chapter-iii kushana coins and...

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CHAPTER-III KUSHANA COINS AND INSCRIPTIONS The greatest testimony of Kushana power in India is in the form of abundant Kushana coins and a large number of inscriptions which are retrieved from all quarters of their empire. While coins float, travel and circulate even outside the political boundaries of an empire, reflecting its economic strength, the inscriptions represent the physical limits of an empire. Together, they provide an almost unparalleled series of historical document. As written records either by the Kushanas themselves or about them, are exceedingly scarce, reconstruction of their history is primarily based on a meticulous study of their coinage, inscriptions and the material remains which have come to light during archaeological excavations and explorations. Thus, Kushana numismatics, epigraphy and archaeology are indispensable tools for the study of Kushana history. Coins are indeed living commentaries of the past. Technically speaking, a coin is a piece of metal, usually of prescribed weight, embellished with designs and/or legends under the direction of a private or public authority for its use as a medium of exchange. Apart from serving the purpose of exchange during their own time, coins were to a great extent instrumental in the accumulation and distribution of economic power, assimilation and dissemination of cultural traits and enhancement of political ideas and economic influence through trade to distant lands. Kushana coins throw valuable light on their state, the process of waxing and wanning of their empire, their chronology, genealogy, religious inclinations of individual rulers as well as some aspects of religion and society of their time. The reconstruction of political history and the process of their empire building is largely based on the study of Kushana coinage and inscriptions. The geographical distribution of coins often indicates either political domination or commercial sway of the issuing authority over the region. Since metals enjoy a varying degree of resistence to corrosion, a reasonably high proportion of 51

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CHAPTER-III

KUSHANA COINS AND INSCRIPTIONS

The greatest testimony of Kushana power in India is in the form of

abundant Kushana coins and a large number of inscriptions which are

retrieved from all quarters of their empire. While coins float, travel and

circulate even outside the political boundaries of an empire, reflecting its

economic strength, the inscriptions represent the physical limits of an empire.

Together, they provide an almost unparalleled series of historical document.

As written records either by the Kushanas themselves or about them, are

exceedingly scarce, reconstruction of their history is primarily based on a

meticulous study of their coinage, inscriptions and the material remains which

have come to light during archaeological excavations and explorations. Thus,

Kushana numismatics, epigraphy and archaeology are indispensable tools for

the study of Kushana history.

Coins are indeed living commentaries of the past. Technically

speaking, a coin is a piece of metal, usually of prescribed weight, embellished

with designs and/or legends under the direction of a private or public authority

for its use as a medium of exchange. Apart from serving the purpose of

exchange during their own time, coins were to a great extent instrumental in

the accumulation and distribution of economic power, assimilation and

dissemination of cultural traits and enhancement of political ideas and

economic influence through trade to distant lands. Kushana coins throw

valuable light on their state, the process of waxing and wanning of their

empire, their chronology, genealogy, religious inclinations of individual rulers

as well as some aspects of religion and society of their time. The

reconstruction of political history and the process of their empire building is

largely based on the study of Kushana coinage and inscriptions. The

geographical distribution of coins often indicates either political domination or

commercial sway of the issuing authority over the region. Since metals enjoy

a varying degree of resistence to corrosion, a reasonably high proportion of

51

coins have successfully been retrieved either by way of stray finds or hoards

or through systematic explorations and excavations. A very large number of

Kushana coins have thus come to light from the entire north India which are

our sole guide to coinage in circulation and help us to infer the geographical

extent of the sphere of influence of each individual Kushana ruler. As money

is an indicator of economic activity, an economic system can be usefully

defined by the pattern of production, exchange and dispersion of coinage of

that period. At a general level, the number of coin samples lost and recovered

does throw light on the frequency of money usage and is a reflection of the

degree of monetization. Although the number of coins lost may not be directly

proportional to the volume of currency in circulation, the number of surviving

coins does reflect the frequency of exchange-transactions and penetration of

money economy, if not the amount of money used during the period.1 Thus an

intensive study of Kushana coinage, metrology, metereology, denominations,

etc. enables a fairly coherent reconstruction of the monetary system of

Kushana period.

