conclusion -...
TRANSCRIPT
Conclusion
" saikdon, hazaron talab achanak shunya se prakat nahi hue the. Inke peeche ek ikai thi banwane walon ki, to dahai thi banane walon ki. Yah ekai, dahai milkar saikda, hazar banti thi. Lekin pichle do sau barson mein naye kism ki thosdi si padhai padh gaye sama} ne is ikai, dahai, saikda, hazar ko hi shunya bana diya. Is naye sama} ke man mein itni sib hi utsukta nahi bachi ki usse pahle ke daur me in itne saare talab bhala kaun banata tha. Usne is tarah ke kaam ko karne ke liye, jo naya dhancha khada kiya hai, I T ka, civil engineering ka, us paimane se, us gaj se bhi usne pahle ho chuke is kaam ko naapne ki koi koshish nahi ki.
Wah apne gaj se bhi naapta to kum se kum uske man mein aise sawal to uthte ki us daur ki I T kahan thi? Kaun the uske nirdeshak? Kitna budget tha, kitne civil engineer nikalte the? Lekin usne sabko gaye zamane ka gaya, beeta kaam mana aur paani ke prashn ko naye dhang se hul karne ka vayda bhi kiya aur dawa bhi. Gaanvon, kasbon ki to kaun kahe, bade sharon ke nalon mein chahe jab bahne wala sannata is vayde aur dawe par sabse mukhar tippani hai. "
- Anupiull Mishra in Aaj Bhi Kharein Hian Talab
(Idiomatic Translation: Hundreds and thousands of ponds did not appear from
oblivion. There were some who commissioned work for these ponds and there
were many who actually constructed hundreds and thousands of them. But in
the last two hundred years they have been turned into zero by those who have
learnt a little from the new education. They are not even interested to know
from where thousands of these ponds emerged? Who were the people who
constructed these ponds? They did not even try to evaluate this work from their
own standards.
Conclusion
Even if they would have done this, they definitely would have asked
questions like, where was the IT those days, who were the directors of these
institutions and how many engineers they produced? What was their budget?
Instead they thought all this to be a work of past which does not hold any merit
now. They promised and tried to solve the question of water with their new
knowledge. But what to speak of the villages and towns, the screaming vacuum
in the taps ofthe big cities is one the most critical comment on this knowledge.)
This comment of Anupam Mishra sums up the reality, limitations and ironies of
our modem knowledge. Local communities in Rajasthan have been independent
in management of their natUral resources regardless of nature's apathy or
compassion and the rule of the times. An approach that had addressed all natural
resource-based needs of the villages, helped rural society to maintain ecological
prudence through local participation in conserving and regenerating village
ecosystems, lies in total disarray today. Government programmes have over the
years created a feeling of total dependence among the people. Today, villagers
not only expect the government to build roads and schools and give them
employment but also plant trees and grasses and look after their local water
sources like ponds and tanks. This has been self-defeating.
This study has tried to look into the factors that have been responsible
for this decomposition. But more importantly it has enquired into the new
processes which have been trying to re-establish the significance of this
approach and the role of these traditional institutions.
