city hall - august 1, 2006

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

After 12 years with Peekskill’sGeorge Pataki (R) as gover-nor, some city advocates

see hope on the horizon. Attorney General Eliot Spitzer, whom

almost everyone expects to win the Democraticprimary and general election, hails from the

Bronx. He has lived in Manhattan most of his adultlife, and calls an apartment on Fifth Avenue home.

BY CARLA ZANONI

As new ManhattanBorough President ScottStringer’s (D) plan to

“reform and empower”Manhattan’s community boardshas started taking shape, thefour other borough presidentsare sticking to their own plansof action. They dismissStringer’s plan for reform, call-ing Manhattan a unique boroughthat is not reflective of their bor-

ough’s needs. But those familiarwith community boards acrossthe city are not quite convinced.

Community board appoint-ments and oversight are two ofthe only official powers left toborough presidents.

Stringer, whose first termbegan in January, began tacklingthe issues he says make commu-nity boards struggle the most,searching for a system thatmakes members accountable for

CONTINUED ON PAGE 6

“Outer Borough” PresidentsBristle at Stringer’s ReformsMolinaro, Markowitz, Marshall and Carrionsay their challenges are not Manhattan’s

INDEX:The August Poll: WhoShould Be Given aDaytime Talk Show?

Page 6

Crystal Ball: Predictionsfor the month ahead

Page 7

A Night at CharlieRangel’s 76th Birthday

Page 7

Issue Forum: GayMarriage

Pages 12-13Review of Brooke Masters’Spitzer Biography,Spoiling for a Fight

6

www.cityhallnews.com

Peter Vallone, Jr.is In the Chair(Page 2)

Pundits sound off onwhether MichaelBloomberg willrun for president(Page 4)

and Rep. CarolynMaloney has lunchat her favoriteFrench bistro.(Page 15)

CONTINUED ON PAGE 8

Manhattan Borough PresidentScott Stringer (D) introducedseveral changes to his bor-ough’s 12 community boards.

Vol. 1, No. 3 August 2006

AG CandidatesFirm Up LawSupporters

BY JAMES CALDWELL

Lawyers seem to havetaken an active interest inwhich of the four Democratsrunning for attorney generalgets the nomination in nextmonth’s primary

If money is the measure,Andrew Cuomo is thelawyer’s favorite, leadinglawyer fundraising by more

MONEY TRAILTHE

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A Governor fromthe City?

Good times may be aheadfor the Big Apple

if Spitzer wins

BY MATT ELZWEIG

PETER F. VALLONE, JR.(D-Queens) entered his districtoffice carrying a canvas bag with

sneakers in it and had an iced coffee in hisother hand. He had just dropped one of hisdaughters off at camp and was hoping to hitthe gym later on. He plays four instruments,loads of sports, works 12 hour days regular-ly, and manages to devote all of his remain-ing time to his two daughters and the rest ofhis family. During the blackout, standard 12hour days were stretched to 15.

Michael Distefano owns the local ColdStone Creamery, which wasforced to close due to lastmonth’s blackout. For him,Vallone’s fighting spirit isclear. Distefano’s struggle isnot over, but he creditsVallone for helping him per-sonally, and for “going to batagainst Con Ed.”

Vallone says he has had a“sense of justice” since hewas a kid.

Throughout his child-hood and adolescence, hewanted to be a police officer,but by the time he was oldenough to walk a beat, hewas studying political sci-ence and then law, both atFordham University.

This led to six years as anassistant district attorney inManhattan. It was a jobVallone felt combined hisinterests in police work andlaw. And he would likelyhave stayed were it not for a

baby on the way, juxtaposed againstthe less than $50,000 he was making atthe time.

For the next ten years, he workedwith his father and namesake, the for-mer Council Speaker who ran for bothgovernor and mayor, in their privatelaw practice, Vallone & Vallone, locat-ed next to his current office in Astoria.

His father’s legacy and his gratitudeto him is obvious, and he does notthink he will be “able to fill” his shoes.Vallone, Jr. watched him work for 27years and says it showed him that “oneperson could make a difference and

could really make lives bet-ter [for] the people aroundhim.”

Now in his second term,Vallone, Jr. has continuedto chair the Public SafetyCommittee, which over-sees all matters related tothe police, the courts, theprosecutors, civilian com-plaints, juvenile justice, emer-gency management and organ-ized crime.

Given his professional andeducational backgrounds, it wasa logical choice for Vallone, whosays he is “determined to getprosecutors more money.”Having sat at the prosecutor’sand defense tables, he saw it as“the position that was made for”him and he actively sought itout.

After stiffening the penaltiesfor graffiti, this became perhapshis signature issue, though hesays this was inadvertent, and is

just one of many things he is proud to haveworked on as chair.

He is also proud of public safety initia-tives that have resulted in cameras beingplaced in public schools, illegal gun legisla-tion passed this summer, a commitment tomaking nightlife safer and 1,200 new copsbeing included in the new budget under hiswatch.

Vallone, who is not known for pullingpunches, recently came to the forefront ofcity news during the outcry over ConEdison’s handling of the blackout thatwashed over Queens, by criticizing MayorMichael Bloomberg (R) for thanking KevinM. Burke, head of the energy giant.

“The mayor doesn’t seem to appreciate

the severity of what’s gone on here,”Vallone said. He maintains that the peo-ple at Con Ed who, in his view, mishan-dled the crisis “should go to jail.”

Vallone’s top priority is and will con-tinue to be “public safety … and makingit the city and the mayor’s number onefocus.”

Many assume Vallone will run forQueens district attorney in 2009, if termlimits are not repealed and he is forcedfrom office.

He acknowledges that “Queens D.A.is one of those [positions] I think I’ll bevery good at.”

Vallone’s opposes term limitsbecause he thinks they force Councilmembers to think about their next joband to begin raising money as soon asthey start working in their new posi-tions.

For example, he denies that hisfather was forced out by term limits,and says he was going to run formayor regardless of the approaching

end of his tenure in the Council.Term limits should be extended for an

additional term, he argued.Speaking about his brother, Paul Vallone

described the Council member as bringing“that litigator mentality” to public life, con-stantly offering “proof” to constituents,other legislators, and reporters.

“I think Pete’s different in that he’s pas-sionate in his convictions and he’s not tooconcerned about the politically correctanswer … [and] he’s not a media hound,” hedoesn’t “try the perfect quotes over andover, or over a single issue … [he] seesthings through and then moves on to thenext thing.” ■

[email protected]

The Speaker’s Son Speaks for HimselfGraffiti and his political future on his mind, Vallone chairs Public Safety Committee

2 AUGUST 2006 CITY HALLwww.cityhallnews.com

INT. 392 – A bill that would shifthomelessness surveys to the summermonths.

SPONSORS: Speaker Christine Quinn(D-Manhattan), 3rd District, CouncilMember Bill de Blasio (D-Brooklyn),39th District

Currently the city conducts its censusof New York’s homeless during winter.However, cold weather makes trackinghomeless people especially hard in win-ter, leading to potential undercounts.Accurate surveys are necessary to prop-erly apportion city services to the home-less population.

“The Coalition for the Homeless regu-larly says the numbers are low, that they

don’t represent reality,” explained deBlasio, who noted Quinn’s and theCoalition’s instrumental involvement inpushing this legislation.

The bill would put the homeless cen-sus during summer, when they are lesslikely to be living underground or in other

shelter and are therefore more visible.

INT. 369 – A bill to require theDepartment of Education to report tothe City Council on the status ofBilly’s Law.

LEAD SPONSOR: CouncilmemberVincent Gentile (D-Brooklyn), 43rdDistrict

Gentile sponsored Billy’s Law, named

for a boy living in his district, when hewas in the State Senate. The law helps thestate monitor the treatment of childrensent to out-of-state facilities for special-ized care and mental-health treatment.

In June, the Department of Education(DoE) issued a critical report on a facility in

Massachusetts that was using electroshockcollars as punishments for trivial infrac-tions. Students were also forced to wearthese devices while showering. Two-thirdsof the students were from New York State.

The purpose of this new legislation is“protecting a population of New York stu-dents who really don’t have a voice at all,”said Gentile. “What we need to do on thecity level is empower the city DoE to vig-

orously collect data and report it back.”

INT. 399 – A local law to amendthe administrative code of the city ofNew York, in relation to requiring theinstallation of a stop sign or trafficcontrol signal at every intersectionimmediately adjacent to any school.

SPONSOR: Andrew Lanza (R-StatenIsland), 51st District

The ultimate goal of this and a com-panion bill, also under consideration inthe Transportation Committee, is to “cre-ate a safety zone around each of ourschools,” according to Lanza.

He said he first got the idea from driv-ing through the suburbs of New Jersey,where traffic fines inside such zones areautomatically doubled.

“Our children are our most vulnerablepedestrians,” he said. “This has been along time coming.”

— By Vijay Phulwani and

Sal Gentile

ON THEAGENDA

Bills on the burnerfor the Council :

Peter Vallone, Jr. is defining an identity ofhis own on the Council.

Vallone’s sash andtie rack.

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INTHE CHAIR

CITY HALL AUGUST 2006 3www.cityhallnews.com

BY COURTNEY MCLEOD

ONCE UPON A TIME, LOCAL 32BJ OF THE

Service Employees International Union was alarge but politically inactive force in municipal

politics.Today, political consultants rate 32BJ, which represents

60,000 doormen, janitors and other building-service work-ers in New York City, as one of the city’s most influentialunions.

“Next to 1199, which dwarfs all labor political laboroperations in our city, 32BJ has one of the more activistand organized political action groups,” said ScottLevenson, a Democratic political consultant with stronglabor ties.

32BJ, nicknamed “the doormen’s union,” rounds out alist of influential unions that includes 1199, the health careworkers’ union local that belongs to the same SEIU as32BJ; District Council (DC) 37, the city’s largest municipalpublic employees union; and the United Federation ofTeachers.

Democratic political consultants say 32BJ has gonefrom outsider to insider by building a large and politicallyactive membership and bringing on savvy leaders who areexpected to further improve their political operation.

“The goals of our political program are about buildingthe ability of our union to pass pro-worker legislation andto make sure that our members are involved in civic life inNew York,” said Peter Colavito, the union’s political direc-tor.

Colavito, who has a background in activist progressivepolitics, has been 32BJ’s political director since 2004.

Many have credited the union’s president, MikeFishman, with reinvigorating the union. Fishman, who hasa long history as a union leader and has strong ties to thenational labor movement, took the helm in 2000. A mem-bership drive added 10,000 members.

Fishman’s potency hasn’t gone unnoticed: he madeNew York magazine’s “Influentials” list this year, joiningSenator Hillary Rodham Clinton, Attorney General andgubernatorial-hopeful Eliot Spitzer and City CouncilSpeaker Christine Quinn, all Democrats.

Colavito says having a strong political program helpsthe union move strong legislative policy that benefitsunion members and their families.

“We believe that if the city, the state, the federal govern-ment is going to be a part of economic development, they

need to make sure that those aregood jobs that are createdthrough subsidies and taxbreaks,” Colavito said.“The governmentshould not be subsi-dizing poverty jobs for janitorsand doormen.”

The lobbying expenses andcampaign contributions paidout by 32BJ indicate theextent to which the unionhas ramped up its politicalactivity, not just at the citylevel but at the state level, as well.

In the course of three years,32BJ’s lobbying expenses increasedmore than tenfold: $9,171 in 2003; $15,980 in 2004;and $96,366 in 2005, according to data from the New YorkState Commission on Lobbying.

