chinese writer murong xuecun: a few moments in the china rising story

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    @ 2012-6-22 13:00(3227)(0)(0):

    A Few Moments in the China Rising Story

    Murong Xuecun

    Translated by Jane Weizhen Pan, Martin Merz, Ling Wang

    Mention China and people think of the Great Wall, tofu, kung fu, and of course,

    Confucius. They might also think of the skyscrapers in Beijing and Shanghai, and the

    unforgettable 2008 Olympics which heralded Chinas rise as a great nation. People

    started to believe that China had farewelled forever the era of humiliation and tragedy,

    that China has truly become rich and powerful. And not just in terms of military

    mightChina now has trillions of dollars in foreign exchange reserves and is

    destined to become the centre of the world.

    This, perhaps, is all true, but today I want to tell you some stories from another

    perspective, stories that are well known in China and that have been widely reported

    on. These stories do not represent all of China, but they all represent a part of China.

    But like most hot topics, they were much talked about and caused a great deal of

    excitement for a while, but in the blink of an eye they were filed away in the recesses

    of public consciousness and forgotten. The rise of China has also led to a rise in

    amnesia. Today, as China is rising to new heights I want to retell these stories in the

    hope that you can learn something about the entirely different kind of life some

    people in China are living.

    1 The petitioner

    At 2.40 pm on the 29th of June, 2009, fifty-four-year-old Wu Chandi squeezed on to a

    number 14 bus in Beijing. She was heading to the Legislative Affairs Office of the

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    State Council to present a petition. In todays parlance, Wu Chandi is not a citizen,

    shes a petitioner. And like most petitioners she had sought help from the government

    because she did not receive fair treatment from the local courts. And like petitioners

    who do not get satisfaction from the local government, she too embarked on long

    pilgrimages to Beijing to lodge a formal complaint with the Petition Office of the

    State Council.

    This is a drama that has been played out countless times in China over the centuries

    and the script is unchanged even in this the era of China rising. Petitioners naively

    believe that they will find a place where people will listen to reason if they just try

    hard enough.

    As Wu and her fellow provincials squeezed onto the bus packed with a noisy throng

    of sweat-soaked passengers she cherished but one humble hope: that she would be

    treated fairly. But at that moment she had no inkling of where the bus would really

    take her.

    Ten minutes after Wu embarked, Cui Lin, the bus driver, closed the bus doors and

    telephoned the Beijing Public Security Bureau to report that there were a lot of

    petitioners on his bus, and requested the police send some officers to deal with them.

    We do not know why Cui Lin made this call. Perhaps he was on a mission. Or

    perhaps it was simply because he has a heightened sense of vigilance.

    A quarter of an hour later five policemen arrived on the scene. They did not speak to

    anyone nor did they check anyones ID. But they would not let anyone disembark

    either.

    After another half hour a dozen plain-clothed men arrived. Wu assumed they worked

    for the Changzhou city government, and were tasked with persuading petitioners from

    Changzhou to return home.

    Wu and her associates ignored their counsel. They disembarked the bus, caught the

    next number 14 bus, delivered their petition and then returned home to wait for a

    response.

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    Wus hometown of Changzhou is located in Jiangsu province, one of the wealthiest

    and most developed regions of China. On the journey home, as the train raced past

    innumerable cities and villages, Wu saw that crops were growing well and that every

    chimney along the way was belching smoke. As we now know, Chinas industry and

    agriculture grew rapidly in 2009.

    On the 7th of July, 2010, some three hundred and seventy two days later, Wu was

    suddenly surrounded by a group of plainclothes police while she was out strolling

    with her husband. The policemen took her straight to a police station for questioning.

    That was a long day for Wu Chandi. Towards evening the police showed her a

    document, a notification of administrative detention for nine days. The reason: whenWu took the number 14 bus in Beijing three hundred and seventy two days previously,

    she had not purchased a ticket, which caused the bus to be delayed for over an hour.

    The cost of a number 14 bus ticket is one yuanabout ten pence. There was no

    CCTV on the bus and there is no way to verify the transaction. Apart from driver Cui

    Lins testimony, there is no evidence to prove that Wu did not buy a one yuan ticket.

    By the same token, Wu has no way to prove she did buy a ticket. As China rises, this

    is often how the law works: apart from law enforcement agencies proving that you did

    something, you also need to prove that did not do something. Otherwise you may be

    found guilty.

    A one yuan discrepancy led to a now fifty-five-year-old Wu Chandi being handcuffed

    and incarcerated in a detention centre. Apparently the police felt that administrative

    detention was insufficient punishment for her one yuan offence, because the next day

    they rescinded the decision and changed it to one year of labour re-education.

