducation. By 1900, physical anthro-

pologistsinFrancewerenolonger atthecuttingedgeofscholarship, although

institutionallytheystilldefined andthereforecontrolledwhatofficiallypassed

for anthropologyinFrance. RatheritwasFrancesotherlearnedcommunity

devoted to the scienceofmanthose sociologists, linguists, andethnogra-

phe

r

sdo

cum

ent

ing

and

an

alyzing

civilizat

ion

sb

eyond

Europ

eth

at

app

ear

ed

themoredynamic andmore innovative, albeit alsomoremarginal and (if

possible)more fragmented. Themost successful among themhad found a

nicheintheeruditefifthsectionoftheEPHE, devotedtolessciencesreligeuses,aswell as atthecoledesLanguesOrientalesVivantes andthemorepracti-

callyorientedcoleColoniale. AsEmmanuelleSibeudhasshown, increasingly

TheNewEthnologyandLaSituation Colonialein InterwarFrance 31


4/18

sophisticatedamateurethnographerswere alsobeginningtoemergefrom

theranksof thecolonial administration, thebestknownofwhomwas the

AfricanistMauriceDelafosse. Finally a numberofethnographicsocietieswere

foundedorrefoundedintheprewaryearsfurtherevidenceofa flourishing

interestintraditionalsocietiesbeyondFrancesborders. Althoughthesedif-

ferent groupsdidnot initiallywork inconcert, by the turnof thecentury,

manyofthemwerecomingtothesameconclusion. Thiswasthatthescience

ofmanneededtobeplacedon a new, moretheoreticallyrigorous andmore

syntheticbasisthanthatonofferbyBrocasdisciples, onethattookintobetter

accountsocial, linguistic, andculturalfactsofsimplesocieties. Thismulti-

facetedreformingimpulseultimatelyculminatedinthetwolinkedinitiatives

invoked above:first, thecreationoftheIE and a dramaticoverhaulofFrances

existing ethnographicmuseum, the MusedethnographieduTrocadro

(MET), whichtogether, itwashoped, wouldgiveethnologists aninstitutional

basethatcouldeclipseifnotsupplantthecoledAnthropologie andredefine

anthropology attheMusum; andsecond, theturnofthesesameethnologists

tothecoloniesforfunds andlegitimation, bothbecausetheybelievedinthe

possibilityofa humanitarianempire andbecausethescientificmanagement

ofhumanresourcesoverseashadbecomepoliticallylordredujour inFrance.Mausswascertainlyoneoftheearliestandmostarticulateadvocatesofa

renovated anthropologyinFrance. Unlikeothermaverickscholarswhoshared

hisconcernsbutdidnotmoveinthesameelitecircles, hewas alsosufficiently

wellconnectedtomakehisviewsheard. In 1907, fiveyears afterhis appoint-

menttotheEPHE, heconsidered applyingforthedirectorshipofFranceslong

neglectedMET.8 Itis asifMausssensedeventhentheimportantrolethatthis

museumcouldplay andshouldplayintheprofessionalizationofa new, more

culturallyorientedscienceofman. Intheendhedidnotsecurethisposition.

YettheconcernsthatmotivatedMaussin 1907 resurfacedsix yearslater. In a

1913 lettertotheministerofpubliceducation, Mausspointedoutthatthe

breakthrougheffectedbyDurkheimian aswell asrecentAnglo-American and

Germansociologyhaddependedontheirinnovativeuseofethnographicdoc-

uments. Les faits ethnographiques,he wrote, emprunts des socits

infrieures, fontdsormaispartieintgrantedelensembledesfaitsquecon-

sidrentlesdisciplineslesplusclassiques. 9

But, helamented, Francewasdoingnothingtostudysuchfactsormake

themknown. That same year, in two articles surveying ethnography in

France and abroad,heconcludedbitterlythatevenSwitzerland andSweden

haddonebetterthanFranceinthisdomain, despitethelatterssuperiorstatus

as a greatscientificpower andcolonialpower.10 Hethen added,

La causeet aussila consquencedela stagnationdelethnographieenFranceest

labsenceou linsuffisancedes institutionsquipourraient senoccuper. Nous

navons ni enseignements, ni bonsmuses, ni offices de recherches ethno-

graphiquesparcequenousnenous intressonspas lethnographie. Et, inverse-

ment, nousnenous intressonspas cette scienceparcequilny a cheznous

AliceL. Conklin32


5/18

personnequisoitparticulirement intress sonsuccs. Unesciencenevitpas

quedebeaulangage, illuifautunmatrieletunpersonnel. Illuifautdesorganes

permanents, desinstitutionsdurablesquila crentetlentretiennent.11

Maussinwhatwasclearly a bidtoestablishhimselfas a leaderofthismiss-

ingscienceinFrancewentontooutlinewhatremainedtobedoneifFrance

wanted to rankon a par at thevery leastwithLondon andVienna. As an

observationalscience likezoology, botany, geology andphysicalgeography,

ethnographydemanded threedifferentordersof work: fieldwork, during

whichdocumentswerecollected;museumor archivalwork, whereobjects

wereclassified, studied, andpublished; andteaching, whereknowledgepro-

ducedwascommunicatedtospecialists andeventhepublic atlarge.12

Ayearearlier, Mausshad actuallydrawnup a proposalforonepieceofthis larger institutionalproject. He envisaged the creationof aBureauof

Ethnography attachedtotheuniversity, whoseexplicitobjectivewouldbeto

organize, encourage, and activateethnographicstudiesinFrance andparticu-

larly in theFrench colonies.13 Nothing cameof thisparticularproposal as

Francemobilizedforwar. Butwhatisstriking aboutMausssdescriptionofthe

stateofethnographyinFrancein 1914 istheextenttowhichhisrecommen-

dationswererealizedinthe 1920s and 1930salthoughnotbyMauss alone.