Apart from physical distribution, the context in which coins are found

i.e. as stray find or in hoards or during excavation or exploration etc., is also

important in deriving meaningful information from them. These different

contexts of their finds, have their own inherent implications and limitations and

thus offer varied forms of information to us. Among the Kushana coins, some

were collected from the surface of mounds in the course of explorations while

a great number of coins have been stumbled upon by the natives accidentally

either during rains or during tilling fields or during other digging operations.

Such casual or stray finds, usually consist of low-denomination coins in poor

condition but they furnish a good evidence regarding coin circulation and are

important for studying local currency trends.2 Coins found during excavations

are perhaps one of the most revealing category of coins as in most cases

these are found in a stratified context and represent the local currency of the

1 As argued by J.S. Deyell, Living Without Silver – The Monitory History of Early Medieval North India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990, pp.34-36. 2 P. Grierson, Numismatics, Oxford University Press, London, 1975, pp.128-129.

52

day. The coins found in excavations are also generally low-denomination

copper coins subjected to corrosion over the centuries. They are often too

worn out to provide any evidence on metrology and coin types. But since the

number of excavation finds is generally large, one can draw reasonably firm

conclusions regarding the nature of coin circulation.1 Apart from the coins,

excavations also throw light on other aspects like structural activity, pottery

tradition, size of habitation, duration of occupation, nature of cultural

deposition etc., thus placing coins in their actual context. Since small coins

are lost more easily than larger ones, more number of small denomination

coins are recovered from excavations in comparison to large denominations.

We must therefore, avoid direct comparisons when the values or types of

coins involved are very different.

A large number of Kushana coins have come to light as coin hoards. A

hoard is by definition a group of coins or other valuables which are concealed

as a unit. In accordance with their circumstantial conditions of loss, hoards

can be classified as accidental losses, emergency hoards or saving hoards.2

As accidental losses and emergency hoards involve the sudden removal of

samples of current coins from the circulating medium, they normally represent

the currency of the day and also reflect very closely the proportion of coins of

various denominations as in circulation. They are also likely to reproduce the

proportion of old coins and even foreign coins in it with considerable fidelity.3

Accidental hoards usually consist of uneven sums of money and the coins

may be of high or low value depending on the circumstance of their formation.

But saving hoards on the other hand, tend to be selective, containing high-

value coins in preference to low-value ones and unworn specimens of coins

rather than inferior ones. It is the high quality coins from saving hoards that

accounts for the remarkable state of preservation of so many gold coins in

modern collection. Such coins in good condition are excellent for the study of

physical attributes of Kushana coins such as portrait of kings and divinities,

1 P. Grierson, Numismatics, Oxford University Press, London, 1975, pp.128-129. 2 Ibid., pp. 130-35 3 Ibid., p.133.

53

their obverse type, reverse type, inscriptions, holograms, metal content, etc.

But a hoard may have been lost by a merchant or pilgrim or some other

traveller, so its contents may not always be typical of the local currency.

Coins retrieved either in exploration or excavation or as stray finds or

hoards, are all important as they are samples of coin population but they are

samples with several limitations. The coins which are found and recorded are

only samples of those actually found, since many others would have been

melted down or disposed of to collectors, without any record, along with many

others still being unretrived. Since gold has a high intrinsic value, it is

profitable to melt down gold coins. Even succeeding ruling kings resort to

remoulding of gold coins of their predecessors. Perhaps for the same reasons

only a small number of gold coins come down to us, in comparison to low

value coins. The coins thus found are in turn only samples of those that were

lost, for many others would have been lost and found again in the past and

others still remain to be found in the future.