    Labour re-education doesnt sound all that bad, but actually its the same as going to

    jail, just without the need for a trial. If the police consider it necessary, they can

    unilaterally take away a citizens freedom. People who have gone through labour re-

    education are marked for life. In the era of China rising, labour re-education alumni

    like Wu Chandi number in the hundreds of thousands.

    The 365 days of labour re-education were a very long nightmare for Wu Chandi. She

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    lost her freedom and lived in cramped quarters. Every day she had to recite rules and

    regulations. She was forced to work without any compensation. The work was

    making diodes. Wu Chandi lost count of how many diodes she made during that long

    year, but one thing is certain: those diodes are used in electronic gadgets and these

    gadgets are broadcasting the news of China rising.

    A year after completing her labour re-education Wu Chandi is still terrified by her

    experience. She often has nightmares about her time as an internee. Waking up in

    fright she wails, I bought a bus ticket, please dont send me to labour re-education.

    After being released from labour re-education, Wu Chandi embarked on a another sad

    journey: she lodged an appeal to a local court challenging the administrative decisionto send her to labour re-education and applied for compensation. The judgment was

    predictable: she lost. Wu then appealed to a higher court, and lost again. The

    judgement states that the decision to send her to labour re-education was entirely

    justified and broke no laws, and thus no one need shoulder any legal responsibility.

    Wu Chandi is now fifty-seven years old and in poor health. She often feels dejected

    and hopeless, despairing that she is but a weak woman who is old and infirm, unable

    to fight any more. She has two plans for the future: she wants to regain her health, and

    once she has regained her health, she wants to continue petitioning.

    At 2.40 pm on the 29th of June, 2009, when Wu Chandi squeezed on to a number 14

    bus in Beijing, she had no idea that the bus she was on traverses some of the most

    impressive sights in the world. The number 14 bus provides a view of the wall of

    Zhongnanhaithe Chinese Communist Partys leadership compoundbefore it

    passes a corner of Tiananmen Square. You can see many ancient historicalmonuments as well as modern skyscrapers from the number 14 bus.

    And then, of course, theres the imposing National Theatre. A few hours after her bus

    passed by there was a grand concert with ticket prices ranging from 180 to 580 yuan

    (18 to 58 pounds) for a performance that included classics such as Lay another brick

    in the mansion of socialism and Chairman Maos words are forever engraved on my

    heart. The performance was attended by numerous VIPs who were welcomed with

    rousing cheers.

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    But Wu Chandi knew nothing of this as she sat on the bus trundling inexorably on her

    troubled journey in the era of China rising. Wu Chandis name in Chinese sounds like

    made in nowhere, but now we know she is made in the era of China rising.

    2 The suicide bomber

    At nine am on the 26th of May, 2011, Qian Mingqi parked a small silver coloured van

    in front of the Procuratorate Building in the city of Wuzhou, in Jiangxi province. The

    guard in charge of security told Qian he couldnt park there, but Qian said he was just

    eating a bowl of noodles and would soon be on his way. It was a Thursday and the

    sky was clear. Most of the shops in the area were open and office workers had just

    started their days work.

    No one noticed this unremarkable fifty-two year old man at that critical moment,

    though he had given many hints of what he was about to do.

    The van was a Changan brandChangan means eternal peacebut within half an

    hour there was an explosion in the van, and in two other vehicles. The owner, Qian

    Mingqi, died on the spot.

    Qian Mingqi was born in Beijing in 1959, the year of the worst famine in Chinese

    history. It was a year of low birth rates and high infant mortality. From this

    perspective, Qian had a lucky start in life. Over the course of his fifty-two years, Qian

    was by no means wealthy, though he certainly wasnt poor. It would be fair to say,

    however, that Qian was better off than the majority of people in China. By the year

    2000 he owned a five-story house with many rooms and floor space of about 700

    square meters. That building was the result of a lifetime of hard work. It took his

    entire life savings of half a million yuan (about 50,000 pounds) and some loans as

    well. He expected to be able to live in his home for many years because he made it

    known that he was building it to withstand earthquakes.

    However, two years later the government decided to build an expressway from

    Beijing to Fuzhou, and according to the plans Qian Mingqis house sat in the path of

    the carriageway. The expressway was designated an important infrastructure project,

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    and in the era of China rising that means nothing can stand in its way. Not even a new

    house that used up someones life savings to build.

    The market value of Qians home was about two million yuan (over two hundred

    thousand pounds) but the government valuation worked differently and they only

    offered two hundred and fifty thousand yuan (about twenty five thousand pounds) in

    compensation. Qian was unwilling to accept the package. He pleaded. He resisted. He

    even got into ferocious fights with the demolition crew. But like so many other houses

    in the era of China rising, no matter how many certificates the owner has applied for

    and obtained, Qians home too could not escape the wreckers ball.