Istilldonothave alltheelementsofthestory. Itnevertheless appearsthat

Mauss andLvy-Bruhl, professorofphilosophy attheSorbonne, fellowsocial-

ists andlongstandingfriends, together approachedtheMusum anthropolo-

gistPaulRivetshortly after thewarwith their idea of forming an IE at the

UniversityofParistoteachethnography andpublishresearchinthefield.14

Rivet andMausshad alreadybeenintouchbeforethewar. Rivethadwritten

toMaussin 1914 applaudinghisexcellent article andhopingthatitwould

havesomeeffect.15 Although a medicaldoctortrainedinBrocas anthropo-

metricmethods, Rivethad cuthis anthropological teethduring a five-year

missioninSouthAmerica, from 1900 to 1905;whiletherehebeganstudying

thematerialculture, andmoreespecially the languages andmigrationpat-

terns, ofthepeoplesofMeso-America andbecame a passionate advocateofa

morepolyvalent approachtothescienceofman. Dispatchedfromthenavyto

theMusumuponhisreturn, bythe 1920shewouldsoonbecomeFrances

mosteminentAmericanist. Agifted administrator aswell, hefoundhimself

headofboththeSocitdesAmricanistes andtheInstitutInternationaldAn-

thropologie. Hisorganizationalskills, hispublicationrecord, hisinternation-

alist andsocialistpolitics, aswell ashis ambitiontosucceedintheelitesocial

worldoftheFrenchintelligentsiatowhichhe, unlikeMauss andLvy-Bruhl,

wasnot connectedbybirthormarriagemadehim an especially valuable

recruittoMausssethnographiccause.16

Mauss andRivetwouldruntheInstituttogether asco-secretarygenerals,

withRivetparticularlyresponsiblefororganizingthecontentofitscurriculum

anditsday-to-dayoperations. YetitwasthankstoLvy-Bruhlspoliticalcon-



6/18

tacts andhisin attheSorbonnethattheIEsawthe lightofday in 1925.

WhentheCarteldesGauchescametopower, thethreemensawtheopportu-

nitytorealizetheirobjectives. Lvy-Bruhlintroducedtheidea and a projetde

rglementfor a newethnographicinstitutetotheSorbonnesConseildes

Professeurs(ofwhichhewas a member)inDecember 1924, withthespecific

mandate to studyFrances colonies.17 Theplan wasmodest enoughnot to

offend:theInstitutewouldoffer a fewcoursesofitsownmostlyindescrip-

tiveethnographybutwoulddrawuponexistingcourses attheMusum, the

EPHE, the UniversityofParis, thecole Coloniale andcoledesLangues

Orientales. Students alreadyregistered attheUniversitycouldenroll, andstu-

dents attheEPHE andthecoledesCharteswouldbeexemptfrommatricu-

lation fees. Institute students couldprepare a diploma (later thesebecame

certificatesforlicenses ineithersciences orlettres). Thenewprogramwouldbehoused attheInstitutdeGographie. Itwould alsoinaugurate animportant

publication, a newseriesofmonographsentitledTravauxetmmoires, dedi-catedtobringing intoprinttheethnographicfactswhichFrench anthro-

pologistswerenowgoingtocollect.

Finally andmost importantly, principal funding would come from the

colonies, directly implicated inthescientificworkofthenewInstitute. The

Sorbonne assemblypassedLvy-Bruhlsproposalbut stipulated that the IE

shouldnot cost the University anything. Sbastien Charlty, Rectorof the

University, referred theproject to Gaston Doumergue, ministerofpublic

instruction, whopasseditontodouardDaladier, colonialminister andfriend

ofLvy-Bruhl. ItwasDaladierwho approvedthecolonialsubsidythatinthe

endwouldprovethelinchpinoftheinstitution. He alsoinsistedthat, given

thecolonialsubsidy, coleColonialestudents andcolonialfunctionariesencongshould alsobedispensedfrompayingfees andthatcompetentcolonialadministratorsshouldbe allowedtoteachthere.18

Thecolonialunderpinningof the IE, whichwasofficiallycreatedon 1

August 1925, wasthusinplacefromtheoutset. ThefateoftheInstitute, in

turn, quicklybecamelinkedtothatofFrancesethnographicmuseum, which

alsobecame avowedlycolonialintheseyears. Museumshadbeencriticalto

Mausssconceptualizationofhowtotransformethnographyinto a propersci-

encesince atleasttheturnofthecentury. In 1913, hehadbeenparticularly

scandalizedbyFrancesbackwardnessonthisfront aswell. By 1928, however,

PaulRivetwasintheidealpositiontobringtheMETintotheorbofthenew

ethnology, giving its acolytes a real laboratory in which to work and an

institutionthatcouldhiretheirstudents. BytraditionthedirectoroftheMET

had

h

eld

th

ech

air

in

Fr

en

ch

anthropo

log

y at

th

eMu

sum;

b

yth

elat

e 1920sRivet was a frontrunner for thatposition, sincehehadbeen teaching and

working atthisinstitutionsince 1908. WhenhewaselectedProfessorin 1928,

Rivetmadeit a conditionofhis acceptancethattheMusedethnographiebe

formally attachedtotheMusum andthathebe allowedtohireboth a sous-

directeur tohelpturnthemuseumaroundandastafftorunit. RivetandMauss

AliceL. Conklin34


7/18

nowhadyet anothermeansofacquiringethnographicfacts anddisseminat-

ingtheirnewsciencemoreresponsibly andmorewidelythanhadhitherto

beenthecase.

That themuseum would be responsibly scientific, Rivet left little

doubt.19 Withthehelpofbothwealthypatrons andIEstudentssentonmis-

sion to conduct fieldwork and acquire artifacts, Rivet soonbuiltup the

museums library and collections. All Institute students were expected to

spendtime atthemuseum, whichRivetwithMausssbackingalwayscon-

ceived asmuch a researchfacility as aninstitutionforthepopularizationof

science. ManydoctoralstudentssurvivedbyworkingfortheMH, helpingto

catalogue its collections anddetermininghow they shouldbe exhibited.