Coins found in explorations and excavations are likely to be strongly

biased in favour of low-denomination and in hoards, be equally biased in

favour of high denominations.1 We must therefore carefully draw logical

conclusions from them keeping these limitations in mind.

Apart from being repositories of political and economic history, coins

also have aesthetic and artistic value. The dies from which coins were struck

were the work of the artists of the day, reflecting the aesthetic tastes of the

society of Kushana times. They present before us the portraits of the Kushana

kings and representations of deities favoured by them. The gods and

goddesses represented on the Kushana coins not only reflect the religious

beliefs of the Kushana monarchs, but also those of the people who were

subdued by them such as the Bactrian Greeks or Yavanas, the Shakas and

the Parthians whose religious faiths were prevailing in the territories occupied

by the Kushanas. The well executed Kushan coins are also objects of art

1 P. Grierson, Numismatics, Oxford University Press, London, 1975, p.126.

54

which reflect the intermingling of art and cultures of different regions included

in the empire.

The Kushanas evolved an impressive and uniform monetary order.

Like the Kushana state, the Kushana monetary system was strong, pervasive

and long-lived that left indelible marks on the ancient Indian currency system.

We can ascertain this by the sheer volume and wide distribution of Kushana

coins retained in private and public coffers. We know from the testimony of

numerous hoards that Kushana currency circulated freely from Bactria to

Bihar. As Kushana conquest of any area would have been followed by the

imposition of the Kushana coinage, and as the empire expanded, so did the

area of circulation. The coins of the Kushanas were produced by die-striking

process. A regular alignment of the obverse and reverse impressions on a

large number of coins suggests that a careful attention, was paid to minting.

Although the reverse of some Kushana coins are found partly out of their flan.

The earliest known Kushana coins are the tetra drachms issued by

Miaos or Heraeus with the word Kushana, following his name in Greek

legend. These copper coins are mostly recovered from the Bactrian region

and conform to the Attic weight standard. They portray a diademed bust of a

ruler with a moustache, an aquiline nose and a heavy jaw.1 A similar face was

noticed or a clay bust of a king from Khalchayan in upper Surkhan Darya in

Uzbekistan.2

The earliest Kushana coins found in India are the copper coins, issued

by Kujula Kadphises, which are recovered in large numbers from the entire

north western region of India including Gandhara and Taxila. More than 2,522

coins of Kujula Kadphises were recovered from Sirkap (Taxila) alone.3 He

issued a fairly large variety of coins with variations in the inscription. His

earliest issues include coins with the diademed bust of the last Bactrian ruler-

1 P.L. Gupta, Coins, National Book Trust, New Delhi, (1st edition 1969), fourth edition 1996, pp. 32-33. 2 G. Frumkin, 'On Soviet Archaeological finds relating to the Kushan period', CAKP, Vol. II, 1975, p. 115 3 J. Marshall, Taxila, Vol. I, Varanasi, (reprint) 1975, p. 67

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Hermaeus on the obverse and the Greek god Herakles on the reverse (Pl. 1).

According to Greek mythology Herakles is the personification of the super

human physical strength, who played the role of the protector of mankind by

killing monsters. He is shown as a mascular bearded male figure, standing,

facing left, with a club in his right hand which rests on the ground and lion-skin