    In 2005 the Beijing to Fuzhou Expressway opened to traffic. This 2,540 kmexpressway is one of the best in China. Connecting Beijing with the rich and populous

    southeastern seaboard, it acts as an important artery for moving materials and

    equipment. This expressway is vital to Chinas economic development.

    As the government held a spectacular ceremony to mark the opening of the

    expressway, Qian Mingqi was on a train heading to Beijing. By that time he had been

    transformed from a prosperous businessman into a determined petitioner who still

    embraced hope and had no intention of dying.

    Qian Mingqi did not start out as an extremist as he pursued every legal avenue to

    receive fair compensation. To equip himself in his numerous attempts to follow legal

    procedures Qian took up studying the law. He tried negotiating with the

    governmenthe failed. He applied for an administrative reviewhe failed again. He

    took his case to courtyet again he failed. He appealed to a higher courtand that

    too failed. In 2007 he joined a group of fellow evictees in reporting local officials forembezzling their relocation compensation funds. You can predict the resultit failed.

    Over the course of almost ten years Qian Mingqi travelled many times from Jiangxi

    province to Beijing in the hope of resolving his problem at the highest levels of

    government. This legal remedy known in China as petitioning resulted, of course, in

    an unending series of failures for Qian Mingqi.

    Nobody remembers what happened to Qian Mingqi on those sojourns in Beijing:

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    perhaps he was forcibly repatriated to Jiangxi; perhaps dejected he returned of his

    own volition. But we do know that Qian Mingqi and his friends are part of the scenery

    in the rise of China, and have become the most significant waste products of a rising

    China.

    In 2006 Qian Mingqi began to use the internet to publicise his misfortunes online but

    there was little response. As microblogging took off Qian Mingqi registered accounts

    on numerous web portals. On the Tencent portal he pleaded for assistance from fifty

    people but no one replied. He then implored 200 people on the Sina.com portal to

    help him, and again no one replied. I was one of the people who did not reply.

    After Qian Mingqi died I noticed for the first time that he had written to merequesting that I repost his testimonial but I did nothing. Well I came up many

    reasons for my inaction but today I wish to confess that I did not respond because I

    was selfish and indifferent to the plight of others. Qian Mingqi died because of his

    own peculiar circumstances but he also died because this society is uncaring. And that

    includes me.

    During the Chinese New Year festival in early 2011, Qian Mingqi pasted traditional

    couplets, written in gold characters on red paper on each side of the door to his house,

    with a non-traditional theme:

    Happy New Year? Nothing happy about it!

    My wrongs righted? Not a chance for it!

    By this time Qian Mingqi was utterly disheartened and was ready to die. He posted

    messages online telling people to look out for some explosive news coming from

    Jiangxi province. He said he was preparing to take his enemies to the netherworld

    with him and frequently declared that he intended to blow up a government building.

    No one believed him.

    Shortly before the explosion Qian Mingqi posted his telephone number online with an

    offer to donate all his organs, though only to the children of needy families. This wish

    was not granted because soon after he died in the explosion Qian Mingqi was

    cremated and his ashes were buried. The telephone number still works and it is

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    answered by one of Qians sons. The younger son is unwilling to discuss anything

    about his father, but his older brother is a little more talkative. He is planning to write

    a book about petitioners, modeling the main character on his father.

    At 9 am on the 26th of May, 2011, Qian Mingqi decided to leave this world. He

    packed three cheap vehicles with explosives. He had told a friend that he wanted to

    give the government a present. In point of fact, the government did not receive his

    present and Qian Mingqis death did not awaken the rising China. All it achieved was

    an increase in policing and security checks, while petitioners still trudge along their

    arduous path.

    Qian Mingqis present was actually delivered to some people even less fortunate thanhimself: two security guards, He Haigen and Xu Yingfu, died together with Qian

    Mingqi. They once had families and enjoyed normal life. He Haigens son was in

    primary school and Xu Yingfus son was a university student. They were both poor,

    having come from poor families, and, being engaged in low status work had low

    incomes, less than 1,000 yuan per month. During the era of China rising, no one really

    pays much attention to whether such people live or die.

    3 The mental health patient

    At two am on April 19, 2011, Xu Wu managed to bend the iron railings of the gated

    mental health ward with wooden sticks and bed sheets and sneak out of the the 2nd

    hospital of the Wuhan Iron and Steel Corporation, in the city of Wuhan. Outside was

    a yard overgrown with weeds. The guards were deep asleep. Xu Wu gingerly pushed

    the metal gate ajar and stepped back into the sane world he had been kept away from

    for a long time.