Finallyin 1937 and 1938 Rivetrealized a longstanding ambition:thereloca-

tionoftheoldTrocadromuseum andIEtogetherin a newbuilding, complete

with classrooms, display galleries, photothque, phonothque, sallede cinma,andsalledelectureforitslibrary. He alsomovedtheMusumsphysical anthro-pology collection to thenewpremisesforRivet and Mauss accepted that

ethnology astheyweredefiningitrequiredthatmanbeclassifiedracially as

well asstudiedsociologically. In 1938, a littlelatefortheWorldsFairthatwas

held inParis a year earlier, Rivet was able to inaugurate a refurbished and

renamed Musede lHomme, so calledbecause thenecessary elements for

learning aboutmanin allhisfacetscultural aswell asracial, prehistoric as

well ascontemporarywerenowcontainedinitsfourwalls. Inpointoffact,

mostoftheobjectsinthemuseumcamefromtheFrenchcolonies, which also

underwrote itsbudgetespecially in theearlyyearsof its transformationa

connectiontheMETdidnothingtohide andliketheIEconsideredoneofits

greatstrengths.20 TherenovatedMusedethnographie, Rivetinsistedin 1931,

inhisplea tothegovernmentformorefunds, wouldcontinuetheeducational

workoftheColonialExpositionclosingthatsameyear.21 Ontheeveofthe

openingoftheMH, RivetcouldstillwritedouardDaladier, thenwarminis-

ter, thathisnewmuseumwas a colonialmuseum andrequestthepresence

ofcolonialtroops atitsinauguration.22

Asthe abovedescriptionimplies, identifyingthecolonialvocationofthe

linkedIE-museumnexusiseasy:itwasopenlyembraced andcelebrated. Deter-

miningtheexactnatureofthecolonialconnection, however, islessstraight-

forwardthanitmight appear. Certainly, allthreemenwhoguidedtheIE and

theMET-MHstatedhowimportanttheirworkwastocolonization. In a well

known articlepublishedbyLvy-Bruhl in 1926, announcingthecreationof

theIE, hedescribedit as a scientificinstitutionthatwouldtravailler aupro-

grsd

ela scienceet

hno

log

iqu

e,on

t

heonehan

d, an

don

t

heothe

r

, m

ettr

elesrsultatsdecettescience auservicedenotrepolitiqueindignetoutesles

foisquonleluidemandera.23 Ifthelatterclauseseemedtoleaveituptocolo-

nialbureaucratstocallornotcallon anthropologistswhoseworktheywere

underwriting, anotherparagraphmade a strongerpitch for the active role

anthropologistsshouldplayoverseasinFrancesofficialimperialproject:eth-



8/18

nologistswere asimportant asdoctorsorengineers, sincetheycouldprovide

uneconnaissanceexacteet approfondiedeslangues, desreligions, descadres

sociauxofthepopulationsindignes.Despitetheseclaims, itisdifficultto

findLvy-Bruhl, MaussorRivettaking anydirect interestincolonialpolicy,

thattheymightcoordinatetheirteaching andresearchprojectswiththespe-

cificneedsofadministratorsinthefield. Nordidtheylobbyforpositionsfor

theirstudentsinthecolonial administration. Giventhis ambiguityonthesub-

ject, a bettersenseofhowMauss, Rivet andLvy-Bruhlenvisagedtherelation-

ship between colonialism and the scientific study of so-called primitive

culturescanbegleanedfromtheorganizationoftheInstituteinitsearlyyears

andthecorrespondenceofMauss andRivetinparticular.24

LIE a pourobjetdecoordonner, dorganiseretdedvelopperlestudes

ethnologiques, enparticuliercellesquiserapportent aux Coloniesfranaises,

deformerdestravailleurspourcestudesetdepublierleurstravaux. Ilpourra

envoyerdesmissions aux coloniesetexceptionnellement ailleurs, ilpourra

subventionnerdespublications aux colonies, danslamesuredesesressources.25

ThisdescriptionoftheInstitutesraisondtre, containedinthe 1925 decree

and whichdidnot change throughout the interwar years, makes clear, of

course, thecentralroleofthecoloniesinfacilitatingtheemergenceoftudes

ethnologiques.Themoney would come from the empire. Students, as a

result, wouldmostlyalthoughnotexclusivelybesenttostudypeoplesliv-

ingunderFrenchrule. As, orperhapsmore, revealing, however, inthedescrip-

tionquoted above is thepronouncedacademicorientationenvisaged for

thisnewcolonialscience:itwastakenforgrantedthatthebulkofthefunds

wouldbeusedtosubsidizeresearchwith a viewtopublicationinthemetro-

polein thenewTravaux etmmoires series, with itsprestigiousSorbonneimprint anditsimpliedlimitedreadershipoffellowscholars. Hereisoneclue

thattheIEfoundersviewedtheirenterprise asoneprincipallydedicatedtothe

productionofnewknowledge inkeeping with themost rigorous scientific

standardsobtaininginFrance, ratherthan accordingtothespecificneedsof

more local (colonial) agendas. This academic vocation was furtherunder-

scoredbythemakeupofthegoverningbodiesoftheInstitute. Colonialdele-

gatesweregivenrepresentationonlyontheInstitutes administrativecouncil,

notonitsDirectorsCommittee, whichmadetheessentialdecisions. Thefor-

merhad 28 members, ofwhomtenweredesignatedbythecolonialgovern-

mentsor the colonialminister; the latterhad fivemembers, allof them

professionalscientists attachedtometropolitan institutionsofhigher learn-

ing.26 TheseincludedMauss, Lvy-Bruhl andRivet, thelinguistAntoineMeil-

let

,who

held

a chair

at

t

he Co

llg

ed

eFr

ance, and

Maur

ice Delafo

sse, acolonialgovernorwhohadvirtuallyretiredfromservice andwasnowteach-

ing atthecoledesLanguesOrientales.