hanging down over the left arm (Pl. 1b). These coins are in continuation of the

imitations which were minted by the Parthian successors of Hermaeus after

his death.1 Another type of Kujula Kadphises’ coins has a diademed Roman-

style male head, generally identified as that of Roman emperor Augustus, on

the obverse and a king seated on a curule chair, dressed in Indo-Scythian

costume, who is probably Kujula himself, on the reverse (Pl.3). A third type of

coins bear a humped bull on one side and a double humped Bactrian camel

on the other (Pl.2). Another type of his coins depict Kujula Kadphises seated

cross-legged on the obverse and standing Zeus on the reverse. We also find

some coins with the bust of Kujula with helmet on the obverse and a

Macedonian soldier with spear and shield on the reverse, while another

variety of coins bear the bearded bust of the king on the obverse and winged

Nike, the Greek god of wind on the reverse.2 All these coins are bilingual

having Greek inscription on the obverse and Kharoshthi on the reverse. The

weight of these coins suggests that they were issued in different

denominations. Kujula did not mint silver coins. He primarily issued copper

and some bullion coins which were based on the weight standard of the Indo-

Greeks that was followed by the Scytho-Parthians as well.3 Kujula’s diplomatic

association with the Greeks and the Roman is apparent from the impingement

of the bust of Hermaeus and Augustus on the obverse of his coins,4 which is

generally reserved for the issuing monarch. But his rise to power putting the

Parthians and the Indo-Greeks out of the fence can be gleaned from his

assumption of titles of sovereignty with epithets like Maharajasa, Rajatirajasa,

1 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., p. 33. 2 S. Sharma, Gold Coins of Imperial Kushanas and Their Successors, BHU, 1999, p.24. 3 B.N. Mukherjee, Kushana Coins of the Land of Five Rivers, Calcutta, 1978, p.9. 4 B.R Mani, The Kushan Civilization-Studies in Urban Development and Material Culture, Delhi, 1987, pp. 9-10.

56

Mahatasa, Rajarajasa and Devaputrasa added to his name in the form of

Kujula-Kara-Kaphasa (Kapasasa) in Kharoshthi script and prakrit languages

on the reverse of his coins. His other titles were Dhramathida (Dharmasthita),

Sachadhrama-thita (Satyadharmasthita) and Kushana Yavuga i.e. Kushana

chief. Probably the coins carrying the title Kushana Yavuga were his earlier

issues and the high sounding epithets of Maharaja, Rajatiraja, Devaputra, etc.

were adopted after his conquest of the area ruled by the four other tribal

chiefs in Tahsia (Bactria) and formation of his empire.

The copper coins of a nameless king, bearing the title Soter Megas, i.e.

the great Saviour in Greek legend on their reverse, have been found

extensively in the Punjab, Kandahar and Kabul region, and as far as Mathura

in the east.1 These coins depict a bust facing right on one side and a

horseman holding a whip on the other. Soter Megas has remained an enigma

for long as the name of the king has not been noticed on any coins so far. Joe

Cribb and Nicholas Sims-Williams have identified the hitherto unknown

Ooemo or Wema Takto of Rabtak inscription with Soter Megas, who used a

distinctive three-pronged symbol ( ) on his coinage and yet did not carry a

royal name.2 Wema Takto must have ruled as a co-ruler of his father Kujula

Kadphises and predeceased him. But his coins may be taken as the first

Kushana attempt to reform the Kushana monetary system as a class of the

Soter Megas series roughly conform to the weight standard later adopted by

Wema Kadphises for his drachms during his currency reform.3

It was Wema Kadphises who reformed the Kushana currency system.

Wema Kadphises has the credit of introducing gold for his coins which was

largely motivated by the huge influx of Roman gold coins in India as a result of

Indo-Roman trade. It constitutes a monetary innovation which reflects political

power and economic prosperity of the Kushana empire during his reign. There

1 A. Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, X, 1890, pp.115 ff. 2 Nicholas Sims-Williams and J. Cribb ‘A New Bactrian Inscription of Kanishka the great’, Silk Road Art and Archaeology, The Institute of Silk Road Studies, Kamakura, Japan, 1995-96, pp.118-123. 3 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., pp.24-25.