The money spent on statewide campaigns follows thesame upward trend: $45,195 in 2002; $9,744 in 2003;$92,004 in 2004; and $91,393 in 2005, according to statecampaign finance data.

For political hopefuls, an endorsement from 32BJbrings money, but it also has the power to open doors.Literally.

“The fact that 32BJ represents the doorman in manybuildings that many people in the public don’t have accessto lets them get information out and in voters’ hands thatis usually far more difficult to get out,” Levenson said.

32BJ made its electoral politics debut in 2001 when itendorsed Mark Green for mayor, a move that led to someproblems.

In 2002 Manhattan District Attorney RobertMorgenthau (D) began an 18-month investigation into alle-gations by several union members that they were coercedto spend days off stumping for Green. In 2003, the unionadopted a political activities code of conduct and hired anoutside law firm to oversee its campaign activities.

No charges were filed.When asked about the investigation, Colavito said sim-

ply, “That’s old news.”With its endorsement of Green in the 2001 mayoral pri-

mary, 32BJ began its process of setting itself apart from1199, which backed then-Bronx Borough PresidentFernando Ferrer (D).

“ W h e r e a severything in our city with regard to

labor is usually seen through an 1199 filter,32BJ has gone a long way over the pastfew years to secure its own politicalidentity,” said Levenson, who workedfor Green until 1998. “They’re beginning

to develop an independent identity andan independent political operation which is

powerful in and of itself.”Colavito describes the relationship between 32BJ and

1199SEIU as amicable. “Where we can we work together,” he said. He pointed

out that 32BJ and 1199SEIU represent workers in differentindustries. “Sometimes that means that our goals our dif-ferent. But our goals are rarely at odds.”

The Service Employees International unions backedopposing candidates again in 2005. Ferrer retained 1199’ssupport, while 32BJ went for Mayor Michael Bloomberg(R).

DC 37 has also reinvigorated its political operation,along with various other unions around the city.

This November will be no different. 32BJ has backedGreen in his attorney general bid, and 1199SEIU hasendorsed Andrew Cuomo.

Mark Benoit, a spokesman for Green, said the backingof 32BJ is key among Green’s seven labor endorsements,which include SSEU Local 371 (social workers and childcare workers) and the Uniformed Fire Alarm Dispatchers.

“Some endorsements are in name only, and some areworth more than just the name,” Benoit said. “32BJ isworth more than just the name. The name is enough, butthey also have a politically active constituency.”

Last year more than 3,000 members of 32BJ volun-teered for political campaigns. Colavito said there areno formal plans at this date to mobilize volunteers forGreen’s campaign, but he expects some union mem-bers to volunteer. ■

Getting ItsFoot in thePolitical DoorCharting its own path, 32BJgrows into potent political force

STATE OF THE UNIONSIn the land of protected

lobbies, having thedoormen on your side can

be a major advantage.

2001 mayoral race. If no way materializes, well,nothing lost... Bloomberg can always say he wasnever interested and go into philanthropy.

Will he run? Hard to say. I think he’d like to runif he has some chance of victory. If it’s a losingcause, he won’t. He’ll become a philanthropistand focus on the public health issues that are

near and dear to his heart.

What odds would you give it? 2 in7... which is much better oddsthan he got when he ran formayor in 2001.

ED KOCHFormer Mayor How do you explain it? He’srecognizedall over thecountry ass o m e o n ewhose pol-itics arebalanced,liberal butmoderate, and appealing toconservatives because ofhis conservative financialbackground, how he pulledNew York City out of the redcolumn and into a thrivingcommunity.

His advisors certainlywould like to be advisors toa president.

Will he run?I can take him athis word, and he says he’s not.

What odds would you give it? 25 per-cent.

MITCHELL MOSSHenry Hart Rice Professor of UrbanPolicy and Planning Robert F. Wagner Graduate School ofPublic Service at New York UniversityHow do you explainit? I think that there’sa lot of uncertainty inthe national politicalarena, and a tremen-dous desire for a non-partisan politicalvoice is underlyingthe appeal for Bloomberg. There’s also agenuine sense that the Washingtonmilieu is basically paralyzed.

There is fundamental desire byAmericans for people who know how toget things done instead of just engagingin ideological battles. The most impor-tant fact about the national politicalenvironment is how uncertain it is. And Ithink there is a genuine relationship thatAmericans have to New York today thatthey did not have before.

Will he run? [Would not speculate.]

What odds would you give it? Odds? Howwould I know odds? I’m a professor—Idon’t know anything about gambling.

MICKEY CARROLL Director,PollingInstitute ofQuinnipiacUniversityHow do youexplain it?Well they talkabout it, but I

mentioned to Kevin Sheekey, “Letme offer six words, Ross Perot, JohnAnderson, George Wallace.” Stop andthink about it: how are you going to run?Republicans won’t nominate him,Democrats won’t nominate him.

What would he run as, an independ-ent? He’d need a majority of the elec-toral vote—not even the most, a majori-ty. And suppose it went into the House ofRepresentatives—he’d have no party.

The one thing you’ve got to say aboutBloomberg is he won an election heshouldn’t have run the first time around,so, what the hell?

Will he run? The funny thing aboutBloomberg is this: he’s obviously anincredibly capable, energetic guy, andwhat is he going to do after City Hall?But short of him becoming a Democrator a Republican and getting the nomi-nation, there’s no way in the world.

What odds would you give it? Assumingthat he’s a very smart man, which he is,the odds are roughly 100% against himrunning. The chances of him winningare zilch.

KEVIN WARDALLYDirector, Political &GovernmentalOperationsBill Lynch Associates,LLCHow do you explainit? I think thatBloomberg running

for president is a hoax. I think hischances are minimal at best. He’s not areal Republican. He became aRepublican out of expediency to avoidhaving to run in the Democratic primary.But I think he has some smart advisors,and it’s smart politics to keep him in themix. That way he’s not just a lame duckmayor, but a player on the nationalstage.

Will he run? No.

What odds would you give it? 25 to 1against him running.

MARCIA KRAMERInvestigative and Political Reporter,Co-host, “Kirtzman & Kramer”WCBS-2 How do you explainit? Bloomberg, likeany good businesstycoon, is trying tokeep his options open.Proof? He put his cam-paign manager, KevinSheekey, on the citypayroll as deputy mayor for intergov-ernmental affairs, which means thatSheekey deals with all things political. Ithink one of Sheekey’s missions may beto see if there’s a way to squeezeBloomberg into the race... most likely asan independent third party candidateand possibly self-funded, much like his


PUNDIT POLL

So Michael Bloomberg isrunning for president. Or he isnot. Or he is toying with the idea.Or he has dismissed it entirely.

One way or another, the Bloomberg forPresident campaign is thriving in people’sminds and in the media, with all sorts ofdifferent explanations afloat aboutwhat the man who nevermoved into Gracie Mansionmight think of the WhiteHouse.

City Hall asked eightexpert observers of variousprofessions, politicalstripes and backgroundsfor their take on why thediscussion persists,and what reality mayhave to say about itcome 2008.

Hail to the Chief Executive Officer?HANK SHEINKOPFDemocratic Political Consultant How do you explainit? First of all, it’s flat-tery that peoplewould think thatyou’re presidentialmaterial, so why stopthe rumors? Two: Itheightens yourstature beyond NewYork. Three: The normative messageprobably revolves around very simplyideas. He’ll protect your job, and he’llprotect your home. People care aboutthe economy and security. You know,he’s a proven manager, so he’s got to getback to the management thing.

Will he run? Too early to tell, but it’s notthe craziest idea I’ve ever heard.

What odds would you give it? 50/50

THOMAS OGNIBENEFormer Council Republican Leader2005 Conservative Party Candidate forMayorHow do you explain it? When I firststarted campaigning with the mayorwhen he first started to run, he wasquite the novice. I think he’s gottenmuch better at being a political figure.

He said he could spend about $500million and that’s a big deal.

I don’t think hecould ever becomepresident, but hecould become a seri-ous power broker. Idon’t think people areready for a MikeBloomberg.

Will he run? He has come to love beingin the limelight, and he enjoys being apolitical figure.

I think he actually will do it.

What odds would you give it? Evenmoney.

JIMMY BRESLINColumnist and Author How do you explainit? Months beforeBloomberg was elect-ed I told a table ofpeople includingWayne Barrett, JackNewfield, Morty Matz,and Bill Cunninghamthat he would run for president andmight even win. He has the money andthe ego. To me these are not rumors.They are merely confirming my abilityto see again.

Will he run? Yes.

What odds would you give it? [Wouldnot say.] ■



Learn

Bloombergesetospeak

When it comes to speaking about

New York City police officers,

Mayor Bloomberg has invented a

new language.

We call it Bloombergese.

Allow us to translate for you:

Bloombergese Plain EnglishWe’d like to pay our police officers more.

We want police officers to believe we appreciatethem but have no intention of giving them a welldeserved raise.

We don’t have the money to give policeofficers a bigger raise. We have over $5 Billion in surplus but want to

spend it on other things.New police officers get “all that money”after 5 1/2 years on the job. At top pay, New York City police officers are among

the lowest paid big city cops in the country.All police officers have to do is provideproductivity savings. All police officers have to do is give up vacation days

and holidays and work longer hours instead of beingmore efficient.

We have to stick to “pattern bargaining.”We ignore the part of the Taylor Law that requiresus to consider risk, danger and special training indetermining wages, so police deserve no more thanclerks get.

The PBA has no interest in negotiatinga contract. The PBA hasn’t settled because we haven’t made a

single offer that represents any real increase in wageor benefits.

Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association40 Fulton Street New York, NY 10038 212-298-5531 Patrick J. Lynch President

of the City of New York

Pay NYC Police Now.

BLOOMBERG FOR PRESIDENT?First

divulging conflicts of interest and the lobbying attemptsat members, reducing the role of politics in the appoint-ment process and staff hiring, and standardizing fundingto reflect the population served. He also said that he willintroduce new methods of accountability for communi-ty board performance, push for the inclusion of anurban planner on each community board staff andencourage each community board to create a 197-A, aneighborhood plan built by community consensus.

“We want to make the community board meetingsthe real town hall meeting where people can shape andmold their communities,” said Stringer.

Borough Presidents James Molinaro (R-StatenIsland), Helen Marshall (D- Queens) and MartyMarkowitz (D-Brooklyn) maintain that they are interest-ed in making the community boards function at opti-mum levels, but that the issues presented by Stringerhave little to do with their respective boroughs. Carriondid not comment on Stringer’s proposal.

All four are in their second terms and barred by cur-rent term limits from seeking reelection in 2009, thoughMarkowitz and Carrion have made clear their interest inhigher office. Stringer, meanwhile, is widely expected to

seek citywide office by 2013, if not by 2009.The other borough presidents said that Stringer

faced different challenges than they did. “In Manhattan, you’re dealing with people not know-

ing each other or the people you are dealing with,” saidMolinaro. As for Staten Island, he said, “We don’t needany reform. It’s fine the way it is.”

Markowitz echoed these sentiments for Brooklyn,and Queens Deputy Borough President Karen Koslowitzsaid that she has never heard of any community boardsin the area having problems with conflicts of interest,lobbying or lack of training.

“Our board members take their jobs very seriouslyand would be offended if lobbyists tried to invade thecommunity boards,” she said.