Afinalindicationthatthenewethnologywouldbecastprimarilyinthe

modeofpureresearchcanbefoundintheminutesoftheveryfirstmeeting

of the Conseildadministration, held in November 1925. At thismeeting

AliceL. Conklin36


9/18

Lvy-Bruhlnoted, once again, thatoneoftheInstitutesgoalswastoprepare

mencalledtoliveinthecolonies(administrators, doctors, officers, missionar-

ies). Heneverthelessspentmoretimediscussingtheparticularresearch attrib-

utesoftheIE, twoofwhichhadnot appearedintheorganizingdecree. These

areofparticularinterestbecausetheybothconfirmthe academicvocationof

thenewethnology andreveal, somewhatsurprisingly, thatMauss, Rivet, and

Lvy-Bruhlverymuchsaw a placeforthiskindofscholarshipintheempire

proper: la conservationdes civilisations indignespar lorganisationde

muses aussibienenFrancequaux coloniesetdenqutesethnologiques and

collaboration avec toutes lesorganisations scientifiquesdj existantes [in

the colonies]by establishing une liaison entre elles.27 The IE, in short,

wouldnotonlypublisheruditemonographsinFrancededicatedtothecul-

tures andlanguagesofpeoplesinthecolonies. Itwould alsobring academic

scienceitselftothecolonies intheformofsatelliteinstitutionsthattheIEcon-trolled andcoordinatedmuseums andscientificorganizationsinthecon-

tinued absenceofuniversitydepartmentsofanthropologyinFrance.

It is significant in this context that the largest subsidy for the Insti-

tute80,000 francspromisedfromthebeginning androutinelyreconfirmed

until the Depression forced a retrenchmentcame from Indochina. This

colony alreadyhad a well-developedtraditionofcolonialeruditioninitscole

FranaisedExtrmeOrient(EFEO), asitsrighttosend a delegatetotheCon-

seildadministrationof the IE indicates.28 Thedirectorof the schooluntil

1929, theOrientalistLouisFinot, hadbeenoneofMausssprofessors 25 years

earlier attheEPHE, andtheyhadremainedfriendseversince. Mauss(whohad

beentoHanoiin 1902 attheschoolsinvitationforthemeetingoftheSocit

desOrientalistes)29 keptFinotwellinformedofhisplansovertheyearsregard-

ing a Bureaudethnographie, andin 1925 Finotwrotethathewasdelighted

thatthisplanwasfinallymaterializing. AlthoughFinotclaimedtohavehad

nohandinpersuadingthegovernorgeneraltoopenhiscoffers, Finotscoop-

eration coupled with the local governments largessehelped theEFEO and

Indochina moregenerallytoquicklybecome a favoredvectoroftheIE andthe

MET.30 Finotwasparticularlykeentohave a museumfoundedinIndochina,

a properlyethnologicalone, particularlysincenoussommesencemoment

encombrsparunprojetSarrautpourquiunmusedethnographiecestun

museGrvinpour amuserlestouristes avecpourdirecteurunbravegaron

qui a besoinduneprbende.31 Indeed, he impressedupon Mauss that it

wouldbemisguidedfortheInstitutetogivepriorityto

lespub

licat

ionse

t

hno

lo

giques

.L

eb

eso

inlepluspr

essant

, c

est

lor

ganisat

iondesenqutesethnologiques, la recherchedesdocumentationsetleurconservation

lesvieillescoutumes, lescostumes, lestraditionsdisparaissent avecrapidit. Legou-

vernementgnraletlesgouvernementslocaux pourraientfairebeaucoupdansce

sens, maisilfautquilsoitstimulpardesobjurgationsvenuesdeParisetportant

lestampilleofficielle. Enoutreilfaudraitquundevousvinticipourtudierleter-

rainetmettresurpieduneorganisationpratique. Lachoseestpossibleetelleen



10/18

vautla peine. BienentendulcoleFranaiseseraitl pourvousprterson appui.

Examinezcela avecM. Lvy-Bruhletvoyezcequiestpossible.32

TheInstitutedidnot, intheend, make a choicebetweenfieldwork andconservationontheonehand, andpublicationsontheother, atleastfrom a

financialpointofview: almost alloftheirresearchbudgetwenttopublishing

ethnographies, initiallythoseofethnologistsknowntothemworkinginthe

colonies, andthentotheirstudents. Tosubsidizemissionsdenqutes fortheirstudents, they appealedsuccessfullytoothersources, such astheRockefeller

Foundation, theCommissiondesMissions, theMusum, and theCaissede

recherchesscientifiques(laterCNRS). Yeteven astheyturnedtothesetradi-

tionalformsofestablishing academic legitimacy, Mauss andRivet alsotook

seriouslyFinotsprojectoffoundingmuseumsoverseas, intandemwiththeir

revampingoftheMET.

Rivetwasparticularly activeinthedomain andwasprobablyresponsible

withFinot forpersuading thegovernorgeneralof Indochina tobeginplan-

ningatleastonpaperanethnographicmuseuminHanoiin 1929.33 Hemet

withGovernorGeneralPierrePasquierduringtheColonialExpositionin 1931

andremindedhimin a subsequentlettersummarizingtheirconversationthat:

Nousnoussommestrouvsentirementdaccordsurla ncessiturgentederecueil-

lir lethnographie et le folkloredIndochine avantquilsnedisparaissent, cettedestructionsaccomplissant avecunerapiditeffrayante. Jevous aiditquelIEqui

comptecette anne 117 lvesdontunbonnombre sedestine aux tudes asia-

tiques, seraitenmesuredevousfournirdiciun anlesenquteursncessaires.34

RivettraveledtoIndochina laterforthefirsttimethatsameyeartopreside

overthefirstmeetingofthePrhistoriensdelExtrmeOrient.Heusedthe

opportunitytoconduct a four-month-longethnographicmission andcame

backcompletelyseducedbythecountryhehaddiscovered andthefieldwork

hehaddone. In 1932 Pasquier signed a decree creating the Hanoi ethno-

graphicmuseum, whichwasplacedunderthe authorityoftheEFEO. Mean-

whileRivetdevotedhiscoursethenextyear attheInstitutetotheMoi and

Muongpeoples;he alsosettoworkcreating a gallerydevotedtotheethnog-

raphyofIndochina attheMET.35 In additionto lobbyingthe authorities in

Indochina, RivetwrotetothegovernorsgeneralofWestAfrica andMadagas-

car (whose subsidies to the IE were second and third largest respectively,

35,000 francs and 20,000 francs) aboutsendingstudentsthere aswelltofound

a properly scientificethnographicmuseum ineachcolony.36 Maussdidhis

parttoo. Hebestirredhimselfin 1930 tovisitMorocco. Thereoneofhisbest

students, CharlesLe Coeur (a graduateof thecole Normale Suprieure as

well asoftheIE andtheEPHE)hadbeen appointedmatredeconfrences atthecoledesHautestudesMarocainesinRabat, toyfairecoursetpourdonner