57

are distinctive differences in the material and style between the coinage of

Wema Kadphises and those of Kujula Kadphises. The coins of Wema

Kadphises carry accomplished and powerful images of the king which are the

most striking examples of the Kushana art in any medium.1 The obverse of

Wema Kadphises' coins, both gold and copper, represent him as an old man

with heavy body, large prominent nose, moustache and a heavy beard, sitting

in various postures, i.e. seated on a couch; seated cross-legged, emerging

from the clouds, seated at a Jharokha (window), riding an elephant or driving

a biga. Flames are shown as emanating from his shoulders which, alongwith

the bust emerging from clouds, indicates his claim to divinity. On his copper

coins he is shown as standing and offering at a small altar with his right hand,

while his left hand rests on his waist (Pl. 4a). He is wearing a long cloak,

trousers, tall gilgit boots and a conical hat with steamers. Usually a club in the

right field and a trident-cum-battle axe in the left, are also noticed on these

coins along with the Kadphises symbol ( ). The circular Greek legend along

the circumference generally reads: Basileos Basileon Ooemo Kadpheses.

This coin type of ‘standing king sacrificing at an altar’ appears only on his

copper series with the exception of one specimen of silver coin presently

housed in the British Museum.2 It later became the most common obverse

device of the coins of the Kushanas and it was subsequently also adopted by

the Imperial Guptas on their early coins. However it appears to be an imitation

of the coin device of the Parthian king Gotarzes-II (c. AD. 38-51).3

It seems that Wema Kadphises became a zealous convert to the

worship of the Hindu god Shiva, for the reverse of his coins invariably depicts

Shiva, standing with or without his bull, holding a long trident or a trident-cum-

battle axe in his right hand. On a few coins Shiva’s emblem – the trident-cum-

battle axe is depicted. His faith is also evident from the use of the epithet

Mahashivarasa and the nandipada ( ), a shaivite symbol, that appears close

1 J. M. Rosenfield, The Dynastic Art of the Kushana, Berkely, 1967, p.19. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.40. 3 B.N. Mukherjee, ‘The Proto type of an obverse device of Kushana coinage’ JNSI, Vol. XXII, Varanasi, 1960, pp.109-112.

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to the right hand field. The reverse Kharoshthi legend along the circumference

generally reads - Maharajasa Rajadirajasa Sarvlogeshwara Mahishvara Vima

Kathaphisasa Tradata. The epithet Mahishvara is generally interpreted as one

betraying his faith in Shaivism, however as pointed out by B.N. Mukherjee,

may literally mean “the lord of the earth”.1 Wema was the last Kushana ruler

who issued bilingual coins bearing legends in Greek and Prakrit languages

with Greek and Kharoshthi scripts respectively. One may imagine that Wema

Kadphises’ declaration of his faith in Shiva was an astute political move during

a time when he was trying to solidify power over the diverse Indian and

Iranian elements in his new empire including part of north western Indian

subcontinent where Shiva cult was already popular.

After the reform of coinage, the copper coins of Wema Kadphises

began to follow the weight standard which had been earlier used to mint Attic

tetra drachms (c. 17 gm), diadrachms (c. 8-8.5 gm) and drachms (c. 4-4.5

gm).2 The idea of gold dinara introduced by Wema Kadphises was probably

inspired by the Roman aureus, its weight and size, but even at its institution,

the Kushana dinara did not precisely copy the weight standard of the current

Roman aureus. The gold dinaras of Wema Kadphises were clearly struck to a

standard of about 7.9-8.0 gm.3 A number of his coins have double and many

others a quarter weight of such dinaras. Thus we have three denominations of

gold-dinaras, double dinaras and quarter dinaras and three denominations of

copper coins – tetradrachms, diadrachms and drachms, which were truly

meant for circulation throughout the empire and did not have any local

character. Wema Kadphises issued a very small number of silver coins,

minted in the Sind area, struck on the weight standard (32 grain to 56.5 grain)

familiar in the earlier period. These limited silver issues recovered from the

area to the southwest of the Hindukush were meant for limited circulation in

1 B.N. Mukherjee, The Rise and Fall of the Kushan Empire, Calcutta, 1988, p.55. 2 S. Sharma, op. cit., 1999, p. 25 3 D.W. Mac Dowall, ‘The Weight Standards of the gold and copper coinage of the Kushana Dynasty from Wema Kadphises to Vasudeva’, JNSI, Vol. XXII, Varanasi, 1960 pp.69-74.