We have to look beyond the present times to find out the answers to
these questions of degeneration of the traditional systems, based on community
participation and indigenous wisdom. Mayank Kumar (2007) argues that the
linkages between environment, social structure, statecraft and cultural values
need to be examined to establish the necessity of state intervention in the
appropriation and management of water. In pre-colonial period people of this
region on their own initiative, and / or through community efforts, and / or by
state support had developed several mechanisms of water appropriation and
management to overcome the natural scarcity. By the time the Mughal Empire
186
Conclusion
collapsed in the beginning of the eighteenth century, the British East India
Company was more than a hundred years old. Without directly administering
most of Rajasthan, the Company, and later the Government of Great Britain,
indirectly ruled all of the princely states, including Marwar (Jain 1993; Spear
1986). While Mughal reforms had been in the interest of consolidating political
control, British reforms were designed to assure monopoly over resources and
trade (Bhattacharya 1972). This would lead to a very different strategy in
reforms, as the British sought to implement normalized legal system with
"modem" ideas of ownership, evidence, and public offence. While colonial
officials argued from the moral imperative of legal reform, much of the
institutional change was driven by the demands of British bankers and traders
who had difficulty recovering money or receiving contractually obligated goods
or services (Jain 1994). Through their efforts, central courts were established,
and local officials were pressed to circumvent traditional legal authorities. In
villages, the enforcement of this new legal code did a great deal to undermine
the power and authority of village panchayats. Dispute settlement continued to
be managed by local bodies to this day, however, and the power of traditional
laws was not destroyed entirely during the reform period (Gallanter 1989)
The net results of the institutional changes brought by the British Raj to
Rajasthan included a decline in the power of local panchayat bodies and a
decrease in local villagers' control over an access to community land. Even so,
panchayat authority survived in the wake of these social and legal changes, and
even colonial representatives who contributed to the hegemony of central power
admitted to the pervasiveness of the "useful panchayats" during this period
(Todd, 1920: 171).
In last six decades the modem institutions like the irrigation and forests
department, new democratic institutions like that of panchayati raj institutions
and the department of land development have been made responsible for the
maintenance and control of commons. But their roots have remained in the
British rulebooks which have made them anti-people and they have been
contested and protested by the communities many a times in recent times.
187
Conclusion
Community based organisations and voluntary agencies are often cited
as effective agents for ensuring people's participation in development programs.
We have found that all good cases of environmental conservation undertaken by
community based organisations and voluntary agencies are invariably those
cases where they have set up an effective institution at the village level and then
give moral, technical and financial support to it. It is the creation of a village
level institution which brings the people together, spurs them into action and
ensures the protection and the deVelopment of the natural resource base.
Lyla Mehta (2000) furthers the above statement by stating that in recent
years community management has become a buzzword in the water sector.
There is a growing consensus that water scarcity often arises due to bad water
management practices that can be overcome with alternative forms of
management. Within policy circles, participatory decentralized farmer-managed
irrigation systems, indigenous techniques of water management and local water
user committees are being promoted as the best alternatives to the failed top
down centralized water management systems of the past. The vision documents
also highlight these institutional approaches (e.g. Water Vision 2000: 2; Vision
21 :21)
Mayank Kumar also supports this argument but with some skepticism.
He states that in recent times traditional systems of water management have
been extensively examined in terms of their ecological relevance but wider
issues of socio-political dimensions have been neglected. The availability of
water in any region had been an important consideration in any pre-colonial
political formation (Wahi 1997: 267 - 84) and it was more of a concern in
Rajasthan due to peculiar environmental conditions. Contemporary records have
suggested that the peasantry managed most of their water requirement both for
the agricultural operations and potable purposes. Generally, the peasantry took
care of the water needs by adapting various indigenous methods of water
management, which evolved in response to the given environmental conditions.
Better management of water along with drought resistance agricultural
production has been a characteristic of pre-colonial Rajasthan. It is important to
note that a tendency towards cultivation of water - intensive cash crops became
188
Conclusion
evident only in the seventeenth century. However, it is only the wealthy sections
of the society, with the capacity for greater capital investment, practiced it. At
the same time, in the times of water scarcity, even they went back to the
cultivation of drought resistant crops (Gupta 1986; Singh 1990).
Summing up the Evaluation of Studied Cases
In defining and explaining "The Great Transformation" of the earth's surface
processes, Kates et a1. (1990) recognize normative and legal regulators of
behaviour as a driving force in environmental change, but they do not address
how these institutions function or how they modify landscapes. This is exactly
the problem encountered in theoretically discussing these efforts as an
integrated process. The normative social behaviour in form of cultural practices
and social sanctions and the authority of the village councils and religious,
semi- religious institutions are very difficult to bracket into any generalized
framework. They change from one region to another and in many cases from
one village to another. This problem has been countered during this study. The
three case studies of this research are aiming at one goal but their methods differ
in minute and bigger details. Methodology of Tarun Bharat Sangh is totally
different from that of Jal Bhagirathi Foundation though it is Rajendra Singh
who is present in both the institutions. In his own words, "If you want to know
the work in Gandhian style, like a commoner see my work and (f you want to see
Delhi style corporate work, see the work of Jal Bhagirathi Foundation." I do
not want to judge any of the works with this statement, but it shows the
differences in approach of two organisations working for same cause, with a
common person. Anupam Mishra is an example of a totally different typology.