    This is not his first attempt to escape. In March 2007, Xu had snuck out of the heavily

    guarded hospital once before, after spending eight nights secretly sawing through the

    iron bars on the window with a saw blade he had fortuitously found.

    One month later, he was picked up by the police and put back into the prion-like

    structure. In the following four years, he was kept in this fortress, forced to swallow

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    inedible food and to regularly take tablets with unknown effects. Sometimes he

    received electric shock treatments and suffered physical abuse. For a long period, he

    was held in solitary confinement. For two years, he did not see the sun and hardly

    ever received visits from his family and friends.

    It might surprise you to learn that, according to the official record, Xu Wu was not a

    criminal. He was a mental health patient.

    Xu Wu was born in 1968 to a workers family. If our political textbooks are not

    mistaken, that would make him a member of Chinas ruling class. His father had

    worked at the Wuhan Iron and Steel Corporation for decades. At the age of 21, Xu

    entered the ranks of the same company after graduating from a technical institute.

    According to the official record, Xu was not a good employee. He had taken

    unauthorised leave and broken workplace regulations. But Xu disagrees. He believes

    his only problem is that he takes things too seriously, which in China can be

    interpreted as being too stubborn, or too obsessed with his rights. This is why Xu

    was kept in the mental health ward for so long. But this is not surprising. In the era of

    China rising, in a place where peoples rights are commonly neglected, taking rights

    too seriously can be seen as an illness.

    From 2003 to 2006, Xu Wu had over a dozen legal battles with his employer because

    he believed the company had unfairly cut his wages. Initially, the dealings between

    him and his employer were cordial. After a court conciliation, the company offered to

    provide Xu with financial assistance on humanitarian grounds but denied any

    wrongdoing on its part. Xu refused to accept this conciliation outcome. He said of

    course money is important for him, but a court decision over right or wrong is evenmore important. The court decision soon was delivered. Xu lost the case.

    Xu Wu was fighting against a business giant. The Wuhan Iron and Steel Corporation

    is the fourth largest steel manufacturer in the world and ranked 340 among the

    worlds top 500 enterprises. The companys headquarters occupy an area of 21 square

    kilometres. The company employs several hundred thousand people and owns

    hundreds of billions of yuan in assets as well as countless subsidiaries. The company

    has its own schools, hospitals and law enforcement agencies.

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    Members of companys management team enjoy benefits of government officials, or

    perhaps they are government officials. Also worth mentioning, is the company has

    been named one of the nations best-managed enterprises. In the era of China rising, a

    best-managed enterprise like this can bestow fortunes to some people, but such giant

    corporations can also make some people very unfortunate.

    Xu Wu belongs to the unfortunate group. He has to endure the harshest life in

    contemporary China since he turned down his employers offer of assistance on

    humanitarian grounds. He was physically attacked many times and his injuries

    required hospital treatment. He was humiliated and locked up many times. He tried to

    resist whenever he was persecuted but every act of defiance only resulted in even

    more severe persecution. In the end, he had to flee the city of Wuhan.

    On December 16, 2006, Xu Wu was arrested at the entrance of the Peking University

    in Beijing. The official explanation for this event was that Xu had threatened to set off

    a bomb at Tiananmen Square, and that he had been found in possession of a bomb-

    making recipe, and an electricians cutter and bomb-making ingredients were found in

    his backpack. But Xu denies it all. He said he went to Beijing simply to seek legal

    assistance.

    On December 31, 2006, the streets of Wuhan were full of festivity. People dressed up

    to welcome the new year. CCTV, the state television channel, broadcast a new year

    gala event to celebrate the time of happiness, to praise the wisdom and kindness of the

    government. On that day, Xu Wu was taken to a concrete fortress and subjected to

    1,571 days of mental health treatment. None of his family members was present when

    he was admitted. Wearing a blue-and-white striped hospital uniform, curled up in a

    tiny hospital bed, he looked like a forlorn zebra crushed under the weight of a rising

    nation.

    On May 1, 2007, clothed in rags, Xu Wu arrived at Tiananmen Square. This was after

    he snuck out of the hospital for the first time. A month before arriving at the square,

    he sought shelter under bridges in Beijing. He lived on money he earned from selling

    recycled cans and bottles. He begged for help in front of the gate of many government

    agencies. No one listened to what he had to say.

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    The 1st

    of may was another large fesival in China. Tiananmen sqaure was swarmed

    with tourists from every parts of China. Xu Wu found a relatively open space and

    lighted a cander under the clear sunny sky. This action seemes to have its tradition as

    forty seven years before, He Mingyuan, a man suffering from famine and oppression

    did the same thing and was plunged into prison as a result. Xu Wus fate was slightly

    better than He Mingyuans. he was thrown into a prison-like hospital. Xu Wus candle

    is a riddle hard to fathom. When he held the lighted candle high in the Tiananmen

    squre, he purported to convey the message: at the time Wuhan city, 1200 kilometers

    awary from Beijing was in pitch-dark night.