59

the lower Indus area.1 In the eastern section of his empire, in the Mathura

region, it appears that the silver punch-marked coins called the puranas were

allowed to continue for the purpose of silver currency.

Weight Standard of Kushana Dinaras (gold) and Drachms (copper)

1. Double Dinaras c. 16 gms (c. 246.4 grains) 2. Dinaras c. 8 gms (c. 123.2 grains) 3. Quarter Dinaras c. 2 gms (c. 30.4 grains) 4. Tetradrachms c. 17 gms (c. 260 grains) 5. Diadrachms c. 8-8.5 gms (c. 130 grains) 6. Drachms c. 4-4.5 gms (c. 65 grains) 7. Hemidrachms* c. 2 gms (c. 30.4 grains)

*Introduced later by Kanishka

The coins of Kanishka-I, the successor and son of Wema Kadphises

are far more ostentatious than Wema’s coinage. He improved upon the

currency and issued coins in both gold and copper which have only his royal

portrait on them. Kanishka is mostly depicted wearing a low rounded cap,

standing to front, facing his right, offering at an altar by right hand and

grasping a spear in the left hand (P1. 13a and 14a). He is shown in a scythian

dress, i.e. long tunic, trouser, mantle held by double clasp at the chest and a

sword is usually shown tied at left of the waist. Flames can be seen

emanating from the right shoulder. Only on some quarter-dinaras we find

bearded bust of king facing left, emerging from clouds with a standard or a

spear in his left and possibly a club in the right hand.2 But according to P.L.

Gupta, it is inconceivable that Kanishka-I would have issued quarter-dinaras

without dinaras of the same type. He believes that these coins belonged to

Kanishka II.3 Kanishka discontinued the biscriptal and bilingual tradition of

Greek and Kharoshthi scripts, for Greek and prakrit languages respectively

and retained only Greek on his earliest gold coins with the legend – Basileos

Basilion Kanishkou on the obverse. He soon discarded Greek in favour of a

Bactrian language, in cursive Greek character with Iranian titles and dynastic

1 B.N. Mukherjee, 1988, op. cit., p.55. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p. 41; Gobl, pp.41-45. 3 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op cit., p.36.

60

name Kushana along with the name of the king. Sten Konow has designated

the language on the reverse as Khotanese-Shaka. Henceforth, the obverse

legend on the coins of Kanishka-I read - Shaonano Shao Kaneshki Koshano,

i.e. ‘the king of kings, Kanishka, the Kushana’. This title was continued till the

later issues of coins belonging to this dynasty. The circular Kharoshthi legend

on the reverse of Wema Kadphises' coins was replaced by a short vertical

Bactrian legend, which no longer referred to the king but to the deity

represented on the reverse. A beaded border was also introduced. The

monogram or tamaga of Wema Kadphises ( ) which appeared on the

obverse of his coins was retained but was henceforth employed only on the

reverse of the coins.1 It seems that the Bactrian language was more important

to Kushanas who were ruling from Bactria (Balkh). The use of a single

language involved the principle of uniformity maintained in the circulation of

coins.2 Kanishka’s coinage lacked the splendidness of double dinara issues of

Wema Kadphises and only two denominations of gold coins, dinara and

quarter-dinara are known of Kanishka. He continued to strike the range of the

copper denominations of tetradrachm, didrachm and drachm that had been

issued by his predecessor adding a yet smaller denomination of his own, the

hemidrachm. He retained the weight standard that Wema Kadphises had

adopted, virtually unchanged and continued to strike his copper tetradrachm

at about 17 gms.3 Unlike his predecessor, Kanishka introduced a number of

deities, both male and female, belonging to Greek, Iranian, Zoroastrian, and

Indian pantheon, on the reverse of his coins. On his earliest issues with the

Greek legend - Basilious Basileon Kanishkou on the obverse, while we find

deities with Greek names on the reverse. But interestingly none of these are

portrayed in their Greek iconographic forms. The Greek Moon goddess

Salene is depicted as a male god. Apart from Salene, we find Helios - the

Greek Sun God, Hephaistos – the Greek god of fire and Nanaia on these

early coins of Kanishka. He introduced an array of gods with Iranian names

1 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p. 41. 2 B.R. Mani, 1987, op. cit., p. 19. 3 D.W. Mac Dowall, 1960, op. cit., p. 72.