Mark Davies, executive director for the Conflicts ofInterest Board, disagreed with this assessment.

“Conflicts of interest potentially could arise at anycommunity board,” he said. “It’s difficult because com-munity board members have built in conflict of inter-ests, because they have ties to the community and that’swhy you want them there.”

Eight Democratic City Council members and 12 com-munity boards from every borough but Staten Island,along with numerous civic organizations, endorsed the“Campaign for Community-Based Planning.” This com-munity board reform plan was drafted by the MunicipalArts Society, a private urban planning consortium.

Though boroughs have individual needs—stadiums,waterways, airports, landfills, to name a few—the mech-anism for addressing the needs should be uniform, saidEve Baron, director of the Municipal Arts Society.

“I’m not saying that each board needs to be identi-cal,” said Baron, “but they need to be standardized.”

In 2005, the Municipal Arts Society released a reportchronicling the ways boards are impeded from function-ing effectively. The report entitled, “LivableNeighborhoods for a Livable City: PolicyRecommendations to Strengthen Community-BasedPlanning in New York City” outlined several of the sameissues Stringer has adopted for his own use inManhattan.

Baron said that her organization made the reportavailable to all borough presidents and formallyapproached Carrion, Markowitz and Stringer, then aleading candidate in the Democratic primary for the job.

Stringer signed on to the plan for reform, as didCarrion.

While Stringer has put some of the recommendationsinto place, over a year later, Carrion said his office is“currently developing a program for all members toreceive ongoing training and education on importantissues.”

To date, Markowitz has done nothing to implementthe proposal.

“Each community board is a self-governing entity,and I am confident that conflicts and issues of trans-parency are handled by every board accordingly,” hesaid.

Tom Angotti, a professor of urban planning at HunterCollege and who was involved in the Municipal ArtsSociety plan, said community boards can only be effec-tive if the city makes them accountable to and represen-tative of the community they serve. Boards also need tobe given the resources they need. Angotti said the cityplanning the boards are engaged in should be more con-nected to the city’s budget process.

“Right now the meetings are more like the 4H-Club,”he said. “In a period of four hours, every communityboard in the city gets to say a few words and then it’sover.”

Council Member Tony Avella (D-Queens) agreed,adding that reform is imperative for the system to workin the long run, but that it will not work without the cashto run the boards.

“Community boards, which are supposed to be theeyes and ears for the community, constantly find them-selves without resources,” he said.

On average, each board receives approximately$200,000 to operate. The monies go toward salaries, sup-plies and research costs.

Budgets were cut during fiscal year 2002 and havenever reached their previous budget level. Some com-munity boards that serve higher populations receiveless than boards with fewer members.

One of the areas Avella said are in need of the mostreform is the land use process.

Stringer said that his plans for in-depth training, onland use, budgeting and various other issues, are intend-ed to “empower” the boards.

Several in the administration of Mayor MichaelBloomberg (R) seem to be in support of Stringer’sreforms, with Deputy Mayors Ed Skyler and DanDoctoroff each attending different community boardtraining sessions.

“We want to give people the flavor of how deep theycan go,” Stringer said.

But Molinaro said that he did not think communityboard members who attend six hours a month of meet-ing should have major power to make decisions for thecommunity.

“Community boards are an advisory committee,” helater said. “They are not to do the duties of the boroughpresident.” ■

[email protected]


Community Boards

Few City Council members shy away from television cameras. They squeeze in on the sides of press confer-ences and tend to look achingly at their colleagues doing stand-ups with the local television cameras. Butwho would be the best star of a daytime talk show?

The 51 Council members and Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum (D) considered that question this month. G.Oliver Koppell (D-Bronx), the only one with much experience on the job (he hosted his own program while attor-ney general in the early 1990s), cast his vote for Simcha Felder (D-Brooklyn), perhaps because of the same traitswhich got Felder elected funniest Council member in the June poll. And, by coming in second, Felder proved hispopularity in the Council once again.

“Simcha is my answer for every poll—as long as it’s something good,” explained Andrew Lanza (R-Staten Island). Thomas White, Jr. (D-Queens) said Felder had “a good sense of humor, is intelligent, knows the issues, adds

humor to sad things, and has brightness and empathy”—enough to get Felder to call White “mom” and embracehim.

White’s support helped Felder edge out Charles Barron (D-Brooklyn) by one vote,though Barron’s name was often mentioned as the Council members considered.

“Charles would get very high ratings,” said Eric Gioia (D-Queens). “I just don’tknow if advertisers would advertise with him.”

“Charles Barron is the most controversial—he’d be like Howard Stern,” agreedErik Martin Dilan (D-Brooklyn), though he voted for Lewis Fidler (D-Brooklyn),who received two other votes.

But the runaway winner was James Oddo (Staten Island), the Council’sRepublican leader. Reveling in the impending victory, he explained that he had been

lobbying for votes. When pressed to choose one person, he voted for Barron, thoughhe had originally voted for a pair: himself and Barron together, to be “like Hannity &

Colmes,” he said. “We’ve given NY1 their best television ratings in 10 years when Charles and I are on,”Oddo said.

Who Should Be Givena Daytime Talk Show?

THE AUGUST POLL

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

James Oddo 15 Simcha Felder 6Charles Barron 5Lewis Fidler 3Christine Quinn 3Helen Foster 2Melinda Katz 2Domenic Recchia 2Bill de Blasio 1

Dan Garodnick 1Dennis Gallagher 1Alan Gerson 1Letitia James 1Miguel Martinez 1Diana Reyna 1Larry Seabrook 1Could not decide 1Did not vote 3

RESULTS:

PAM

AS

EN

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OTO

Council Member James Oddo

“A rainbow coalition of newlyelected progressive commu-nity-based elected officialsheading to Albany inJanuary 2007 willinclude: Eric Adams, BillBatson, and KenDiamondstone ofBrooklyn, Bill Perkins ofManhattan, HiramMontserrat of Queens, andJanele Hyer-Spencer of StatenIsland.”—Norman Siegel, civil liber-ties attorney and two-timecandidate for public advo-cate.

“My new District-Wide Anti Graffiti Initiative will be a hugesuccess in combating graffiti vandalism and will hopefullycatch on in other areas throughout the City.”—City Council Member Tony Avella (D-Queens)

“Polling will show that security conscious New Yorkers havereinvigorated the chances of Republican victories in local andstatewide elections.”

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What toexpectin themonthahead:

CRYSTALBALL

High hopes and enthusiastic backslapping were very much on theagenda August 9, as Rep. Charles Rangel (D-Manhattan) turned76 and hosted his traditional birthday bash at Tavern on the Green.

Speaker after speaker took time from the heavy buffets and open bars tolavish praise on the 18-term congressman, who put the money he raisedoff tickets to the Democratic efforts to retake the House. It was not totallyaltruistic, of course: with a majority of Democrats, Rangel is likely tobecome the chair of the powerful Ways & Means Committee.

How that will hold up outside the walls of Central Park remains to be seen.

Charlie RangelTurns 76

Council Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) shares a thought withAttorney General and Democraticgubernatorial candidate Eliot Spitzer.

City Council Member Gale Brewer, Rep.Carolyn Maloney, Council SpeakerChristine Quinn, Assembly MemberHerman “Denny” Farrell and formerManhattan Borough President C. VirginiaFields laugh it up as Rangel takes themicrophone.

State Sen. David Paterson took time outfrom his lieutenant governor campaignto emcee the evening.

ANDREW SCHWARTZ PHOTOS

Rangel was instrumental in getting Hillary Clinton to look at running forthe Senate in the first place back in 1999, and he is still putting her in agood mood.

Someone who has walked the streetsof New York every day, some say, wouldmore likely be more invested in whatthose streets look like.

“He has more of a day-to-day experi-ence with an urban environment,” saidAssembly Member Jonathan Bing (D-Manhattan), who counts Spitzer amonghis East Side constituents, adding thatSpitzer would be “more sensitive to thingson the city level.”

Spitzer might not be alone. His lieu-tenant governor running mate, DavidPaterson, lives across town. All-but-cer-tain to be reelected Comptroller AlanHevesi lives across the East River inQueens. And the northernmost majorparty candidate for attorney general livesno more than 30 miles away.

Not to mention Assembly SpeakerSheldon Silver (D), who hails from LowerManhattan.

August might seem a little early to startthinking about what the city might looklike under Gov. Eliot Spitzer, but the pollshave long made it clear that if Spitzer’smargin of victory in November is less than15 percent, it will be fair to call it a disap-pointment.

“I guess even John Faso has faced thereality that he’s the underdog and it’s anuphill fight,” said State Sen. SerphinMaltese (R-Queens) of the Republican and

Conservative Party nominee.The city has perennially gotten the

short shrift, enough to feed a century anda half of secession talk in some quarters.The $14 billion difference between whatthe city sent Albany last year and what itgot back even prompted Peter Vallone, Jr.(D-Queens) to reintroduce his formalsecession bill in the City Council.

With the city getting back only about 65cents on every dollar it sends to Albany intaxes, “it’s like you’re in a poker game andyou put in $1 and I put in $2 and we agreedto split the pot,” said State Sen. MartinConnor (D-Brooklyn/Manhattan).

Most expect that to change underSpitzer, whether because he and the otherlikely statewide officials will call down-state home or because they would becatering to traditional Democratic urbanconstituencies. A metropolitan dream-scape is growing in the minds of manywho believe Spitzer will do well by hishometown as governor.

Several court cases during Pataki’stenure have effectively expanded the gov-ernor’s power to insert items into thebudget.

“Even though we’ve all been livingunder the same Constitution for decades,it turns out the governor has more powerthan we realized,” explained DianaFortuna of the Citizens Budget

Commission. Some also hope Spitzer will do some-

thing to combat “unfunded mandates,”which allow the state to make rules forprograms it does not fund, such as is cur-rently the case for Medicaid. These costthe city millions, if not billions of dollarseach year, which many would like to seereturned to municipal coffers.

And if the city faces hard times ahead,having a friend in the governor’s man-sion would help as well.

“It was of crucial importance that wehad [Hugh] Carey and [Mario] Cuomo,whether it was because they were fromthe city or because they wereDemocratic liberals, they limited thedamage in a way that an upstate or sub-urban Republican would not have done,”explained Thomas Bender, a professorof urban history at NYU.

Others are not convinced. City-basedgovernors must still face legislators whocall upstate home. Plus, some fear, polit-ical reality may force Spitzer to over-compensate for the bias upstaters mightnaturally assume he has to the city bytilting even more toward state residentsnorth of the metropolitan area, who havebeen hard hit by job and population loss.

“The reality is that no matter whetheryou are from New York City or upstate,you’re never going to score politicalpoints in Albany or among upstate votersby doing things for New York City,” saidJonathan Bowles, director of the Centerfor an Urban Future. “Whether you’re aDemocrat or Republican, whether you’refrom New York City or not, you reallyhave to almost bend over backwards for

upstate areas [if you want] to do wellpolitically.”

Since there are powerful suburban leg-islators within his own party, Spitzer lead-ing a team of downstaters up the Hudsonto Albany may not mean the city will makeup much of what it has lost over thedecades in cash allocations, in attention,in its share of the tobacco settlements, ineducation funding or anything else. Butindirectly, his policies might lead to thecity making up some of it.

He has proposed a cabinet-level posi-tion for urban development, aiming toanchor growth in the state’s urban centers.As the state’s largest city, New York City islikely to benefit, but not at the same levels,and certainly not at the same proportions,as other places throughout New York.