He has inspired all such works and people revere him all over the country but he
has never taken any 'project' in his hands, except his work at the Gandhi Peace
Foundation, to which he is self-committed for life.
There are some fundamental questions about the pr~valence of factors
like hegemony of the elites, harmony of these institutions with others and issues
like role of caste and gender which have persisted through out the research.
They are most difficult to answer due to their inherent complexities. The
189
Conclusion
traditional authority of the Maharaja of Jodhpur has been out of question for
many villagers, but questionable when seen from the perspective of the
researcher. The Maharaja on the one hand is at the board of trustees of this ISO:
9000 certified organisation and on the other he receives nazrana from his
earstwhile zamindras and thaikanedars on his birthday. This dual role is
difficult to explain in any theoretical framework. By making available drinking
water to his praja, he is also establishing that he still cares for his people, which
is to an extent true. In case of TBS, Rajendra Singh does not belong to the
region, but many of his team members or karyakartas are from the dominant
castes of the region. One is not questioning the integrity of these people but
proximity with a prominent organisation of the region and their role in creating
new structures of self-reliance, gives them sufficient leverage in deliberations
and day-to-day affairs, which could not be quantified or described but could be
observed very clearly in their interactions with fellow villagers. Now we will be
discussing each case individually in context of aims and objectives and research
questions of the study.
Tarun Bharat Sangh
TBS has positioned its model as an alternative to the Government model of
drought proofing and drought mitigation. Using traditional knowledge and
peoples' participation to combat drought and water storage is a mantra that TBS
activists often talk about. The success that TBS has had in creating awareness
and mobilising participation among villagers has brought TBS to the attention
of a number of eminent persons, both within and outside the Government. Many
feel that the TBS approach will lead to better results than the more rigid
Guidelines for Watershed Development lay down by the Government. The
researcher, on the basis of field experience, feels that while on a small scale the
TBS model is very successful, a number of problems arise when efforts are
made to scale up or replicate the process in another area.
Making Water Everybody's Business (2001) quotes a 1996 study by G
D Agarwal, fonner head of the department of Civil Engineering, Indian Institute
of Technology, Kanpur, conducted in thirty six villages which hold that a Johad
190
Conclusion
with a storage capacity of 1000-1500 cubic meters per hectare has raised the
annual average groundwater table by about 5-6 meters. It can be said that water
conserved in structures lasts for a couple of months or more, depending on the
size of the structure and rainfall. And this has had a positive impact on
agriculture including increase in area cultivated and animal husbandry.
However, the avoidance of integrative and comprehensive land-water
management of a complete catchment and difficulties in sustainable institutional
arrangements like the TBS Gram Sabha have meant that there is insufficient
direction and focus in the scaling up process. TBS's lack of coordination, even
at the informal level, with the Government leads to many problems. TBS Gram
Sabhas are at times, positioned as substitutes to the official Panchayati Raj
Institutions, but they tend to become ineffective because they have no source of
income or authority.
Despite some shortcomings, the TBS approach does have many
positives that can be incorporated into Government projects. TBS awareness
creation methods are much more effective than the entry point activities of the
Government schemes. Also by giving private incentives for individual private
works, TBS is able to generate greater contributions and participation from the
community. TBS has generated leadership and built institutions which have
inspired many like Laxman Singh of Lapodiya and Maharaj Gaj Singh of Jal
Bhagirathi Foundation.