    From a certain perspective, Xu Wu was lucky. His fellow patients had to pay to

    receive treatment, but Xu got his treatment for free. Perhaps the hospital authority

    believed his condition was too severe to have visitors, so no one was allowed to visit

    him. Again and again, his aged parents went to the concrete fortress attempting to

    visit their son. Again and again, they were turned away at the gate. From 2007 to

    2011, they were turned away 86 times. They appealed to the local court but the court

    refused to hear their case. They approached medical experts in local hospitals to

    review Xu Wus condition, but the hospitals refused to assist. They lived only a few

    kilometres away from their son, but the distance for them was as far away as another

    planet.

    At two am on April 19, 2011, Xu Wu snuck out of the hospital. He borrowed 2,000

    yuan (about 200 pounds) from a friend and took a train to Guangzhou in southern

    China. He went to a mental health hospital and requested an assessment. Except

    feeling unhappy and having low self-esteem, the assessment did not reveal any

    severe mental illness. Xu Wu then sought help from the media. On April 27, after he

    went on television describing his experience, he was taken away from the compound

    of the TV station by seven plain-clothed men. One of them said he was surnamed

    Zhou. Later, his true identity was revealed. He was a member of the law enforcement

    agency under the Wuhan Iron and Steel Corporation. His surname was not Zhou.

    This incident caused a media frenzy. Journalists interviewed Xus family and

    neighbours. Everyone said Xu was mentally sound. Despite Xus request to receive an

    authoritative mental health assessment in another province, the assessment report was

    issued in his home province. This reports states that Xu suffers from paranoid mental

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    disorders and advised Xu to be treated as an in-patient. Xu Wus parents ignored

    the advice and took their son home. After the assessment report was released, the

    media lost interest in Xus case. As you would understand, the media are

    overwhelmed by the number of stories they have to cover.

    Going home for Xu Wu doesnt mean regaining freedom. According to Xu Wu,

    problems are still following him. In August 2011, he escaped from his home but was

    soon picked up by the people who were assigned to watch him and bundled back. In

    December last year, he made it to Beijing again and stayed for 43 days. Every day he

    pleaded for help online. Most of the time he talked about his own experience but he

    also paid attention to others. He received few responses. Obviously, his story is no

    longer hot. Forty-three days later, he was taken back to Wuhan. These days he is

    teaching himself law at home.

    Xu has two plans for the future. One is to endure whatever life brings him. The

    other relates to the law. Legally, he has been deemed mentally unsound and no court

    will take up his case. But he still has hopes for the law and wants to study law and

    promote the law. I asked him if he wants to sit the National Judicial Exam. He said

    no. He told me that he is not confident he could pass the exam and that he just wants

    to do whatever he can to help others.

    At 44, Xu Wu is still single and wants to find love in the near future. He met someone

    he liked in 2006 but he thought that was far from falling in love. We just chatted for

    a few times, Xu told me. However, he has lost contact with that woman after all the

    years he spent in the mental health ward. Im sure she is already married and has

    children, said Xu.

    4 The black lung patient

    At 8 am on the 29th of December, 2010, Zhong Guangwei was wheeled into the

    operating theatre of the Nanjing Chest Hospital. Two hours later, 15 bottles

    containing 8 litres of murky liquid, were lavaged from his left lung. The liquid

    contained innumerable black granules and cottony substances. But the procedure was

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    not complete because the doctor only lavaged his left lung.

    Born in 1973, Zhong Guangwei dropped out of school after five years and worked a

    hard life digging the barren land, sweating and laboring under the sun just as his

    grandfather and father before him had. In violation of Chinas One Child Policy

    Zhong had three children. Because of government policy he could only obtain

    legitimate residence certificates for the extra children by paying fines. This was an

    unbearable burden for him.

    For the past 60 years since the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, farmers

    like Zhong Guangwei have been the most hard-working and the most destitute. They

    are second class citizens in this country. They barely survive, toiling year after yearwithout regular incomes and pensions. In the era of China rising, the government

    exempts farmers from land tax and as a result some farmers live slightly better lives.

    However, for a destitute farmer like Zhong Guangwei, life has not improved.

    In November 2006, Zhong Guangwei bade farewell to his wife and children to start a

    job as a pneumatic drill operator for a coal mine in Datong, Shanxi province. Shanxi

    is the largest coal-producing province in China. For decades it has been producing

    tens of billions tons of coal, used in the generation of electricity for the rise of this

    great nation.