Nonetheless, Partnership for New YorkCity President Kathryn Wylde said the citycould make an effective case for helpingNew York. By building business and eco-nomic growth here, the next governorcould generate more tax revenue to helpthe rest of the state. She said both Spitzerand Faso have been receptive to thePartnership’s proposals of how to do so.

“Hopefully the new governor will be aperson that sees New York City as theengine of the entire state economy, whowill be sympathetic to the notion that youshouldn’t kill the goose that’s laying thegolden egg,” she said.

Mario Cuomo (D), the last governor tocome from the city, said he did not have tocontend with fears that he was biasedtoward the five boroughs during his threeterms in Albany. He said that his years assecretary of state and then as lieutenantgovernor enabled him to travel the state,earning him wider credibility.

“By the time I got to be governor, I wasfairly well-known around the state. Eliothas some of that advantage as well,” hesaid, noting the travels Spitzer has madeduring his eight years as attorney general.“It’s not really a problem of being regard-ed as an ‘auslander,’ or outsider.”

Nor does Cuomo expect Spitzer to suf-fer from any sort of provincialism himself.

“It’s not you come from Buffalo, so youtake care of Buffalo,” he said. “I camefrom Queens and I took care of Buffalo.You go where the need is.”

Many say city needs are real, and thathelp is long overdue. And like ComptrollerBill Thompson (D), they are excited by theprospect of having a governor whom theybelieve will take a different approach thanthe current governor.

“I see it at least as having someone lis-ten to the real case we make,” he said.

Norman Adler, a political consultantwith Bolton St. John’s who worked forCuomo when he was governor, was skep-tical about the benefits coming to the cityunder Spitzer.

“A lot, of course, will depend on whatEliot Spitzer does about the budget, so itcould be more or not more, because geog-raphy is not going to be the number onefactor in whether we get money,” he said.“On the other hand, having a governorwho comes from the same place as you islike your mother’s chicken soup: it canhelp, and it certainly can’t hurt.”

Where SpitzerCould Make aDifferenceTRANSPORTATION

Spitzer has pledged to support theSecond Avenue Subway and East SideAccess, which would bring the LongIsland Rail Road into Grand Central.

With so many transportation projectsunder consideration—Moynihan Stationand the JFK Airport Rail Link being just twoof the most prominent and most expen-sive—Jeffrey Zupan, senior fellow for trans-portation at the Regional Plan Association,said that Spitzer will have to decidebetween stretching out the completiondates on projects, canceling some or raisingmuch more money to complete them.

“If Spitzer is serious about improvingthe transit system, he’s going to have tofind a way to raise funds for it,” saidZupan.

Spitzer has repeatedly indicated hedoes not want to see MTA ChairmanPeter Kalikow serve out his full term,which would end in 2012, and his ulti-mate decision about whether and whento replace Kalikow will also have anenormous impact, Zupan said. Alsoimportant will be whether Spitzer canfind state funds to help subsidize theMTA. Down from a high of $240 millionallocated to the authority’s operatingbudget in 1992, the state now contributes$191 million (not adjusted for inflation,making this drop even steeper). Thewithdrawal of these subsidies has forcedthe MTA to borrow more, raising its debtservice, and contributed to the need for


When they fight for cityinterests, a Gov. EliotSpitzer and Assembly

Speaker Sheldon Silver might findan unlikely ally in State SenateMajority Leader Joe Bruno (R),whose district may be in SaratogaCounty, but who will be protectingthe four city-based members of hisconference who help make up theslim, five-seat Republican majori-ty in the State Senate.

Bruno’s bind “increases theclout of the four Republicans in thecity to bring back the bacon,” saidState Sen. Serphin Maltese (R-Queens), who helped win somemoney for public education earlierthis year.

“Certainly, my protestationsand supplications were important,but I think one of the other reasonswas they did not want to appear tobe shorting the city on education,”he said. “Where city interests areconcerned, we have to be tigers,because our only rationale, ouronly cause for living, is that wemaintain the Senate majority.”

— Edward-Isaac Dovere

Help fromUnexpectedQuarters

A Governor From the City?CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

If he is elected governor, EliotSpitzer will have to decidewhether to push resources to thecity, or take a statewide approach.

AN

DR

EW

SC

HW

AR

TZ

fare hikes to make ends meet. Doing all that would simply be playing

catch-up, said William Stern, a chairmanand chief executive of the New YorkState Urban Development Corporationunder Cuomo. He argued that Spitzershould look beyond them to “futuristicinfrastructure projects,” calling for theconstruction of the long-discussed rail-freight tunnel linking Brooklyn to NewJersey and for an elevated rail line whichwould run along most of the perimeter ofManhattan.

Stern argued that New Yorkers mustrediscover that sort of transportationinnovation which a century ago laid thegroundwork for the strength of the citytoday.

“We’re like trustee babies living offour trust fund,” he said. “We’re living offwhat was done by New Yorkers who arelong gone.”

EDUCATIONAs the attorney general and lawyer for

the state over the past seven and a halfyears, Spitzer repeatedly declined com-ment on the Campaign for Fiscal Equity(CFE) case. Recently on the campaigntrail, he has revved up his rhetoric andpledged to stop appealing the court deci-sions in favor of the state putting an addi-tional $4 to $5 billion toward the city pub-lic school system over a five-year period.

Given that the total state educationoperating budget floats around $13 bil-lion, this would mark a significantincrease in funds.

With the late March court decisionstrongly in the CFE’s favor and the sunsetting on the term of Pataki, who hasrepeatedly appealed previous court rul-ings ordering allocation of the funds, CFEExecutive Director Geri Palast has hope.

“I think the exciting part of the newgovernor is that it gives us a new oppor-tunity to resolve this lawsuit,” she said.“Looking at the likelihood of who will bethe next governor, we have a lot to beoptimistic for.”

That optimism has led the organiza-

tion to retool more of its resourcestoward thinking about how to distributethe money once it is received, rather thansimply tackling the legal fight necessaryto get it.

If allocated, the majority of CFEmoney would go to the city, but newfunds would also reach poorer districtsacross the state.

Charter school expansion could alsobe on the agenda. The Assembly hasresisted Pataki’s efforts to increase thecap on the number of charters issued inthe state, but with a Democratic gover-nor dealing with the Democratically held

Assembly, the politicking undercurrentof the resistance could soon evaporate.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT& JOB CREATION

Spitzer’s economic development pro-posals revolve around cities: fromspurring growth on undeveloped land tocreating new financing for commercialtenants, he would use cities across thestate as nexuses for growth.

“That’s where new forms of job cre-ation might have the most significantimpact,” said Assembly Member JamesBrennan (D-Brooklyn), chair of the CitiesCommittee. “Greater investment in theCity of New York will deal with tradition-ally Democratic Party and Democraticconstituency concerns to deal with urbanpopulations and urban priorities.”

But especially in relative terms, NewYork will not fare as well as smaller citiesupstate, which have long been in decline.

“The City of New York has the disad-vantage of being stronger than the rest ofthe state, fiscally,” said former Gov.Mario Cuomo (D).

HOUSINGRent control, rent stabilization,

Mitchell Lama and the Urstadt Law areall under the control of the state govern-ment. Some say a governor with city sen-sitivities will restore some of the old rentprotections which have been eliminatedin the last decade and a half.

Spitzer has promised to preserveexisting affordable housing units and cre-

ate funding and programs which wouldfoster the creation of new ones, andargued that the ceiling at which apart-ments get deregulated should be raised.

But, according to Rep. Charles Rangel(D-Manhattan), Spitzer should look to aneven deeper reform of the existing sys-tem.

“One of the things that Eliot Spitzershould be able to do is to advocate thatthe City Council has control of thoseissues in the city, and that people upstatehave control over what they want to do,”he said.

Others, like Jonathan Bowles of theCenter for an Urban Future, are less opti-mistic.

“I’m not sure any governor is going tocede that power back to the city. I don’tknow that the State Senate is prepared todo that,” he said.

GROUND ZEROThough Gov. Pataki tried to leave his

imprint on Ground Zero, five years afterthe Twin Towers collapsed and severalceremonial groundbreakings later,progress is stalled. The Lower ManhattanDevelopment Corporation is being dis-banded, plans for a Freedom Towerremain in flux and neither funding norpotential tenants for the site seem to bein abundance.

Some hold Pataki responsible, butothers argue that the situation involvestoo many competing interests to drop thefault at anyone’s feet.

Still, people say new leadership inAlbany could galvanize a reemergence ofthe local stake in the area’s fate, pulling itback to the municipal from the world-wide level.

“It’s a national site right now, but this issomething which is crucial to New YorkCity, and that has largely been ignored,”explained City Comptroller Bill Thompson(D), a strong Spitzer supporter.

For the sake of meeting office space

needs and psychology, he said, “thingsneed to happen and happen faster.”

MEDICAIDThe federal government provides half

of each state’s Medicaid budget. NewYork is one of three states in the nationthat require localities to contribute halfof the remaining share. With so many ofthe state’s poor living in the city, abouttwo-thirds of the state’s Medicaid costsare incurred in New York City, which lastyear put about $5 billion toward address-ing these costs.

“If the state had been absorbing it,there would have been a shift of severalbillion dollars to state taxpayers,” saidJames Brennan (D-Brooklyn), chair ofthe Assembly’s Cities Committee, arguingthat a reworked Medicaid funding formu-la would benefit localities across thestate, many of which have struggledunder the weight of meeting their contri-butions. If this happened, Brennan saidthe state could begin working on differ-ent approaches to healthcare, like dis-ease management.

Many expect Spitzer to tackleMedicaid fraud, which means the differ-ence of millions, and perhaps billions, ofdollars in the overall Medicaid budget,but lifting the Medicaid budget fromlocalities could have a significantlygreater impact.

William Stern, a chairman and chiefexecutive of the New York State UrbanDevelopment Corporation under Cuomo,called the current system “a prescriptionfor disaster, because basically you havelegislators in Albany voting benefits intoa program which they only have to pay 25percent of.”

Whether this is practical is an entirelydifferent matter.

“The best thing Eliot Spitzer could dois to relieve the city of its Medicaidexpense burden, but that’s probablypolitically impossible,” Stern said.


City-state relations often have a lot to do withthe relationships between their leaders. WillEliot Spitzer and Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R),who live within half a block of each other on East

79th Street, be kindred spirits or battling egos? Politicalobservers are trying to gauge the dynamic between them.

Bloomberg has yet to make an endorsement in thegovernor’s race. If he does, most expect him to crossparty lines to back Spitzer, much like his predecessor,Rudy Giuliani, who endorsed Mario Cuomo in 1994.

If Spitzer then wins, an endorsement could build upthe personal and political capital to help Bloombergachieve some of his second term goals.

“These are both very smart people, so the good newsis that they’ll certainly understand each other,” saidKathryn Wylde, president of the Partnership for NewYork City. “I think they’re well-matched intellectually.”

Wylde and the Partnership have proposed that thenext governor mimic Bloomberg’s model of conveningtop business leaders for advice on growing the econo-my. She said Spitzer has been receptive to this idea,leading her to general optimism about the future rela-

tionship between the two men. “I would hope that the pressure to get something

done would create an atmosphere where they decideit’s best to resolve these different issues quickly, and onsome kind of reasonable compromise basis,” she said.

Jonathan Bowles, director of the Center for an UrbanFuture, said Spitzer could even model his governingstyle partially on Bloomberg’s.