M. leRsidentGnraldes avissurlesservicesethnographiquesduMaroc.37

Once again, itwasRivetwhowouldfollowupwith a museuminitiativethere

AliceL. Conklin38


11/18

aswell;in 1931 heinstructedhissubordinate, Georges-HenriRivire, tosend

museographicalinstructionstoLucienCochain, yet anotherformerIEstudent

whowasintentonfounding a museum atRabat.38 By 1939, whenFrencheth-

nologistswereinvitedtointroducethemselvesthrough a displayofposters at

theWorldsFairinNewYork, a keycollaborator attheMuse, MH andIEstu-

dentAnatoleLewitsky, drewup a diagramoftheinstitutionalorganizationof

French anthropology. TheIE andtheMHfigured atthecenter, withnofewer

than 21 centresdtudesethnologiques in theempire listedunder them,

withwhomRivetwasinregularcontact.39

Theimpulsetofoundproperlyscientificethnographicmuseums andinsti-

tutesinthecoloniesfurtherconfirmstheprofessionalizing ambitionofinterwar

ethnology, atleast asitwasemanatingfromthemetropole. OnegoaloftheIE

andTroca andtheiremergingcolonialsatellitesseemedtobetoget asmany

people aspossiblewitheithercolonialconnectionsorcuriosity aboutother

culturesto learnpropercollecting anddocumentingstrategies intheempire

beforeitwastoolate. Atthesametime, thesecombinedinstitutionsgavethe

mostgiftedstudents anoutlet forpublishing and theopportunity topursue

higherdegreesthatwouldallowthemtoenteracademiaor, morerealistically,

giventhe absenceofteachingpositionsinthefield, totakeonmuseumdirec-

torships, especially astheynowbegantoopenupinthecolonies. Therewas

littleintheInstitutescurriculum, certainly, that addressedhow a buddingeth-

nologistmight advise a colonial administrationseekingtooverseerationally a

processofmodernizationorencouragestudentstothinkintermsofcolonial

careers;thosecourses, iftheyexisted, werethepreserveofthecoleColoniale,

andpresumablyifonehad anyinterestincolonialservice, onewouldenroll

there. Veryquickly theheartof Institute teachingbecame MausssInstruc-

tionsdethnographiedescriptive,whichdevotedlittletimetotheimpactof

colonialismuponindigenoussocieties andcultures.40 ThatMausshimselfsaw,

andwishedtopreserve, thedistinctionbetweenpuresciencetheprovince

of ethnologistsandapplied sciencetheprovinceof administratorsis

manifestintwodifferentletters. Inone, againtohisstudentCharlesLeCoeur,

he referred to thepossibility for Institute studentsofgetting scholarships to

carryoutfieldworkfromtheInstitutInternationalpourltudedesLangueset

des CivilisationsAfricaines, whose specificmandate was todocument the

impactofEuropean culturesuponAfricanones in these years. Il sagirait,

Mausswrotewitheringly, defairedelethnographieintensive, suividece

quelon appelledanscetinstitutditscientifiqueetmi-moraletmissionnaire,

desconclusionspratiques.HeneverthelessrecommendedLeCoeurto apply

and

pub

lish

h

ispr

act

icalcon

clu

sion

ssep

ar

at

ely.

41

Mor

er

evealings

t

ill, incorr

e-

spondencewithA. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Maussdiscussed a recentletterhehad

gottenfrom a Ms. RosenfelsoftheDepartmentofAnthropology attheUniver-

sityofChicago. Theletter askedhimfornamesofFrench anthropologistswho

mightbeinterestedinaseminarbeingorganizedonracialandculturalcon-

tactsin allpartsoftheworld.MausswrotetoRadcliffe-Brown asfollows:



12/18

Veuilleztrouver icima rponse MissRosenfels. Sestudessonteneffet impor-

tantesetdetouteurgence, etdun intrtcapitalpour lAdministration. Lenreg-

istrementdecesfaitsestvidemmentundevoirpournousquipermettra demieux

asseoirla politiqueprsenteetlhistoirefuture. C

estd

autrepartunsujetopeu-

ventsexercernonseulementlesindignesdresssparvousmais aussiceux denos

jeunesethnographesquinesontpastout faitcapablesduntravailsociologique

approfondi. Neleleurditespas, maiscestbiencequejepense. La sciencecom-

portedailleursdesdegrs et cestplutt les gnrationsquinous suivrontqui

serontjugsquenous.42

Untravailsociologique approfondi:thisiswhatMausshopedforfromthe

best andbrightestoftheethnologiststhathewasforming, and apparentlyhe

didnotfeelthatracial andculturalcontactbetweenEuropeanimperialists

andlocalsocietieslentitselftothiskindofin-depth analysis. Thisimpression

is confirmed in another exchangeof letters, this timebetweenBernard

Maupoil, a colonial administratorinAOFpreparing a doctoratewithMaussin

the 30s, andhismentor. Maupoil wrote that M. de Coppet [thePopular

FrontgovernorgeneralinWestAfrica]mappelle Dakarpourfaireuntravail

sur lescoutumes. Jenesaispasencoredequoi ilsagit. Jevoustiendrai au

courantdecette activitpseudo-ethnographique.Maussreplied, in a rather

pessimisticvein, that ithadtakentheDutch at least 30 yearstocompile a

decentcoutumierof60 volumes, preparedby 200 yearsofbonne administra-tioninIndonesia.43

Incitingthesepassages, Idonotwantin anywaytosuggestthatMauss

wascontemptuousofcolonial administratorsor automaticallyrelegatedthem

tojuniorpartners in the workof collecting and analyzing social facts. But

thereweredefinitelytwolevelsofscientificcompetencerecognized amongthe

studentswhocame to IEcoursescompetence incollecting anddescribing

objects andcustoms and competence forundertaking sociological analysis.