    Many people have made huge fortunes from coalmining, which also accounts for the

    notoriety of Shanxi as the worst polluted province with the highest number of

    industrial accidents. Many coal-miners work in extremely dangerous and unhealthy

    conditions underground. Most of them are not covered by labor insurance or protected

    from industrial hazards. Many die deep down in mine shafts and their deaths are anintegral part of the rise of China.

    The place where Zhong Guangwei worked was once a Buddhist sanctuary, only four

    kilometers from the renowned Yungang Grottos. To earn more money, Zhong worked

    over ten hours a day in noisy and dusty conditions. Four months later, he felt pain in

    his lungs and began coughing a lot. But he persevered with work, and only asked

    doctors to administer intravenous drips when the pain was unendurable. The next day

    he would continue operating the pneumatic drill, allowing coal dust sweep across his

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    face, and settle in his lungs.

    In the spring of 2007, Zhong Guangweis health was totally destroyed. His weight

    plunged and the coughing fits became worse. He feared that he had pneumoconiosis

    and went to the Datong city Health Examination and Testing Center for an checkup.

    The doctor, however, refused to examine him on the grounds that pneumoconiosis is

    an occupational disease, and they could only give him a medical examination if they

    had proof that Zhong Guangwei had an occupation.

    This meant that Zhong Guangwei had first to provide a labor contract. But he was

    only an off-farm worker, a typical designation with Chinese characteristics that

    reflects his dual identity: farmer and worker. Farmer is an immutable class attribute,while worker is his actual occupation. In the era of China rising, the number of off-

    farm workers exceeds 120 million. They build roads and mansions, they take on the

    most onerous and dangerous work, but at the same time they are the most despised

    people in China, and are routinely treated as criminal suspects. They sweat and labor

    day after day, seldom aware of their legal rights. Many of them have no concept about

    protecting themselves by signing a labor contract. When their rights are violated, the

    only thing they can do is to endure, as they are not able to present labor contracts to

    the law courts. Surely you must know that China is a country governed by the rule of

    law.

    Zhong Guangwei had to go back to the coal mine where he worked to ask his

    employer to issue a certificate of proof of employment. But his request was refused.

    In the eyes of his employers, he had become a nuisance. They felt no obligation to

    help him.

    Zhong Guanwei had no choice but to seek assistance from the government. He

    applied for an administrative ruling from the South District Labor Bureau of Datong

    city. This turned out to be an extremely arduous expedition. With forced smiles and

    humble entreaties, he tottered back and forth on the citys roads coughing in agony

    and waiting in vain. Three months later, he finally received the administrative ruling

    of the Labor Bureau which simply denied that an employment relationship existed

    between Zhong Guangwei and the coal mine owner. The reason was simple, and

    typical of the era of China risingZhong Guangwei never worked in the coal mine as

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    he was not acquainted with the coal mine owner.

    Now he had to file a complaint to the Peoples Court. The same expedition was

    repeatedforced smiles, humble entreaties and tottering stepsover and over during

    first trial at the Court of First Instance and second trial at the Intermediate Court. At

    last, Zhong Guangwei won, with a decision adjudicating that there was indeed a de

    facto employment relationship between him and the coal mine owner. After one

    years painstaking effort, he finally won the right to receive a medical examination.

    The medical report stated that he had stage II pneumosilicosis. His lungs were

    severely damaged. With this medical report, he began to apply to the government for

    an industrial injury appraisal. This was, again, an arduous expedition. His conditiondeteriorated and the treatment depleted his meager savings. He could only afford to

    kill the pain with the cheapest pain killers on the market, taking the pills one by one at

    first, and then by the handful.

    Seven months later, he was appraised with stage III industrial injury, which means a

    total loss of ability to work. Then he started to claim for industrial injury

    compensation. He filled in the forms, copied the certificates and collected all the

    necessary documents. Coughing wretchedly, he again called upon the Labor Bureau

    of the South District of Datong city. Unlike their usual obfuscation, this time the

    Labor Bureaus response was devastatingly concise. They told him that his

    application could not be accepted because the coal mine he worked for was shut down

    several months earlier.

    Again he filed another complaint, the results of which this time only took several

    months. The court ruled that he won the case and was entitled to compensation of490,000 yuan (about fourty-nine thousand pounds). He waited four months but

    received not a penny. Then he had to apply for enforcement of the court order. In the

    story of Zhong Guangwei, I have emphatically repeated the phrase arduous

    expedition. But believe me, this time the expedition was more arduous than ever.