Jal Bhagirathi Foundation
JBF's strategy focuses on building the capacities of village-level institutions to
identify and address issues of ecological management and restoration. The
Foundation believes that villagers can attain this and much more only ifthere is
an effective village-level institution. This institution in form of Jal Sabha works
towards generating cohesion, motivating people, and providing a local platform
to control and manage the ecosystem and to resolve disputes. JBF emphasizes
on strengthening such institutions for facilitating democratic development
processes by partnering with primary stakeholders and local communities, and
limiting its own role to that of. a catalyst and facilitator. However, when one
191
Conclusion
examines these efforts sociologically, it is found that the traditional psyche has
not changed over the years. Many of the elders in villages still consider
Maharaja as the one whose authority is unchallenged. But they are happy that he
has revived his/ his family's responsibility towards their praja. There are
considerable changes in the younger generations who know about the processes
of democracy and they argue that it is the responsibility of the government to
take care oftheir need.
The Foundation promotes local representation with its village, block and
division level functional units. The effort is to inculcate in these units a spirit of
sharing resources, resolving conflicts and addressing their problems. JBF also
work towards eliciting their participation not only at the grassroots level, but
also at macro-level decision-making stages. This ensures the formation of a
cohesive and self-reliant community-based structure that can sustain the
activities of JBF on a permanent basis. Participation at the grassroots level is not
equal given the socio-political limitations and economic independence of the
disadvantaged sections of the region.
Moreover, it emphasizes on creating an enabling environment that
allows women's participation in the planning and resource management process.
Women's participation in the efforts of JBF is considerable fare given the socio
cultural limitations of the region and the factors of development. It is true that
their participation and say in decision making at village level is still below the
level of statutory 33 percent (as per rules of Panchayati Raj Institutions), but at
least it is a good start;
Amrutam Jalam Abhiyan
The role of media as a 'social catalyst' is evident in this campaign. Firstly it is
an effort initiated by Rajasthan Patrika, a reputed daily whose founders have
shown intact commitment to social causes since its beginning. Secondly, the
affect of visual media was also observed. Rajasthan Patrika has given a lot of
space to the coverage of these efforts ssssson the local pages and on the front
page too. They publish photographs of these works from all the localities where
the work is going on with descriptive reports of the people present and the
192
Conclusion
organisations who have participated. If an effort is going on for five or ten days
or for two weeks, they have published their daily reports like progress report.
This had a great impact. Those who have missed a day or a few days in the
beginning, after reading the reports come to the spot where the work is going on.
Most of them come to contribute to the community cause. Picture in print has
great impact. Those who see their photo in the newspaper feel proud of it and
they inspire many others to take part in these efforts.
The amount and kind of space Rajasthan Patrika has given to Amrutam
J alam Abhiyan is commendable in these times of commercialism. They have
given almost half a page on the days when the Abhiyan is going on at more than
one place in the city. The role of media as 'social catalyst' has been realized
fully in these efforts.
Observations from the field suggest that Rajasthan Patrika has broken
the decadent image of today' s media. In the times of rhetoric of corporate social
responsibility, Rajasthan Patrika has tried to fulfill its 'duty' which, in the
conventional sense is more than mere 'responsibility'. People have praised its
efforts in many ways and it has further inspired many such efforts at different
levels. One of those efforts is the replication of this model by the Government
of Rajasthan itself. The government of Rajasthan started a campaign called Jal
Chetna Yatra in summers of 2006. The campaign was an emulation of the
Amrutam Jalam Abhiyan to raise the consciousness and awareness of the people
towards the traditional water bodies.
Discussing the significance of traditional institutions and structures of managing
the natural resources at the community level with villagers, activists and scholar
in all these years has given me a chance to review my own experiences related
to nature and human interactions.
I remember going to my nanihaal with my mother. Those days there
was no bus or jeep after Thengda and we had to walk about three to four
kilometers. On one such visit, I now recall, my mother stopped in front of an old
one-room structure. She grew nostalgic and told me that this was the place
where her father, my nanaji, used to sit in his old age and serve water to the
passer byes. I was amused at this, as I could not relate to this fact that my
193
Conclusion
Nananji, who was a landed peasant used to sit in this room and serve water to
people, like many of those who sit at many pyaoos due to their economic
compulsions. If I remember correctly, I asked her about this and she told me
that serving water to the passer-byes is punya and dharma. I think she did not
tell me more than this. Now after reading many books and theories on
environmentalism, I have understood that this is the way of life which is an
integral part of traditions and culture of this land.