“He’s kind of been watching what’s worked forBloomberg,” he said, suggesting that Spitzer “come upwith some issues out of the blue, like Bloomberg hasdone with the smoking ban.”

Nonetheless, having two city residents in chargemay have limited benefits, argued Diana Fortuna, pres-ident of the Citizens Budget Commission. Even duringthe years when Cuomo’s time as governor overlappedwith the mayoralty of Ed Koch (D), from 1983 to 1989, thecity did not enjoy major gains.

“That was not a time where state aid suddenlyjumped,” she said. “It doesn’t make as much of a differ-ence as you might expect.”

— Edward-Isaac Dovere

The Bloomberg Factor

“It’s not you come from Buffalo, soyou take care of Buffalo,” said former

Gov. Mario Cuomo. “I came fromQueens and I took care of Buffalo.

You go where the need is.”


Address BothChicken and Egg To the Editor:

In the July issue, Prof. Amy StuartWells discussed how there is no evidencethat charter schools serve students bet-ter than public ones inher piece and that low-ering the poverty levelwould do more toincrease standardizedtest scores than byopening dozens of newcharter schools.

I don’t doubt that bydiminishing povertyacademic results wouldincrease. However, toaddress poverty, onemust first address thepublic education prob-lem, namely low gradua-tion rates.

In today’s global workforce, a high-school diploma is becoming the newmembership card to the middle classacross the country. The Bill & Melinda

Gates Foundation and Warren Buffet havebillions of dollars that will be invested inour children’s future. It is clear that theCEOs of Microsoft and BerkshireHathaway understand the skills studentsrequire to academically and financially

succeed.Charter schools

may be only one solu-tion to solve the lowtest scores and gradu-ation rates among dis-enfranchised groups.

In regards to Prof.Wells, raising testscores is similar towhat came first, thechicken or the egg? Ibelieve that increasingcharter schools andgraduation rates willresult in lower pover-ty levels, while Prof.

Wells supports the inverse—lower pover-ty will yield higher test scores.

DANIEL M. WOLKENFELD

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

Long PoliticalMemories To the Editor:

I would be acting out of character foran Upper West Sider if I did not pointout a slip of fact in Edward-IsaacDovere’s side bar about howCongressman Jerry Nadler has helpedpromising younger public servantsattain office.

Melissa Mark Viverito does, indeed,represent a significant area of the UpperWest Side, roughly east of Broadwayfrom 96th to 110th streets. She has beena hands-on advocate for those of us whostruggle to preserve affordable housinghere. She is helping residents of ParkWest Village and the new communitygroup Preserve West Park North, whowant our diverse community to remainso.

A footnote to local political history isthat in the early 70s Nadler earned hisfirst elective office as a DemocraticDistrict Leader who helped organize res-idents of Park West Village and its envi-rons (Scott Stringer also began in thatpost). Grateful Westsiders have longmemories. Consequently, Nadler’sendorsement of Mark Viverito last yearbrought her much support in that WestSide part of her future Council district.

Joan Paylo

COMMUNITY FREE DEMOCRATS DISTRICT

LEADER

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

The calls stream in from theoffices of the congressmenand congresswomen, govern-ment press secretaries bring-ing news about upcoming

candidacy and campaign announce-ments. Government payroll staffers inter-view potential campaign workers, andoften serve in different capacities,depending on the day—or the hour, orthe minute. Official email lists becomemagically melded to those of reelectionefforts.

Two things are certain in campaignseason: (1) with the full help of theirstaffs, incumbents will abuse the benefitsof their incumbency and (2) they will bereelected at a rate averaging more than90 percent nationwide.

These two things are not unrelated. Incumbency can be a good thing:

many of the people who have been in thestate legislature and Congress fordecades have gained extensive expertisein certain areas, with committee chairsbecoming leading authorities.

But as people quickly grow attachedto their positions, mistaken or deliberate

abuses of incumbency imperil the fragileline which separates an open, answer-able government from a self-sustainingand self-serving power elite.

Even the few months of incumbencybetween a special election and reelectioncan mean the difference between a con-tentious race and a cakewalk--throw on a“RE-” in front of “ELECT” on a campaignsign or mailer and voters naturally reactdifferently. Call a press conference orissue a release from a government office,and it will naturally get more attention.

Plus about a million other legal advan-tages.

Last year saw then-Speaker GiffordMiller’s (D-Manhattan) mayoral prospectssunk in no small part because of theapparent government-campaign collusionon speaker’s update mailings. With morethan $1 million involved, Miller was alarge and visible target, and one uponwhom criticism was deservedly heaped.

It is harder to spot the improprietieswhich involve staffers working on cam-paign speeches, making calls and appear-ing at events. Especially in races wherethe conclusion seems foregone, where

the incumbents do not bother to hire sep-arate campaign staff, people stumble intosmaller, harder to spot improprietiesevery day, all over the city and state.

We would like to see stricter regula-tions on the city and state level put inplace for those who blur the lines, andencourage leaders to start bringing suchbills to the floor. We would like to see offi-cial guidelines composed and distributedto the staffs of all New York’s elected offi-cials, with standard training sessions fornew hires to ensure they understand thecomplex distinction between proper andimproper, legal and illegal—and learn toerr on the cautious side of the hazy.

A blind eye or a careless hand to themisuse of staff and resources is trulydangerous to the democratic process. Itdepresses the number of people who runand get involved with the politicalprocess, feeding an increasingly disap-pointing and complacent inner circle.

Competitive elections make electedofficials sharper and better and appropri-ate conduct on the part of incumbents’staffers, along with a proper redistrict-ing, is key to achieving that goal.

10 AUGUST 2006 CITY HALL

EDITORIALDefining the Line BetweenStaffers and Campaign Workers

Editor’s note:We welcome letters to the editor.All letters must be identified with

the author’s full name and, for verifi-cation, phone number. Anonymousletters will not be published.

Substantive letters addressing poli-

tics and policy will receive top priority.Submit your letters by e-mail to

[email protected], orcontact our staff writers directly withthe email addresses at the ends oftheir articles.

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LETTERS

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

The political machine is dead, long live

machine politics.

Decades after Tammany Hall, decades

after the reform era, and with ever more of

the city’s roughly 168 elected positions in

Democratic hands, certain of the party’s

men and women (though mostly men) have

taken charge.

Some are young. Some are old. Some are

establishment. Some are less than a decade

on the scene. Some are unions. Some are

individuals.

Sometimes they coordinate, sometimes

they do not. But together, they are the

engine which runs New York City.

With money and thick member rolls,

they accumulate influence. With influence,

they accumulate more money and more

members, racking up dominance and polit-

ical debts.

And all the while, their aspiring succes-

sors wait on the edges, making

friends with their enemies, col-

lecting smaller favors--and

taking notes.

In this landscape,

the power of the

Democratic county

organizations, party

centers in each of the

five boroughs, is still

major: they can sup-

ply money and vol-

unteers. Moreover,

they can grease the

wheels into office, col-

lecting ballot petitions for candidates

they support, then providing lawyers to

protect these petitions and contest oth-

ers’, frequently in front of judges who

themselves were put on the courts by

the county leaders--an often impene-

BY SAL GENTILE

Sweeping up Albany,” the campaign

slogan for this year’s Democratic

effort to win back the State Senate,

evokes a Democratic fantasy, with visions of

brooms pushing voters to the polls. That

might now be more realistic than ever:

Democrats in control of every statewide

office and both chambers of the Legislature.

To take control of the Senate, they need to

pick up just four seats. But in Staten Island,

Democrats have fumbled a rare opportunity to

win a seat that has been in Republican hands

for 50 years – the very kind of opportunity that,

if missed, could erode any chance of a

Democratic takeover.

Though two of its four Assembly members

are Democrats, as is one of its state senators

and one of its Council members, and the bor-

ough’s registration numbers favor the party

substantially, Staten Island has traditionally

been seen as a conservative, Republican

stronghold.

“It has a lower percentage of black,

CONTINUED ON PAGE 16

Staten Island for Democrats?Registration says yes, but Marchi race raises doubts

INDEX:Sara Gonzalez is In theChair

page 2

The July Poll: Who is themost fashionableCouncil member?

page 4

Marcia Kramer checksin with the Notepad

page 5

Issue Forum on CharterSchools

pages 10-11

Where Are They Now?tracks down CarolBellamy

page 12


The RangelWannabeesSuccessors circling quietly

BY CARLA ZANONI

In politics, hope springs eter-

nal. In the case of the poten-

tial suitors for Charles

Rangel’s (D-Manhattan) House

seat, hope remains hush-hush.

Like clockwork, a discus-

sion about the impending

retirement of the city’s senior

congressman materializes each

election cycle, and likely candi-

dates quietly and delicately

court the seat in what seems to

be the best measure of Rangel’s

continued local clout.

Among those routinely men-

tioned: former Manhattan

Borough President C. Virginia

Fields, former City Council

Member and current candidate

for State Senate Bill Perkins,

City Council Member Inez

Dickens, and State Assembly

“

Martin Connor, left, isrunning for leader and

reelection. (Page 3).

Greg Atkins,

right, is In the

Trenches

(page 12)talking about howlandscaping ledhim to Brooklyndevelopment.

And Queens Borough PresidentHelen Marshall sounds offon pasta and hipness

(Page 13).

CONTINUED ON PAGE 8

CONTINUED ON PAGE 7

Democrats have fumbled in the raceto succeed 85-year-old State Sen.John Marchi (R).

Vol. 1, No. 2 July 2006

The ModernPolitical MachineSome things have changed, some have not as Vito

Lopez, Dennis Rivera, Jerry Nadler and Dan Cantor

quickly gain on Tom Manton in power race

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www.cityhallnews.comCITY HALL AUGUST 2006 11

OP-EDThe Winds of Change in Spitzer’s and Silver’s SailsWill the sheriff of Wall Street lay down the law to the Assembly speaker?

The question on everyone’s lips con-cerns the relationship betweenEliot Spitzer and Assembly

Speaker Sheldon Silver. Will the two menget along? Will the reformer and the leg-islative leader be able to work together?

Since I know andrespect both men, Ican only hope that whatI am about to say hereis accurate.

First, it is impor-tant to rememberthat they have twoseparate constituen-cies.

The governor reportsto a statewide constituency. If Spitzerbecomes governor, and I expect that hewill, he will immediately be thought of asa presidential candidate. Everyone willbe looking at him.

You do not have to be Einstein’s firstwife (the smart one) to understand thatSpitzer is going to do to New York stategovernment what he did to Wall Street.He is going to reform the monster andmake it accountable to the people. Trust

me, we are looking at a sin-gle-minded man who knowswhat his mandate is going tobe.

He’ll take this insiders’lobby-laden, pay-to-play,three-men-in-a-room game

and transform it into afunctioning, transpar-ent operation wherepeople know where

their money is going and how it is beingspent. Spitzer will be talking to all mem-bers of the legislature, not just the twotop guys. He will scrutinize state con-tracts, and there will be no sweetheart

deals. Spitzer knows that if he can accom-

plish that great task, history will recordhim as the best governor New York hasever had. He’ll become not only the gov-ernor of New York but the sheriff ofAlbany. He will come out guns blazingand if anyone gets in the way, there willbe hell to pay.

Sheldon Silver, on the other hand,reports to his conference (caucus). TheDemocratic members of the Assembly arethe ones who keep him in power. Theyhave been playing the game the old fash-ioned way for years. It was that way whenthey arrived on the scene and they expectShelly to keep on doing things the sameway.