    In the era of China rising, enforcement of a court decision is a formidable task. Even

    the most experienced lawyer will feel faint on hearing the word enforcement, let

    alone a lowly, impoverished and dying farmer like Zhong Guangwei. He and his wife

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    stumbled back and forth between their domicile and the court, only falling further and

    further into desperation. They kneeled on the ground, weeping and begging. As you

    know, the court is obliged to follow the law, so the judges would raise many

    reasonable requests of him, such as to bring the coal mine owner to the court and to

    provide a warehouse to store heavy coal mining equipment. The judges must have

    believed that meeting their demands would have been a piece of cake for Zhong

    Guangwei.

    At this time, Zhong Guangwei had become penniless and was heavily indebted. He

    lived in an ocean of coal but he could not afford to burn coal to keep his family warm.

    In the chilling winter of twenty degree below zero in northern China, his family of

    five, including a two year old infant, huddled up under a thin blanket doing their best

    to keep warm. Zhong Guangwei coughed throughout the night, and sometimes even

    lost consciousness. He and his wife even considered suicide while his twelve-year old

    daughter was preparing to sell her blood. At his nadir, Zhong Guangwei, a simple and

    kind farmer, even had thoughts of blowing up this world of suffering.

    Things took a favorable turn several months later. Some kind-hearted people extended

    helping hands and there was wide media coverage of his misfortune. On the 28th of

    October, 2010, the court summoned Zhong Guangwei and his debtors. Tough

    negotiation ensued. In the era of China rising, the law has two versions: soft and hard.

    For Wu Chandi, Qian Mingqi and Xu Wu the law was hard and non-negotiable. For

    Zhong Guangwei, the law was soft and negotiable. Because the coalmine owner

    refused to compensate the total sum, the judges mediated between the two parties.

    Zhong Guangwei had to lower his price over and over, from 490,000 yuan down to

    480,000, then to 470,000 yuan, then 350 000, and ultimately down to 270,000 yuan

    (about twenty-seven thousand pounds) where the deal finally closed. For Zhong

    Guangwei law is his last resort, but ultimately the law took a forty-five percent

    discount from him.

    At 8 am on the 29th of November, 2010, Zhong Guangwei was wheeled into the

    operating theatre of the Nanjing Chest Hospital. Fifteen bottles of murky liquid were

    lavaged from his left lung. Once again Zhong Guangwei was wheeled into the

    operating theatre of the Nanjing Chest Hospital. Even more murky fluid was lavaged

    from the right lung, filling some twenty-one bottles. The doctor said that lung

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    lavaging could only mitigate his symptoms and there was no cure for the disease.

    In the era of China rising, there are tens of thousands of off-farm workers suffering

    from pneumosilicosis just like Zhong Guangwei. However, most of them are not as

    fortunate as him. In the absence of media coverage and attention from society, they

    can barely protect their own rights. They toil in silence, and in silence they suffer, and

    die.

    Zhong Guangwei is still alive. At a height of 173 cm, he only weighs 52 kilograms.

    He had his lungs lavaged, paid off his debt and even bought an old house. The money

    he received in exchange for his lost health, is almost completely gone. Because he is

    an off-farm worker Zhong Guangwei is ineligible for reimbursement of medicalexpenses.

    To Zhong Guangwei, the future is beyond his reach. He cannot make any plans for

    the future. He just wants to raise some pigs and goats, to feed his family, keep them

    warm and strive to survive. He has learnt to use the internet. For the past two years,

    Zhong Guangwei has posted over four thousand messages online. All of his posts are

    about his concern for the disadvantaged. He said to me: I suffered and I know how it

    feels. Theres not much I can do, but at least I can give people who are suffering a

    little warmth.

    5 The candidate

    I also want to tell you the story of Liang Shuxin. Liang is in his 30s and is member of

    the Communist Party. On September 8, 2011, at the venue to elect the local peoples

    representatives, Liang crossed out the names of two candidates on the ballot, wrote

    down his own name and cast his ballot. Despite having the support of many ordinary

    people, Liang lost his bid to become a candidate, because some people had made

    sure he couldnt become a candidate. The next election will be in 2016. He said he

    will definitely participate if the election procedure is fair.

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    6 The online commentator

    I also want to tell you the story of Xiao Han. By May 29, 2012, Xiao Hans account

    on the microblog portal Sina Weibo had been shut down 131 times. Xiao Han is 43.

    He is an academic at the China University of Political Science and Law. Xiao avidly

    follows current affairs and regularly voices his opinion online.

    In November 2009, Xiao Han first registered his user name on Weibo. He posted

    messages about the law and freedom of speech. His account was quickly shut down.

    He then registered a new account name, Xiao Han Weibo II. When that account was

    shut down, he registered another account under a new name, Xiao Han Weibo III.

    When I left China a few days ago, his latest Weibo user name was Xiao Han WeiboCXXXIIthats 132 times Xiao Han has had to register to have his voice heard.