I recall another episode. When I try to remember daily routine of my late
grandfather now, around two decades later, I recall that he used to bathe early in
the morning, giving water to tulsi and mahwa and reading the Geeta after that.
Around nine or ten in the morning, when he used to sit for his brunch - he used
to have early lunch and late breakfast Irke most other from his generation - he
used to call us, any of the children at home at that time to give half of the roti
from his thali to make little pieces of it and then giving it to sparrows or other
birds. The last piece of his meal was left to feed the dog, who used to sit
patiently outside the gate.
How to describe all these? To which theoretical perspective should I put
it into? Environmentalism - care for the environment - trees, animals and birds,
came very late to the social theory of the West. And what we had, the way of
life we have lived through ages, is not considered 'sociological'! Shall I limit
myself to the existing theoretical paradigms or shall I look for new ones? Or is
it necessary that we should keep it in one or other theoretical paradigm?
In the last ways of managing the water resources through people's
participation in Rajasthan could be summed up in these words of Anupam
Mishra from The Radiant Raindrops of Rajasthan:
"There is an ancient word for riti in the vocabulary of this place, va}. Voj means composition, system and solution but it also means competence, discernment and politeness mixed with humility. Thus it is that the people of Rajasthan did not measure their rainfall in inches or centimeters, not even in fingers and hence but in drops. They cherish these millions of golden drops which they gathered with vigilance according to the principle of voj in order to fulfill their needs in water: so doing they set up a tradition so marvelous that its course which starts in history flows towards the present turning the present itself into history, through the competence of voj."
194
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Interview Schedule
Tarun Bharat Sangh and Jal Bhagirathi Foundation
(There is little change in the caste composition and water harvesting structures for both case studies)
A. Basic Information about the Village:
1. Name of respondent: __________________________ _
2. Name of Village I Tehsil IDistrict:
3. Total population (Caste wise approximate):
Sr. No. Caste I Community Population apprx. Male Female 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Guriar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other
4. Total number of Household (Caste wise approximate)
Sr. No. Caste I Community Household apprx. Male Female 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Guriar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other
5. Total land area of the village (in hectares)
Land Type Irrie:ated N on- irrie:ated Agriculture Pasture Forest Revenue Waste
c
G. Drinking Water:
Number Government Taps Private Pipeline Private well Community Structure
H. Irrigation Facilities:
Area Irrigated (hectares) No. of Wells Canal Tube Wells Other Source
I. Shops I Enterprises in the village (Caste wise):
Sr. No. Caste I Community No. 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gurjar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other
8. Livelihood I occupations caste wise:
Sr. Castel Agriculture Animal Labour Business Government Private Artisan Others No. Community Husbandry Job Job
1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gurjar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled
Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other
d
9. Migration (Caste wise):
Sr. Castel Community Permanent Seasonal No. 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gur.iar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other
B. Details of activities undertaken by TBS in the village
1. Water Harvesting Structure by TBS:
Structu Total New Repair Private Comm Year of Total TBS Village re No ed ly unity constru Cost Contri Contri
owned owned ctionlR bution bution epair
Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh Tanka Other
2. Water Harvesting Structure by sources other than TBS:
Structu Total New Repaired Private Comm Year of Total Implem Village re No ly unity constru Cost enters Contri
Owned Owned ction Contri bution Irepair bution
Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh
3. If possible the dimensions/capacity ofthe water harvesting structure may also be noted as well as thei r catchments and command area.
I
Structure Dimensions (metres)
Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh
e
4. Select 2-3 structures made by TBS in the village and proceed with the following questions on the detailed process of its construction.