Manycolonial administrators acquiredonlythefirst, simplybyvirtueofthe

lackoftime availabletothemtodoresearch. Throughouttheinterwaryears

Mauss and Rivet nevertheless remained tireless advocates of any

studentwhetherenrolled in thecolonial serviceornotwhoseworkmet

theirhigh academicstandards. Overtime, moreover, itmaybethat anincreas-

ingnumberofthebeststudentswere administrators, becausethepercentage

ofcoleColonialestudentsenrolledinInstitutecourseskeptgoingup.44 Inhis

capacity asdirectorofthecoleColoniale, GeorgesHardyinparticularsought

closetiesbetweenthetwoinstitutions. Thiswasdueinpart, asIhave argued

elsewhere, tothefactthatitnowsuitedinterwarcolonialpolicymakersonthe

spot to think in termsofhow to stabilize traditional societies, and they

soughtreinforcementfromwhatthebestsciencehadtosayonthesubject.45

Mauss, Rivet andLvy-Bruhl were sufficientlyopen toHardysovertures to

makehim a memberoftheDirectorsCouncilin 1930. Yetdespitethisincreas-

ingColopresence, atnopointdoesit appearthateitherRivetorMausscon-

sidered seriously what kindsof ethnographic knowledgemightbemost

AliceL. Conklin40


13/18

directlyusefultocolonialgovernanceorinthebestinterestsofthosesub-

jectedtoFrenchrule. Theywere, perhaps, toobusyworrying aboutwhatwas

inthebestprofessionalinterestoftheirfledglingscience.

WasRivets and Mausss attitude towardFrench colonialism largely an

instrumentalistone, then, one inwhich theyneither asked themselves the

hardquestions abouttheempirenorconsideredthefutureinterestsofthecol-

onized, becausetodosowouldhavecompromisedthecolonialmoniesand

colonialsitessonecessaryforinstitutionalizingtheirnewscience?The answer

is surely, on some level, yes. Yet it is important to remember that they

belongedto a generationthatstillbelievedthatthecitizen/scientistcould and

should keephisorher research andpolitical commitments separate. For

Mauss, Rivet, andLvy-Bruhl, thefoundingofethnologyfellundertherubric

of thepursuitof pure science, which in turn required thedistance from

reallifethatonlytheivorytowercouldprovide. Theythuscreatedinstitu-

tions andmuseums in theempireproper thatechoedcomparablescientific

establishments athome andencouragedthekindofsociologicalresearchthat

wouldproducescholarlymonographsforlike-mindedprofessionals. Practical

conclusions alsohadtheirplace, buttheInstitutewasdeterminedfromthe

outsettoproducemorethanlocalknowledge. Meanwhile anempireinquest

ofprestigehaditsownreasonsintheinterwaryearsforsupporting anemer-

gent academicscienceofmanparticularlyonethattooktraditionalsoci-

eties as itsobjectof study. To insiston thesepoints isnot todenyFrench

ethnologistscomplicityincolonialism. Butitistorestoretoviewthehistor-

ically specific colonial configurationof ethnology at itsbirth: thatof an

inside/outsidescience, with a far-flungnetworkofcontactsintheoverseaster-

ritories andeventheColonialMinistry, yetrigorousresearchstandards and an

agenda thatdidnotrequire(butcouldinclude)immediate anddirect applica-

tionoftheirfindingstooverseas administration. Born atthemarginsofthe

academy andtheempire, ethnologyinthelate 1930swasimplicatedinboth

butthehandmaidenofneither.



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Bodies andBehavior:Essays in BiologicalAnthropology, ed. George W. Stocking(Chicago:UniversityofWisconsinPress, 1983), pp. 18-55;MarcelFournier, MarcelMauss (Paris:Fayard, 1994). On thehistoryofphysical anthropology: Claude

Blanckaer

t,

L

Anthr

opologieper

sonnifie:P

aulBr

oca et la biologiedu genr

ehumain,preface toMmoiresdanthropologie, byPaulBroca (Paris: Jean-MichelPlace, 1989), pp. i-xiii and Mthodedesmoyennesetnotiondesriesuffisanteen

anthropologiephysique, inMoyenne, milieu, centre:Histoiresetusages, eds. Jacque-lineFeldman, GrardLagneau, andBenjaminMatalon(Paris:ditionsdelEHESS,

1991), pp. 213-43;JoyHarvey, RacesSpecified, EvolutionTransformed:TheSocial

ContextofScientificDebatesOriginatingintheSocitdAnthropologiedeParis

(1859-1902) (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1983); Jean-PierreBocquet-Appel,

LanthropologiephysiqueenFranceetsesoriginesinstitutionnelles, Gradhiva 6(1989): 23-34;MichaelHammond, Anthropology as a WeaponofSocialCombat

inLateNineteenth-CenturyFrance, JournaloftheHistoryoftheBehavioralSciences

16 (1980): 118-32;DeniseFrembach, LeLaboratoiredanthropologielcolepratiquedes hautestudes(LaboratoireBroca)(Paris:[n.p.], 1980);WilliamH. Schneider, Qual-ityandQuantity:TheQuest forBiologicalRegeneration in Twentieth-CenturyFrance(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1990).

8. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, Correspondance, ArnoldVanGennep

MarcelMauss, 5 March 1907;see alsoFournier, MarcelMauss, p. 355, n. 1.9. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, MarcelMauss MinistredelInstruction

Publique, typescript, n.d. [1913], 2 pages, onp. 2.