61

such as Mao – the Moon God, Mirro – the Sun God, Athsho – the Fire God,

Pharro – the Iranian concept of Imperial greatness, Oado – the wind god,

Orlagno – the god of war and victory, Luhraspa – the guardian of the health of

animals, Manao Bago – Iranian personification of a good mind, Mazdah – the

supreme Zoroastrian deity, Nana – the mother goddess and Ardoksho – the

goddess of luck and wealth, the counterpart of the Indian goddess Lakshmi.

Kanishka retained Shiva under the name Oesho, who is shown either two

armed or four armed with varying attributes. He also introduced the figure of

Buddha with the legend Boddo on gold and Sakamano Boddo on his copper

coins.1 It seems the representations of multi-dimensional divine figures in the

art of the period, found an expression on Kushana coins as well.

On the coins of Kanishka, Mirro, the Indo-Iranian solar deity is shown

standing to the left, diademed with a radiating nimbus, wearing a long tunic

with overlapping transparent garment, mantle and short boots (Pl. 6b). His

outstretched right hand is shown in a peculiar two – fingured gesture and his

left hand is either holding a standard adorned with a fillet or is in akimbo. He is

armed with a sword tied at the left waist. The iconography of the Greek Sun

god Helios is identical to that of Mirro, on the coins of Kanishka.2 (P1. 17b)

The iconographic characteristic of Mao, suggests that the Kushana

rulers had adopted the Hellenistic style to represent the Iranian moon god. On

the coins of Kanishka, Mao is shown as a male deity standing facing left,

dressed in a tunic with an overlapping transparent garment, mantle and boots

and a lunar crescent is visible behind his shoulders (Pl.7b and 8b). His

outstretched right hand makes a distinctive two-fingured gesture while the left

hand holds a staff. Usually the deity is shown armed with a sword hanging

from the left of his waist.3 According to Greek mythology, Salene is the moon

goddess but she is depicted as a diademed male god with a lunar disc at his

shoulders, similar to Mao, on the coins of Kanishka.

1 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., pp.35-36. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p 72. 3 Ibid., p.68.

62

LIST OF SYMBOLS

1. Soter Megas Symbol

2. Kadphises symbols (Wema

Kadphises and Kanishka)

3. Nandipada Symbol (Wema Kadphises)

4. A variant of Kadphises symbol

occurs on the reverse of coins of Kanishka – 'King at altar Shiva type'.

5. Huvishka Symbols

6. A modified form of Kadphises

symbol occurs on Huvishka's coins – as Huvishka's symbol

7. Vasudeva Symbol

8. Symbol on Coins of 'Chhu'

9. A symbol on Kidara Kushana

coins 10. A symbol on Kirdara Kushana

coins

11. Development of forms of symbols of Kushana Coins.

63

Oado, the Iranian wind god, who is the counterpart of the Indian Vayu

is depicted as a bearded male deity on the coins of Kanishka. He is generally

shown running to left with loose hair and holding up a ring like object or an

expanded dress with raised hands (Pl.10b and 11b).

Athsho, the fire god is depicted as a bearded deity standing left,

adorned with a fillet and holding noose in his right hand while the left hand is

in akimbo. He wears a long robe with sleeves, boots and mantle. Flames are

shown emanating from his shoulders (Pl. 16b)

Pharro, who may be identified with Iranian fire god and also personifies

the Iranian concept of glory, is shown as a diademed and nimbate male deity

standing to right clad in chiton. He holds a spear in his left hand and a fire

bowl in the right, which is drawn against the chest. Flames emanate from his

shoulders. The deity is shown with boots and helmet with a small winged

garment over forehead1 (Pl.18b).