A. What were the problems faced by the village before the TBS entry?
B. Details regarding the village first contact with TBS (How, When, Why, By whom)
C. Discussions held between TBS and the Village (Problem identification/Solution offered/Conditions laid down by TBS for further work)
D. How and why were this johad site selected/Criterion and process?
E. Who initiated the talk with TBS/ who took up the leadership?
F. How was the people opinion mobilized to build Johad and how were they motivated to contribute. (Role of Gram Sabha)?
G. Which people/community contributed the most? Why and How (In site selection, Monetary, Kind, Time, Other)?
H. Who did not contribute/participate and why?
5. Process of actual construction:
A. Who gives the technical input III designing the structure / how IS the quantity of earthwork decided?
B. How is the earthwork done, manually or by Machine? If done manually then who are the people who do it? Who decides about using machine and under what condition?
C. What records are maintained during the construction work and who does it. How are the wages decided? What is the system of measuring work and payments? Who handles the whole operation? Who decides?
6. What were the problems faced in the construction of the structure / any conflicts if any then how and by whom was it resolved.
7. Is the structure used by all irrespective of caste or controlled by a particular caste group?
8. Sustainability of the asset created:
A. How have the structures been maintained in the future (Old existing ones)?
B. Have the new and repaired structures been desilted or any other maintenance works undertaken after TBS withdrew. If yes then how many times ifno then why?
C. Have you created any system for the maintenance of Johads?
9. Gram Sabha:
A. How did you solve the village common problems before? Did any panch system exist in the village?
f
B. Do you have a gram panchayat? What role do they perform in the village development?
C. When was the Gram Sabha formed in the village? Why was it formed, how was it formed and who founded it. What is its new role? (Any role played by TBS)
D. How regularly are the meetings held and the attendance? If the Gram Sabha is not functioning then the reasons thereof?
E. Who are the present office bearers (Name, Caste, Age, Gender and relation among them). How are the office bearers selected. Any criteria for becoming a Gram Sabha member. (How many women member and office bearer)
F. What are the role and function of Gram Sabha, What are the records maintained, Bank Alc No if any?
G. What help (monetary, Training etc) the Gram Sabha gets from TBS for functioning effectively. How are the Gram Sabha activities financed?
H. Are the different Gram Sabha linked with one another?
I. What new changes Gram Sabha has brought in the village?
J. What is the working relation between TBS and Gram Sabha?
K. What are the various sub-committees (Gram Kosh, Forest Committee, etc) What are their role and function?
L. What is the process of laying down various rules & regulation? Who are the people who make these rules and regulation. How effectively they are implemented?
M. What are the problems being faced by the Gram Sabha. What is its future. Do you think this institution will sustain?
N. Is there any working relationship between Gram Panchayat and the Gram Sabha? O. Does the Gram Sabha interact with the Government Departments in the area?
P. What other initiatives the Gram Sabha has taken beside Johad construction work?
10. Tarun Bharat Sangh & its Staff:
A. How many TBS paid staff is working in the viII age? Their names.
B. How many volunteers are working in the village? Their names
C. How the staff recruited, training is provided, System of allotment of work, facilities given to the staff.
D. Are the staffs satisfied with there work. What kind of problems are faced by them in the implementation of work
E. Have you observed any change in the working style of TBS over the years? (Administrative, implementation of program, HRD and Organizational Structure)
F. Any other observations / comments.
g
11. Impact of Johads: (Select few plots lying in the command ofjohad and talk with their owners)
A. Do you migrate now?
B. Why, how many from the family, Where, What works they perform what are the month in which they migrate?
C. Any incident regarding a Household that had migrated before and has now come back. What was the position of migration earlier i.e. before the work on johad was done?
D. Water Security:
Total Before TBS After TBS Wells Wells revived Johads New Johads Months Johad retains water Change in Quality of water
E. Food Security:
For how many months does the food stock last? (Before and after johad construction)
2. For how many months does the food stock last? (Before and after johad construction)
3. Do you sell any surplus produce?
F. Agriculture Production:
1. Production of crops during Rabi, Kharif and Zaid ( Before & After). Change in cropping pattern.
2. Use of improved seed, fertilizer and modem Agricultural implements ( Pattern change in Agriculture).
G. Animal Husbandry:
1. Types of livestock- Local or Cross ( Income from livestock byproducts:
2. Change in the pattern of livestock keeping:
******