Trust me on this: Sheldon Silverrewarded his friends and punished most ofhis enemies. He has never forgotten whathappened. Silver has to raise a lot of

money to get more Democrats elected andto protect the ones at risk.

Everyone knows that if you want toinfluence politics in Albany you pay toplay. If you are a big time lobbyist, youstrategically get money to the Democratsto help elect their people. If you wantsomething big, you get money to Silver onthe Democratic side and to Joe Bruno onthe Republican side and, up to now, toPataki and his cronies.

That’s the way it has always been. Youmight call it “strategic investment.”

So now there is a golden opportunity.Bruno and his band of Republican statesenators are close to majority party extinc-tion. Silver is on notice that the game isgoing to change big time. CandidateSpitzer’s position is that he is “looking for-ward to working with AssemblymanSilver” on matters of reform.

It couldn’t get any clearer than that.Spitzer wants everyone to know the peo-ple’s business. He says that anyone whowants anything from the executive branchwill have to approach in a way that is opento public inspection. Spitzer will certainlywant the legislature to play the same game.

When Mario Cuomo tried to introduceethics reform to both the executive branchand the legislative branch, he was thwart-ed. If you look at the shenanigans of thecompromised Pataki people, you knowthat ethics reform is an issue whose timehas come. The people are angry and every-one knows it. They want and demandchange. Albany is a laughing stock.

The bottom line is that Shelly Silver isa smart man. The members of hisDemocratic conference are smart people.(Well, most of them, anyway.) Theyshould be smart enough to know that thewinds of change are blowing and theyhad better get out of the way. If there isone thing Eliot Spitzer’s opponents havefound out it’s that to fool with this guywill get you into a whole lot of trouble.Shelly Silver and Joe Bruno are goodguys. They both know when they are fac-ing the inevitable. Shelly wants to stayspeaker and this is the way to do it. I hearthat Shelly and Spitzer are getting alongfamously. I’m betting on them both to dothe right thing. ■

Alan Chartock is the president and

CEO of WAMC/Northeast Public Radio

and the executive publisher and project

director of The Legislative Gazette.

BY ALANCHARTOCK

Government Must Take a Role in Community PlanningBY CITY COUNCIL MEMBER

DAN GARODNICK

With new developments poppingup all over the city, it is increas-ingly important for local com-

munities to take a more active role in cre-ating a vision for their neighborhoods.

Too often, community input isreduced to creating a “wish list” ofamenities or conditions that developerscan choose to provide in order to make anew building project more palatable tothe people who livenearby. These wishlists, formally called“community benefitsagreements,” are nosubstitute for full-scale planning for aneighborhood’s future.

Major developmentprojects generallyrequire substantialapprovals from thecity — which allowscity officials to havesignificant say in what ends up beingbuilt. As a result, local elected officialsand community boards can establish theessential elements of a comprehensive,long-term plan for their area.

Community Board 6, which coversmuch of the East Side, is setting anexcellent example. When this communi-ty board learned of Con Edison’s intentto sell the Waterside power plant andassociated properties (along FirstAvenue, from 35th to 41st Streets), itviewed the project as an opportunity tothink hard and creatively about howwise use of this land could improve EastMidtown.

It drew up, and submitted to theDepartment of City Planning, a formalproposal to rezone the property from amanufacturing district to a residentialdistrict. Far from being anti-growth, thisproposal would enable significant newdevelopment, but would also create theinfrastructure to support it, includingnew parks along the waterfront, afford-able housing and a new school.

In contrast, the owner of the site hasproposed a plan that contains not a sin-gle unit of affordable housing, no schoolto accommodate the new residents, and

buildings so tall that they put existingpark space in permanent shadow. Hisplan would essentially drop a small cityof 10,000 people onto a six-block strip ofFirst Avenue — without considering thebroader effect that their presence wouldhave. These are basic defects that can-not be remedied by a simple laundry listof one-time benefits.

A strong alliance of elected officials isworking with Community Board 6 andother organizations, particularly the EastMidtown Coalition for SensibleDevelopment, to see that the Con Ed site isultimately developed in a way that fits withthe neighborhood’s needs. This alliance has

come out in strong support of the responsi-ble plan put forth by Community Board 6.

With our schools and public trans-portation already critically over-taxed,the city will require additional communi-ty-based planning to ensure that theinfrastructure is in place to support newdevelopment. As the chair of the CityCouncil’s Subcommittee on Planning, Iwas proud last week to support a planfrom Community Board 8 for theQueensboro Bridge area. This is anotherexcellent example of planning on theEast Side that seeks to link future devel-

opment proposals to the specific needsof the community. In fact, the planpassed overwhelmingly.

Working together, community groupsand elected officials, with support fromthe public, must be the ones to set theagenda for our neighborhoods. It is notsimple work, but it is extremely impor-tant for the future of our city.

Dan Garodnick (D) represents the

4th Council District, covering parts of

Manhattan’s East Side. He is chair of

the Council’s Subcommittee on

Planning and a member of the Con-Ed

Waterside Working Group. ■

Major development projects generallyrequire substantial approvals from the city —which allows city officials to have significantsay in what ends up being built. As a result,

local elected officials and community boardscan establish the essential elements of a

comprehensive, long-term plan for their area.

City Hall welcomes submissionsto the op-ed page. A piece shouldbe maximum 650 words long,accompanied by the nameand address of the author,and submitted via email [email protected] be considered.


BY CITY COUNCIL MEMBER

ROSIE MENDEZ

WHEN A SEGMENT OF THE

POPULATION is denied even onebenefit under the law, simply

because of whom they choose to love,something is wrong.

So it was wrong last month, when NewYork’s highest court, in a 4-2 decision,denied same-sex couples the right tomarry. They chose instead to relegate thisdecision to the New York State legislature.

Yet the New York State legislature hasnever acted quickly when it comes to therights of members of the LGBT communi-ty. It took the state legislature 31 years topass the Sexual Orientation NonDiscrimination Act (SONDA). Moreover,several bills have been introduced in thestate legislature during the past few yearsto permit same-sex marriage and thosebills have not even made it out of com-mittee. So last month’s decision, denyingour right to marry and instead leaving itto the discretion of the 212-memberbicameral state legislature, came as astinging blow to the LGBT community.

Writing for the majority, Judge Robert

S. Smith wrote: “Intuition and experiencesuggest that a child benefits from havingbefore his or her eyes, every day, livingmodels of what both a man and a womanare like.

It is obvious that there are exceptionsto this general rule—some children whonever know their fathers, or their moth-ers, do far better than some who grow upwith parents of both sexes—but theLegislature could find that the generalrule will usually hold.”

Living models of men and women areimportant to a child’s rearing, but, to con-clude that it has to be in the form of amother and a father in an opposite-sexmarriage is a leap. When my brother firstmarried, he adopted his wife’s son. Mynephew Austin was four years old whenhe met my brother, seven years old at thetime of the marriage, eight years oldwhen he was legally adopted by mybrother, and nine years old when hismother died of cancer.

Prior to my brother’s marriage, Austinhad an active and loving maternal unclein his life. After his mother’s death, I per-sonally took a more active role in hisupbringing alongside my brother, his

maternal grandmother and maternaluncle. Now age 19, Austin, who was dealta blow at an early age, benefited becausedespite gender or roles, he had, and con-tinues to have, a diverse group of adultswho love and support him.

If I were able to marry and decidedto raise a child, my child would benefitfrom the same unconditional love andsupport that Austin receives. However,today, my brother is afforded the rightsand benefits of civil marriage that aredenied to me. As a consequence, I andother individuals who choose same-sexrelationships are denied at least 316benefits under New York law that areafforded to heterosexual couplesallowed to marry. As stated in the Courtof Appeals decision: “Married peoplereceive significant tax advantages,rights in probate and intestacy proceed-ings, rights to support from their spous-es both during the marriage and after itis dissolved, and rights to be treated asfamily members in obtaining insurancecoverage and making health care deci-sions.”

It is no wonder that Chief Judge JudithKaye in her dissenting opinion wrote: “I

am confident that future generations willlook back on today’s decision as anunfortunate misstep.” ■

City Council Member Rosie Mendez

(D) represents the 2nd District, cover-

ing Manhattan’s Lower East Side, East

Village, Gramercy Park, Rosehill, Kips

Bay and parts of Murray Hill.

BY CHRISTOPHER TAYLOR

CIVIL MARRIAGE EQUALITY FOR

same-sex couples in committedrelationships is an idea whose

time will come; the only question iswhen.

After 9/11, our leaders in Albany madespecial arrangements to ensure that thepartners of the gays and lesbians whoperished in that tragedy were not dis-criminated against financially. Welearned that day that not every gay or les-bian couple is wealthy and has wills andtrusts to take care of their partners whenthey pass away.

Thankfully, most deaths happen inmore common circumstances.Unfortunately, in those everyday casesthe surviving partner does not get spe-cial arrangements to get the survivorbenefits that straight couples take forgranted. Not only do they lose their part-ners’ income, pension and health bene-fits, but many assets of the deceasedpass to distant family rather than to theirbeloved partner.

I know of far too many cases wherepersonal tragedy also caused financialtragedy, in ways that straight coupleswill never have to experience.

Civil marriage equality is not justabout rights, it is about responsibility.Marriage legally requires committed cou-ples to support each other during bad ordifficult times, but for gay couples thereis nothing requiring a similar commit-ment.

Don’t underestimate the power oflegal obligations to reinforce moral com-

mitments, or the lack thereof to under-mine them. Studies show that people incommitted relationships – gay or straight– are far less likely to engage in unsafesex or partake of illegal substances.When two people are in a committedrelationship, society benefits from theirmore mature and responsible conduct.

From talking to leaders in theRepublican State Senate and to state-wide Republican candidates, there iswidespread recognition that enhancedlegal protection for same-sex couplesmakes sense. Marriage is still a four-let-ter word for most Republicans, as it isfor Clinton, Schumer and Silver.Watching Hillary Clinton carefully weighand calculate every single one of herwords at gay events would be ratherhumorous, if it wasn’t so disappointing.

It will take patient dialogue with andeducation of our leaders to gain fairnessand equality for gay and lesbian families,and Log Cabin Republicans is engagingin this. We regularly meet with our sena-tors, support some of them financiallythrough our PAC, and plan to retain alobbyist in Albany for next year’s ses-sion.

More important than educating ourleaders is educating their constituents.On this controversial issue, most politi-cians follow rather than lead. They read

the polls very closely. Republicans comefrom rural and suburban areas, wherethe gay vote is less potent and marriageis still controversial.

Often, in order for Democratic candi-dates in swing districts to win, they haveto oppose gay marriage, just like theirRepublican counterparts. Therefore, thebattle for civil marriage equality will bewon in suburban and rural grass roots,not just in Albany.

In June, I traveled with a leader ofPFLAG (Parents and Families ofLesbians and Gays) to Albany. ARepublican senator told us that heopposes special rights for any group. Heranswer said it better than I ever could: “Ihave three sons. One is gay and two arestraight. I don't want my gay son to havefewer rights than my straight sons. Idon't want my straight sons to havefewer rights than my gay son. I want allmy sons to have equal rights.”

Civil marriage equality is not aboutspecial rights, it is about common senseand fairness. It will make for a moreresponsible society, as stable familiesare the bedrock of a healthy community.

Its time has come – now. ■

Christopher Taylor is the president of

Log Cabin Republicans of New York

City.