10. MarcelMauss, LethnographieenFranceet ltrangerI,RevuedeParis (1913),p. 549.

11. MarcelMauss, LethnographieenFranceet ltrangerII,RevuedeParis (1913),pp. 820-21.

12. Mauss, LethnographieII, p. 821.

13. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, ProjetdecrationdunBureauouInsti-

tutdethnologie, typescript, n.d. [1913], 7 pages, onp. 1.

14. ArchivesduMuseMH (AMH), CorrespondancePaulRivet, LucienLvy-Bruhl

PaulRivet, 26 December 1925, Lapremirefoisquejevousaidemandvotrecon-

cours, sijemesouviensbienctait unerceptionBd. St. Germaindansla maison

desAmricains.

15. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, PaulRivet MarcelMauss, 10 October

1913.

16. OnRivetslifeandwork, see, inadditiontoZerilli, IlLatooscuro, ChristineLaurire,PaulRivet, vieetoeuvre, Gradhiva26 (1999): 109-28; andJeanJamin, Lesavantetlepolitique:PaulRivet(1876-1958),BulletinsetMmoiresdelaSocitdAnthro-pologiedeParis 1, 3-4 (1989): 277-94.

17. ArchivesduRectoratdeParis (ARP), Institutdethnologie, carton 26, Projetde

crationlUniversitdInstitutdethnographie,ConseildelUniversitdeParis,

sancedu 24 novembre 1924 and Institutdethnologie, ProjetdeStatut.

18. ARP, Institutdethnologie, carton 26, Institutdethnologie, Modifications aupro-

jetderglement, ConseildelUniversitdeParis, sancedu 27 avril 1925;C. Gal-

lois, RapportsurleprojetderglementdelInstitutdethnologie, 18 May 1925;

Dcretportantcration lUniversitdeParisdunInstitutdethnologie, 1 August

1925.19. I amcurrently atworkonthehistoryofthetransformationoftheMETintothe

MH. Some aspectshavebeentreated inthefollowingworks:JamesClifford, ThePredicamentofCulture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress, 1989); JeanJamin, LEthnographiemodedemploi:Dequelquesrapportsdelethnologie avec

lemalaisedans la civilisation, inLeMaletlaDouleur, eds. JacquesHainard andRolandKaehr(Neuchtel:Musedethnographie, 1986), pp. 45-79;JeanJamin, La

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rences?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5Dhttp://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-5061()16L.118%5Baid=8034277%5D


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missiondethnographieDakar-Djibouti 1931-1933, CahiersEthnologiques5 (1984):1-179;JeanJamin, LeMusedethnographieen 1930:lEthnologiecommescience

etcommepolitique,inLaMusologieselon Georges-HenriRivire:coursdemusolo-

gie, texteset tmoinages (P

ar

is:Dunod, 1989), pp. 110-21;Jean Jamin, Lesobjetsethnographiquessont-ilsdeschosesperdues?inTempsperdu, tempsretrouv, eds.JacquesHainard andRolandKaehr(Neuchtel:Musedethnographie, 1985), pp.

51-74; JamesHerbert, Gods in the Machine at thePalaisde Chaillot, MuseumAnthropology 18, 2 (1994): 16-36;Elise Dubuc, Le futur antrieurdumusedelhomme, Gradhiva 24 (1998): 64-96; Nathalie Duparc, Musede lHomme,MusenationaldesArtsAfricains etOcaniens, Muse MunicipaldAngoulme:

Troispartisprismusologiquesdiffrents (Mmoiredematrise, Universitde

Paris, 1986). Forpublished contemporary accountsof the transformation, Paul

Rivet, Ethnologie, inLaSciencefranaise (Paris:Larousse, 1933), pp. 2:5-12 andLethnologieenFrance, Bulletin duMusum, 2esrie(January 1940): 38-52;Paul

Rivet andGeorges-HenriRivire, La rorganisationduMusedethnographiedu

Trocadro, Outremer (1930): 138-49;PaulRivet, PaulLester andGeorges-HenriRiv-ire, Le laboratoiredanthropologiedu Musum, NouvellesarchivesduMusumdhistoire naturelle 12 (1935): 507-31; andPaulRivet, Ltudedes civilisationsmatrielles:Ethnographie, archologie, histoire, Documents 3 (1929): 130-34.

20. For a moredetailed analysisofthecolonialconnectionsoftheMET andMH, see

Alice Conklin, Civil Society, Science, and Empire:The Foundation of Paris

MuseumofMan, Osiris 17 (2002): 255-90; andBenotdelEstoile, Desracesnon

pasinfrieuresmaisdiffrentes:DelExpositionColoniale auMusedelhomme,

inLespolitiquesdelanthropologie, ed. Blanckaert, pp. 391-476. De lEstoile arguesthattheColonialExpositionof1931 represented a criticalstepinthesubsequent

institutionalizationofethnologyattheMusedelhommein 1937. CertainlyRivetadoptedmanyofthethemes anddisplaymethodsoftheExpositionwhensetting

uptheMusedelhomme, butthedifferencesbetweentherepresentationsofcolo-

nialpeoplesinthesetwovenues are asinteresting astheirsimilarities.

21. AMH, 2 AM 1 A 2, PaulRivet MauriceFoulon, Sous-secrtairedtat auTravail, 24

October 1931, # 1905. AumomentolExpositioncolonialevafermersesportes,

ilestindispensablequunorganismepermanentdcentencontinueluvreduca-

tive, dautantplusquela plupartdescollectionsquiyonttruniesvontnoustre

transmises. Thesame argumentismadeinAMH, 2 AM 1 A 2, PaulRivet M. le

Snateur(sentto allsenators), 5 December 1931, # 2210 bis.

22. AMH, 2 AM 1 A 11, PaulRivet douardDaladier, PrsidentduConseil, 5 May

1938, # 825.

23. LucienLvy-Bruhl, LInstitutdethnologiedelUniversitdeParis,Revuedethno-graphieetdestraditionspopulaires 23-24 (1925): 233-36.