    In some ways, Xiao has died 131 times. He doesnt know how many more times he

    will be allowed to be reborn, but he refuses to give up. Where there is no freedom,

    freedom means everything.

    There are thousands of Chinese netizens like Xiao Han. They are called members of

    the Reincarnated Party. One party member was reincarnated 359 times. This is a

    battle between a hard wall and soft tissue. Even though losing the battle is inevitable,

    members of the Reincarnated Party never shy away from throwing themselves against

    the iron wall.

    7 The joker

    Fang Hong is 44 year-old civil servant. On April 21, 2011, he posted a joke about Bo

    Xilai and Wang Lijun, the now disgraced officials of Chongqing. The joke consisted

    of merely 58 Chinese characters. As a result of posting the joke, Fang Hong became

    probably one of the most highly paid writers in the worldhe was sent to a labor re-

    education camp for one yearwhich equates to 6.3 days of his freedom per character.

    People can now blame Bo Xilai for Fang Hongs plight. But Bo Xilai is not the

    fundamental reason Fang Hong got into trouble.

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    Why is a rising China so scared of a joke? What kind of a system would throw

    someone into prison for simply telling a joke? Why is it that the rights of a citizen can

    be deprived so easily but are so hard to restore?

    8 The bribe giver

    Finally, please allow me to talk about my own China rising moment. When I was

    thirty years old I applied for my first passport. At the time, I lived in Guangdong

    province in the south, but had to submit my application in person in Sichuan province

    in the far west of China where my household registration record was held. The

    journey to Sichuan only takes two hours by plane, but the application process took

    two weeks, during which time I had to make countless journeys between various

    government offices. Every journey was a battle. I felt that obtaining a passport was no

    longer my legal right as a Chinese citizen, but a gift bestowed by the government for

    which I must be grateful. As part of the procedure, I was required obtain a certificate

    from the neighborhood committee, confirming I was not a Falun Gong practitioner

    and had not participated in the student movement of 1989.

    It was a hot summer afternoon. I stood in line for two hours before finally being

    allowed to speak to the busy neighborhood committee director. The director was

    probably the lowest ranking official in Chinas bureaucratic chain, but he was as cold

    as most of the government officials above him. I need proof that you have never

    practiced Falun Gong and did not participate in the student movement, he insisted.

    Its difficult for someone to prove he did not do something. Other people can only

    testify if one has actually done something, I said, trying to reason with the man. I

    told him that it was impossible for me to be part of the student movement in 1989

    because I was just a junior high school student at the time. As for Falun Gong, I have

    never had anything to do with them. All I said was true and the man knew it but he

    still refused to issue the certificate. I didnt dare to argue with him because that would

    mean the end of my passport application. Putting my pride aside, I pleaded and

    begged. He would not budge.

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    In the end, I gave in. I bribed him with a carton of Chung HwaChina brand

    cigarettes, which cost 400 yuan, about 40 pounds.

    I proved my innocence through dishonorable means. The neighborhood committee

    director gave up his principles for a carton of cigarettes.

    I thanked him. Youre welcome, he replied. Thats what Im supposed to do. To

    this day, I dont know if he meant he was supposed to issue me the certificate, or

    supposed to take my bribe.

    It took him only five minutes to issue the certificate. But obtaining the certificate was

    only the first step of my long journey towards applying for a passport.

    That was in 2003. At the time, people had just started to talk about the rise of China.

    Conclusion

    If we have time, I will tell you more stories. More stories about those who sweat in

    fields under the sun, stories about other people who labour in mine pits and stories

    about other humble, insignificant individuals who are struggling to survive. In recent

    decades, it is these people who built the freeways and constructed the skyscrapers, it

    is these people who have been carrying the 8% annual GDP growth every year and

    created the China miracle, it is these people who bear the brunt of a rising China.

    As a Chinese citizen, I of course hope my country will become prosperous. But this

    prosperity should not just put money into government coffers. It should also bring

    security, happiness and health to the Chinese people. This prosperity should not be

    just about money, but also about prosperity in ideas, culture and art. Apart from

    acquiring material prosperity, I hope my country becomes a greater civilization. Apart

    from possessing military power, I hope my country embraces compassion for

    mankind.

    When my country rises, I hope my people can speak freely, instead of being

    suffocated, I hope disadvantaged people can receive help, instead of being pushed

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    into the hell of suffering, I hope hard-working people can be rewarded, instead of

    being exploited.

    I hope the rise of my country benefits the entire population, instead of a handful of

    families. I hope the rise of my country profits truly hard-working people, instead of

    lining the pockets of corrupt bureaucrats.

    I hope the rise of my country means power can be restrained, justice served and

    peoples freedom protected, instead of more people being pushed into despair.

    I hope the rise of my country is not at the expense of its peoples lives.