Equality Without Marriage Is Possible and Necessary

SAME-SEX MARRIAGEISSUE FORUM:

An Unfortunate Misstep: Denying the Rights of Same-Sex Couples


BY STATE SENATOR ERIC SCHNEIDERMAN

ON JULY 6, 2006, THE COURT OF

Appeals ruled in Hernandez v.Robles that the New York State

Constitution’s guarantees of due processand equal protection of the law did notrequire that New York allow same-sexmarriage.

The actual holding wasn’t that surpris-ing, but the angry reaction of everyone Ispoke to that morning who had read theopinion suggested that it was moreprovocative than a simple rejection of thecomplaint. When I called my colleagueSenator Tom Duane, perhaps the state’sleading advocate on the issue, he wassteaming: “The court ruled on gay mar-riage. It’s bad… it’s really, really bad.”

Then I read the decision, and it made meangry too. Because when you follow theCourt’s own analysis to its logical conclu-sion, the plaintiffs clearly should have won.

The Court’s majority held that all thestate had to do to win this case was tocome up with some “rational basis” forconfining marriage to opposite-sex cou-ples. Without some rational basis, theyconceded New York’s ban on same-sexmarriage would be a “wholly irrationalone based solely on ignorance and preju-dice against homosexuals.”

The Court found that: “there are atleast two grounds that rationally support

the limitation on marriage that the legis-lature has enacted.”

The first of the Court’s arguments wassimply bizarre. It suggested that, becauseheterosexual sex can produce children,the legislature could decide to provide anincentive for heterosexual couples tostay in stable relationships by allowingthem to marry: “The legislature couldfind that unstable relationships betweenpeople of the opposite sex present agreater danger that children will be borninto or grow up in unstable homes than isthe case with same-sex couples.”

So, the Court believed that a ban on gaymarriage is needed to reduce the instabilityof those volatile heterosexuals? Okay, weare pretty unstable. But how is the “induce-ment” that marriage provides for hetero-sexual couples to stay together reduced if itis also extended to gay couples?

It isn’t. No “rational basis” here. The Court’s second argument was per-

haps less bizarre, but even more hurtfuland shameful: “The legislature couldrationally believe that it is better, otherthings being equal, for children to growup with both a mother and father.”

So all of us divorced parents, single par-ents, grandparents, aunts, uncles and oth-ers raising children in New York in 2006can be rationally designated under the lawas second class parents. In essence, theCourt argued that the legislature could

decide to promote the perfection of anOzzie and Harriet world by denigrating anddenying equal treatment to any but themost traditional nuclear families.

The Court went on to acknowledgethat there is in fact no sound evidencethat children are better off with both amother and father, but in a conclusionthat exposed the mind-numbing thinnessof the State’s case, the Court stated: “Inthe absence of conclusive scientific evi-dence, the legislature could rationallyproceed on the common sense premisethat children will do best with a motherand father in the home… [and] couldrationally decide to offer a specialinducement, the legal recognition of mar-riage, to encourage the formation ofopposite sex households.”

This is why the opinion provoked suchanger. The Court majority’s own argu-ments demonstrate that there is no ration-al or empirical basis for the legislature tolimit marriage to opposite-sex couples. Allthey could proffer was a “common sensepremise” as the rationale for denying equalprotection of the law to millions of NewYorkers. As the Court concedes, if there isno rational basis for the restriction of mar-riage to opposite-sex couples, this restric-tion must be based on “ignorance and prej-udice against homosexuals.”

On July 6, 2006, ignorance and preju-dice prevailed.

We will eventually pass a law to allowsame-sex marriage in New York. And ourcourts will eventually acknowledge that, inthe words of Chief Judge Judith Kaye’s dis-sent, “future generations will look back ontoday’s decision as an unfortunate misstep.”

But it is sobering and frightening toread a carefully crafted judicial opinionthat essentially acknowledges the hatred,ignorance and deep prejudice that forceus to fight this battle at all. ■

Eric Schneiderman (D) represents

parts of the Upper West Side, Upper

Manhattan and the Bronx in the State

Senate, and serves as the deputy minor-

ity leader.

No Rational Basis in Gay Marriage Decision

BY ANNE F. DOWNEY, ESQ.

IN THE HERNANDEZ V. ROBLES lit-igation, our organization, with nearly10,000 members in New York, pre-

sented arguments in an amicus brief urg-ing the New York Court of Appeals toreject the constitutional challenge to NewYork’s marriage laws and refrain fromtrumping the decisions of our duly electedlegislators concerning eligibility to marry.

Where do we go from here? First, wemust reexamine what marriage is. Forthousands of years, civilizations and reli-gions around the world have recognizedmarriage as a unique relationship crucialto the well being of society. Regrettably,our society has lost much of its collectivewisdom concerning the institution ofmarriage. We have embraced a misguidednotion that marriage is unimportant or,conversely, that the essence of marriageis some ill-defined emotional bondbetween two individuals. We have lostsight of the true nature and significanceof marriage, as a holy union till death dous part, consisting of one man and one

woman, for the purpose of producing andraising children as part of a stable socialunit. We have confused ourselves intosettling for cohabitation and revolving-door marriages, while entertaining pro-posals to validate any and every groupingof persons who claim some level of emo-tional cohesion.

By basing the notion of marriage on avague emotional state, we have set our-selves up for the failure of marriage andsocial turmoil. Individuals discard theirmarriage vows when the emotional bond

evaporates or weakens, as often it does.We have reached the point where two-thirds of American divorces are now forsoft reasons such as “we’ve grown apart.”

Moreover, we have rendered asunderthe link between marriage and procre-ation, on the one hand conceiving chil-dren outside of wedlock, and on the otherhand sterilizing the marital (and non-mar-ital) bed to avoid procreation or, whereconception occurs, aborting the results.

We need to do better in understandingand practicing the art of marriage.Toward this end, Concerned Women forAmerica of New York is joining forceswith non-profit groups across the state totake steps to strengthen marriages. Wemust establish, support and encourageprograms that provide pre-marital coun-seling, marriage seminars and trou-bleshooting for marriages. If we do nottake steps to strengthen marriages, socie-ty will continue to crumble and individu-als, especially children, will pay the price.

Second, there will be a number of indi-viduals involved in same-sex relation-ships who will decide to reexamine their

situations and seek a change in directionfor their lives. Many have sought healingand blessing through surrendering theirlives to God, including all of one’s per-sonality, gifts and desire for intimacy.

Third, we must monitor a disturbingtrend that is taking place in various partsof the world. A concerted effort is beingmade to silence persons who, for religiousreasons, speak out against same-sex sexu-al activity. Such persons have been brand-ed by governmental authorities and othersas engaging in “hate speech” and “bigotry.”Sometimes the conduct in question entailssimply quoting Bible verses. Yet it seemsobvious that if we allow freedom ofspeech and religion to be trampled in thedust, we will all lose.

Where do we go from here? There willbe times that we strongly disagree withone another concerning this question. Letus try to ground our debate in compas-sion and understanding. ■

Anne F. Downey is the New York State

director for Concerned Women for

America.

Do Not Redefine Marriage—Renew It

Last month, the New York State Court ofAppeals passed the question of gay mar-riage back to the state legislature, claim-ing that legislation, rather than a courtruling, was the only way to change thetraditional definition of marriage.

Currently, bills exist in the Assemblyand State Senate which would legalizegay marriage, but are being stalled. Thatcould change if party control changes inthe State Senate or the governor’s man-sion, or both.

Meanwhile, President George W. Bushand many members of Congress support aConstitutional amendment banning gaymarriage.

August’s Issue Forum asks: “Where shouldthe debate over gay marriage go next?”

BY LEE NORSWORTHY

JOSHUA BOCIAN’S GRANDPARENTS

think it “cool” that their grandson is a sen-ior staff member for Manhattan BoroughPresident Scott Stringer. Holocaust sur-

vivors, they fled Berlin for America, the onlycountry that would open its doors. Theyraised—as described by their grandson—a“fiercely patriotic family.”

And so it seemed logical to Bocian that alifetime of heated dinnertime debatessteered him to the public sector.

He left Great Neck, Long Island to attendSUNY Albany and then ColumbiaUniversity, where he earned a master’s inorganizational behavior, a branch of psy-chology that applies theories of personalityto business management.

Setting aside a life-long interest in poli-

tics after graduating from Columbia, Bocianstarted in finance, shifting from investmentbank to dot com to consulting firm, the lastof which was located in the World FinancialCenter.

Days before September 11, 2001, Bocianwas laid off from his job. He spent fourmonths doing a little “chilling” and a lot of“soul searching,” asking himself exactlywhere he was going to take his career, afterrealizing he was unhappy with where it hadtaken him to that point.

He consulted his family, friends, andeven a career counselor at ColumbiaUniversity, and they all agreed. Bocianaimed for the public sector, and in only afew weeks, Council Member Gale Brewer’sthen-chief of staff, Brian Kavanagh, calledhim in for an interview.

That Friday, he was hired as the directorof constituent affairs.

“It’s about meeting people’s needs andtaking care of things that they shouldn’thave to worry about,” he said, describingthe position as one similar to humanresources.

He was, however, surprised to hear com-plaints which included “My bird flew out ofthe window” and “You didn’t respond to myanonymous letter.”

In addition to the district’s 150,000 con-stituents, Bocian also worked closely withthe other “staffers” on the West Side, includ-ing the staff of then-Assembly MemberStringer, whose district overlapped withBrewer’s.

After he won, Stringer offered Bocianhis current position at the helm of theoffice’s most cherished campaign: commu-nity board reform.

Since January, Bocian has had to take ona constituency ten times the size ofBrewer’s, juggling the diverse and oftendivergent needs of the entire borough, allthe while finishing the New York Timesbefore starting to swim laps at 6:30 a.m.sharp.

Still, he says, the basics of the job remainrefreshingly simple.

“You listen,” he explained. “It’s that sim-ple. People will tell you what their needsare. Our job is to address those needs.” ■


Navigating Finance and SwimmingLaps en Route to Stringer’s OfficeBocian’s organizational behavior master’s prepped him for reorganizing community boards

Josh Bocian has brought hisexperience with Council MemberGale Brewer (D-Manhattan) tobear in reforming Manhattan’scommunity boards.

IN THE TRENCHES14 AUGUST 2006 CITY HALL

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PO Box 121, Chelsea Station, New York, NY 10113-0121

Design: Hide Okuno ©2005 Marriage Equality NY, Inc. All rights reserved.

photography © Steven Rosen

We WILL win this fight – with you on our side.

Become A MemberDonate Time or Money

Start A Local Chapterwww.MarriageEqualityNY.org

Join Marriage Equality Today!!

Be a part of the growing move-ment for equal marriage rights.Since 1998, Marriage Equality New York has been at the forefront of the battle for legal recognition of our marriages and our families,through education, events, politi-cal advocacy, media campaigns

and especially partnerships with GLBT and non-gay organizations.We are actively expanding throughout New York State and are looking for groups and indi-viduals to take the lead in areas beyond our core base of support in New York City.

In New York State, 2005 has been a year of both…

Thousands join Marriage Equality’s second annual Wedding March to demand equal marriage.NY State Appellate Court finds no basis for denying same-sex couples marriage rights.Anti-Marriage Amendment stalled in NY Legislature.

Mayor Jason West of New Paltz to stand trial for granting marriage licenses to same-sex couples.A right-wing lawsuit nullifies last year’s New Paltz marriages.Mayor Michael Bloomberg forces us to go back to court to fight for our rights.