24. Ihavenotyetfound anyofLvy-Bruhlscorrespondencewitheitherhisstudentsor

colonialofficialscomparabletoMausssandRivets, whichwouldallowmetofol-

lowhissubsequentinvolvementintheInstitutdethnologie afteritsfounding.

25. ARP, Institutdethnologie, Carton 26, Annexedudcret du 1er aut 1925,

Rglement.

26. The Conseildadministration always included the following: theRecteur (Prsi-

dent), thedeansofthe four facults (Lettres, Sciences, Droit andMdecine), one

member

eachdesignat

edbyt

heEP

HE

(Fif

t

hsect

ion),t

heCollgedeFr

ance,

coledesLangues OrientalesVivantes, the Musum, thecole Coloniale, thecole

FranaisedExtrme-Orient, theministerofpubliceducation, thecolonialminister;

eachoftheGovernmentsGeneral(Indochine, AOF, AEF, Madagascar), aswell asthe

governorgeneralofAlgeria, andtheresidentgeneralofMorocco, andtheresident

generalofTunisia designated a member aswell. Finally, thecolonialministerwould

designatetwodelegatestorepresenttheothergovernments.

AliceL. Conklin44
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17/18

27. ARP, Institutdethnologie, Carton 25, Sancedu Conseildadministration, 25

November 1925.

28. Thetypicalsubsidywas 10,000 francsorless;ARP, InstitutdEthnololgie, Sancedu

Conseildadminist

r

ation, 27 May 1927.29. PierreSingaravlou, LcoleFranaisedExtrme-Orient, ou linstitution desmarges

(1898-1956):Essaidhistoiresocialeetpolitiquedelasciencecoloniale (Paris:Harmat-tan, 1999), p. 76.

30. Lvy-Bruhl askedFinot tojoin theConseildadministration inNovember 1925,

andhebecame a memberoftheConseildedirection in 1926. CamilleGuy also

joinedthelatterin 1926, whenDelafossedied.

31. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, LouisFinot MarcelMauss, 3 February

1925.

32. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, LouisFinot MarcelMauss, 14 October

1925.

33. AMH, 2 AM 1 D 14/f, arrtcrantunmusedethnographieenIndochine, Vu

larrtdu 8.7.29 instituantunecommissionchargedtablirunmusedhistoire

naturelleetdethnographie.

34. AMH, CorrespondancePaulRivet, PaulRivet PierrePasquier, 23 March 1931.

35. AMH, 2 AM 1 A 3, PaulRivet GouverneurGnraldelIndochine, 24 May 1932,

# 1074.

36. AMH, 2 AM 1 A 1, PaulRivet GouverneurGnraldelAOF, 30 June 1930, # 1006;

PaulRivet GouverneurGnraldeMadagascar, 18 July 1932, # 1554.

37. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, Correspondance, MarcelMauss Prsi-

dent(EPHE), 27 March 1931.

38. AMH, 2 AM 1 A 3, Georges-HenriRivire LucienCochain, 26 May 1932, # 1100.

39. AMH, 2 AP 5 D, PapiersAnatoleLewitsky, ActivitduMuseMH. Thenamesoftheinstitutionswere:LUniversitdAlger, leMusedeBardo Alger, la SocitdeGo-

graphiedAlgeretdelAfriqueduNord, la SocitHistoriqueAlgrienne, la Socit

dHistoireNaturelledelAfriqueduNord, InstitutScientifiqueChrifien auMaroc,

lInstitutdesHautestudesMarocaines, lInstitutdtudesSahariennes, lIFAN, la

SocitdtudesSoudanaises, laSocitdtudes Camerounaises, laSocitdes

Recherches Congolaises Brazzaville, lAcadmie Malgache Tananarive, Mada-

gascar, lInstitutFranaisde Damas, Syrie, lInstitutFranaisdIndianismede

Karikal, Indes, lInstitutBouddhiquedePnomPenh, Indochine, lAssociationdes

AmisduVieux Hu, Indochine, SectiondEthnologie LcoleFranaisedExtrme-

Orient, laSocitdestudesOcaniennesPapeete, Tahiti, laSocitdestudes

Melansiennes Nouma, NouvelleCaldonie.

40. In 1926-27, Mauss taught 30 lessons indescriptive ethnography; while three

lessons were taught in ethnographyofAfrica, by Camille Guy, and five in

InstructionsdAnthropologiebyPaulRivet. Thefollowingyear, Mausstaught 50

lessons, whilethenumberoflessonsinothercoursesstayedthesame. Archivesdu

Rectorat, Institutdethnologie, Carton 26, rapports annuels for 1926 and 1927.

SeventypagesoftypednotesfromMaussscoursein 1929-1930 weretakenbyY.

Oddon andT. Rivire. SeeAMH, 2 AP 2 A, Yvonne Oddon/1a.

41. CollgedeFrance, ArchivesMarcelMauss, Correspondance, MarcelMauss Charles

LeCoeur, 9 July 1931.

42. CollgedeFr

ance,Ar

chivesMar

celMauss, Corr

espondance, Mar

celMauss R

ad-

cliffe-Brown, 2 January 1935.

43. CollgedeFrance, Archives Marcel Mauss, Correspondance, Bernard Maupoil

MarcelMauss, 3 December 1936;MarcelMauss BernardMaupoil, 11 December

1936. Jesprequecela deviendra srieux. Dites-luibiendema partquepourrdi-

geruncoutumierdela valeurdeladatdugouvernementnerlandaisdelInde, il

faudra 30 ansdetravailet 60 vols.



18/18

44. ThenumberofstudentsfromthecoleColoniale amongtotalstudentsenrolled

increased as follows: 1927-1928, twooutof67; 1928-1929, tenoutof89; 1929-

1930, 32 outof114; 1931-1932, 28 outof145; 1933-1934, 61 outof1959. ARP,

Institutd

ethnologie, Ca

r

ton 26,r

appor

ts annuels.45. AliceL. Conklin, AMission toCivilize:TheRepublican IdeaofEmpirein Franceand

WestAfrica, 1895-1930(Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress, 1997).

AliceL. Conklin46