...exciting victories

...and further challenges

�

�

�

�

�

�

917-207-5959 / inquiries@ MarriageEqualityNY.org

Did you know that there are couples in New York State that arebeing discriminated against based on their sexual orientation...There are 1,138 federal rights and more that 700 state rights only available through civil marriage, but how does that

affect you in every day life?

Without these rights:

You are unable to make medical decisions for your ill or disabled partner.

You are unable to obtain health insurance for your partner unless your place of work makes / has exceptions; even in those cases, you still have to pay higher taxes.

Did you know that if your state offers civil unions, it is not transferable and other states would not recognize your union?

You could be unable to file charges in a wrongful death case because you are not legally recognized orentitled to claims on your partner’s life.

That's why marriage equality for all is so important.Visit www.marriageequalityny.org to get informed and involved. Say “I do” to Marriage Equality!

917-207-5959 / [email protected] Box 121, Chelsea Station, New York, NY 10113-0121

Marriage Equality New York is an all-volunteer non-profit organization dedicated to winning equal mar-riage rights. Contributions are not tax-deductible, butevery dollar goes to the work we do on marriage.

Become A MemberDonate Time or Money

Start A Local Chapterwww.MarriageEqualityNY.org


BY CHARLOTTE EICHNA

ONE OF REP. CAROLYN MALONEY’Sfavorite East Side restaurants isPascalou, on Madison Avenue

between 92nd and 93rd streets. It wasstarted by a friend of hers years ago andthe Congresswoman still swings by tograb take out on the way home after alate night at the office. Maloney, who hasrepresented the East Side and parts ofQueens in Congress since beating a long-time Republican incumbent in 1992, satdown one recent day to talk about theblackout in Queens, her role as an East Sidepowerbroker, and her big break on film.

Carolyn Maloney: You know what Ilike? I don’t even see it. [To waiter] Youdon’t have any lobster? I want the lobstersalad.

City Hall: Do you have any recommen-dations since you’re a regular? Have youhad the goat cheese and phyllo torte?CM: I just like all the healthy salads.

[Maloney orders the yellow squash soup,lobster salad and hot tea; City Hall getsthe torte and an iced tea.]

CH: You picked a French restaurant,so I’m wondering if you supported the“Freedom Fry” movement in theHouse cafeterias. CM: I just think that it’s sort of silly.There are so many problems to be work-ing on that that is not a legislative priori-ty of mine. It shouldn’t have beenchanged in the first place.

CH: You haven’t had a major chal-

lenger in a while so you haven’t hadto do any serious campaigning. Isthat to your disadvantage, becausecampaigning keeps you more intouch with constituents, or is it abenefit because you get to spendmore time doing your job?CM: If I had had a serious campaign, Idoubt I would have been able to puttogether the report on the ill 9/11 work-ers. I doubt I would have been able toput as much time as I put into Queens[during the blackout]. If I had cam-paigned, I would have been out on thestreet handing out literature asopposed to sitting down and really try-ing to help people with their problems.It lets you work on the big issues thataffect people’s lives.

CH: You’ve been able to wrangle a lotof East Side politicians together forendorsement events. Busy people,busy schedules, but you got it to work.Do you feel like you have clout? Anddo you feel now that Gifford Miller isno longer Speaker that the power haswaned a bit?CM: Gifford Miller was an incrediblyeffective Speaker. He was good for ourneighborhood. To put it in perspective,when I was first elected in 1993, the EastSide was considered a Republican area. Idefeated a 14-year incumbent, Bill Green,who outspent me five to one and was con-sidered unbeatable. And I took him onand I beat him and it was probably thebiggest upset in the nation. All the electedand party leadership on the East Side forthe Democratic Party…we jointly startedworking to change from red to blue vari-ous seats. And all of them were open

seats—I was the first one to take out anincumbent. So five seats under my leader-ship, of course with the help of manyother people, switched from red to blue.

CH: When is someone going to swipea MetroCard and get on the SecondAvenue Subway?CM: We will break ground this year. Ihave a breakdown of the money, wehave roughly $2.5 billion in place andwe’ll break ground this year. And thefirst segment, which will connectroughly 96th Street to 63rd Street thenconnect and go all the way downtown,they’ll begin this year and they’re pro-jecting it will be completed in 2012.

[Waiter brings menus for dessert]

CM: Let’s order dessert. I like crèmebrûlée. What about this French vanillawith Grand Marnier? Ooh, blueberry cob-

bler: blueberries, raspberries and straw-berries.

CH: Kind of patriotic.CM: Yeah! And ice cream.

[Waiter comes to take order]

CM: I’m going to have the berries withvanilla ice cream. And I would prefer tojust have blueberries and raspberries, nostrawberries. Why don’t we have a cap-puccino?

[City Hall orders the warm chocolate cake;Maloney adds Equal to her cappuccino]

CH: You have no plans for retiring, yetpeople talk about who might run foryour seat. Does that make you feelstrange? CM: It’s politics, everyone’s going to run.Everyone likes to talk and everybodywants to run. I’ve never lost an election. Ido not intend to begin now. I thought itwas very humorous when K.T. McFarlandwas running against Hillary [Clinton] sheannounced, “If I can’t beat CarolynMaloney I’m going to run against Hillary.”The East Side is the most Republican dis-trict in the city of New York. She said, “Ican’t run on the Upper East Side, it’sunbeatable.” That’s really my district.

[Dessert arrives]

CM: Wow, this looks delicious. Whydon’t we trade tastes? I want to tastesome chocolate. Mmm, it’s superb!

CH: What do you guys have on tap forthe afternoon? CM: I have an interview with a movie.They’re making a movie out of the DebbieSmith bill that I authored. This woman tes-tified on the use of DNA to convict rapistsbefore a committee and I called about 20women; they wouldn’t testify. She testi-fied, she had everybody in tears. So then Iwrote this bill that required the govern-ment to process the backlog of DNA andcreated a national database of DNA. And itpassed. And Lifetime Television called meand said they’re making a movie and theywant to interview me. I want them to castme, wouldn’t that be fun?

CH: Who would you want to play you?Meryl Streep?CM: She’s my favorite actress, bar none.Oh God, I love her. I’d love her to playme. ■

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A lobster salad and patriotic dessert at East Side favorite PascalouFRENCH FARE WITH Carolyn Maloney

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CITY HALL AUGUST 2006 15

To read more about CarolynMaloney’s thoughts on food, includ-ing her ideas for a district cookbookand the pizza contest she judged inWashington, as well as her thoughtson the Queens blackout and the IraqWar, check out the full transcript ofthe lunch at www.CityHallnews.com.


BY VIJAY PHULWANI

FOR THOSE WHO FEEL THEY HAVE

not heard enough already aboutgubernatorial frontrunner Eliot

Spitzer (D), Brooke Masters’ new book,“Spoiling for a Fight: The Rise of EliotSpitzer,” is an excellent overview of the high-lights from his time as attorney general. Thebook is not, however, an intensely deepanalysis of Spitzer’s career or an unguardedpicture of him as a person.

As a Wall Street reporter for theWashington Post, Masters has coveredSpitzer’s rise to prominence. She reallyknows the issues involved, and can makecomplicated securities fraud clear andunderstandable. Additionally, she has hadnumerous interviews with Spitzer himself,and the book is full of tidbits gleaned fromhim and other people involved in the inves-tigations.

The downside of Masters’ backgroundis that she is mainly covering those aspects

of Spitzer’s political career that havealready been covered. There is little men-tion of his work defending the state otherthan to say that this aspect of the job con-sumes half of his office’s resources. Andsome things barely get mentioned at all:the Campaign for Fiscal Equality lawsuitgets one paragraph in a 300-page book.

Nevertheless, within the book’s narrowfocus, Masters has crafted a terrific narra-tive. The investigations of Merrill Lynch,Canary Capital Management, and AIG areall first-rate legal dramas. Masters exten-sively interviewed the deputies and otherlawyers at the attorney general’s officewho spent nights and weekends combingthrough all the e-mails and financial trans-actions involved. Hearing their stories andseeing them get the credit they deserve isone of the great pleasures of this book.

In fact, this leads to what is probablythe book’s greatest irony: it can be morecompelling when less about Spitzer andmore about his staff. There is little new

here about Spitzerusing his father’smoney to pay off loansfrom his first campaignin 1994, a gaffe that,when revealed, is oftenseen as almost costinghim the 1998 contest,which he only narrowlywon.

Another strange over-sight concerns Spitzer’s topdeputy, Michele Hirschman.Apparently when she was a federal prose-cutor, and Spitzer worked in theManhattan district attorney’s office, theyhad a spat so bad that Hirschman almostrefused to work for him later. The bookmentions this event several times, butnever once tells the reader what this argu-ment actually was. These kinds of insightsinto Spitzer’s way of doing business mightbe more useful in deciding what kind ofgovernor he might be.

Still, even if her stories are mostly fromfamily, friends, and public accounts, thereare a number of gems among them. Cameoappearances by Rudy Giuliani, JohnCatsimatidis, Alan Dershowitz, andWarren Buffet all add to the book’s appeal.And accounts of conflicts between Spitzerand Andrew Cuomo during the Clintonyears should keep the political rumor mill

going well into the election cycle.The pair tried to work together toplace new restrictions on the gunindustry, but often found them-selves at odds over who was real-ly setting the agenda, states or thefederal government.

By far the best, though, isSpitzer’s argument withCalifornia Attorney General BillLockyer at the NationalAssociation of Attorneys

General Conference. Their R-rated attacks,including Spitzer’s offer “to step outside,”sound more like an early 1990s East vs. WestCoast rap feud than an exchange betweentwo of the country’s most powerful lawyers.

If Spitzer wins in November, it will beinteresting to see whether he extends thissame offer to California’s governor, ArnoldSchwarzenegger, no stranger to both polit-ical and physical infighting. ■

[email protected]

Ripe for an AnalysisBrooke Masters sketches out thelikely Democratic nominee

Want to know more?Brooke Masters will be answeringquestions submitted by Sept. 1 on

www.CityHallnews.com.Submit your question via email [email protected]

and check the website bySept. 11 to see her responses.

than $100,000. His biggest haul came over a two-dayperiod (Feb. 1-2) at Blank Rome, starting when 20individuals gave a combined $29,500. Mark Green’scampaign netted a mere $500 from the firm.

Other firms have contributed more evenly amongthe candidates. At Greenberg Traurig, three associ-ates of the firm gave a combined $2,300 to Cuomo,while the firm as a partnership gave $2,500 to theGreen campaign. At Wilkie, Farr & Gallagher, where

former Gov. Mario Cuomo is of counsel and SeanPatrick Maloney is an associate, the Maloney andCuomo campaigns clocked in evenly at $1,000 each.

There is the expected hedging of bets, albeitsometimes lopsided. Marcus & Pollack backedCuomo with $2,500, while writing a $500 check toGreen.

These donations also show that high profileendorsements do not always come with money. While

David Boies was one of 70 prominent lawyers whocollectively endorsed Mark Green last December, 12members of his firm, Boies, Schiller & Flexner, gave atotal of $5,600 to the Cuomo campaign.

Though this is just one little slice of the fundrais-ing, it helps add up to who will come out ahead in therace for cash. In the race for lawyers’ confidence,and that of the voters, the campaign continues. ■

[email protected]

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

Money Trail

city hall - august 1, 2006

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