On some early coins of Kanishka, Hephaistos – the Greek god of fire,

is depicted as a male deity with radiating nimbus standing to left. He is clad in

a long robe with overlapping transparent garment. He holds a noose in his

outstretched right hand while the left hand rests on his waist.2

Orlagno, the Iranian war god, the god of victory and royal glory appears

only on the reverse of the gold coins of Kanishka. He is depicted as a

diademed male deity standing to right, dressed in Indo-Scythian fashion with a

long winged bird on his head-dress. He carries a spear in the left hand and a

sword with a bird like hilt in the right.3

Ahuramazda, the supreme deity of Zoroastrian-Iranian pantheon, is

depicted as a bearded deity riding on a two-headed horse, moving towards

right. The Greek legend reads ‘MOZDOOANO' (Mazdah). He wears a pointed

1 S. Sharma, op. cit., p.71. 2 Ibid., p.73. 3 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.73.

64

hat, with his hair tied behind in a small bun and carries a long staff with a

single ring near the top.1

Manaobago, the god of good measure, appears on the coins of

Kanishka as a four-armed deity seated on the throne facing right, with a

crescent behind the shoulders. He wears a ‘Macedonion helmet’ and holds a

standard in his upper left hand, a wheel in lower left, calliper in upper right and

probably a sword in the lower right hand that rests on his thigh. His feet rest

on a foot stool.2

Luhraspa, the guardian of the health of animals, is shown on the coins

of Kanishka as a bearded male deity, standing to right against a horse,

wearing tunic and boots. He holds a noose in the outstretched right hand and

his left hand, probably resting on the horse, is not visible. His hair is tied with

a fillet. A saddled horse is shown standing to his right, trotting.3

Ardoksho, the goddess of abundance and prosperity, is one of the

most popular deity on Kushana coins. She is considered to be the counterpart

of Indian goddess Lakhsmi, as evidenced by her continuation on Gupta coins.

This goddess of fortune is shown standing to right, nimbate, wearing a three

pronged device over the head, a fillet and dressed in a double robe. She

carries a cornucopia with both hands. But the figure lacks artistic mobility on

the coins of Kanishka. She appears with a metallic stiffness in the body,4

which is in contrast with the feminine and sensual treatment of her figure on

the coins of later Kushana rulers.

On the coins of Kanishka, Nana, the great mother goddess of the

orient, appears as a female deity, nimbate and diademed, dressed in a long

robe, standing to the right. She holds a small standard or a sceptre topped by

the forepart of a horse in her left hand and a bowl in the right. Her head is

1 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.74. 2 Ibid., p.74. 3 Ibid., p.76. 4 Ibid., p.65.

65

adorned with a prominent crescent.1 The legend reads ‘Nana’ or ‘Nanaia’ or

even ‘Nanashao’.

Shiva, undoubtedly enjoyed the most honourable position on the coins

of Kushanas. While he is represented both in aniconic as well as in human

forms on the coins of Wema Kadphises, Shiva’s anthropomorphic

representation with all his traditional attributes except the serpent, found

favour on the coins of Kanishka.2 He is depicted single-headed with two or

four arms, standing frontally with one of his legs slightly forward to suggest

mobility. His face is turned to his right. The two-armed Shiva holds a trident or

spear in his right hand and an ankusha (goad) or club in the left. The four-

armed Shiva mostly bears a damaru (small hand drum) in upper right hand, a

water-vessel in lower right hand, a trident in upper left hand and an antelope

in lower left hand, sometimes he holds a pasha (noose) in one of the right

hands (Pl.9b) or the damaru is replaced by vajra (thunderbolt). Sometimes

Shiva also carries an ankusha (elephant-goad) along with a water-vessel,

which is a rare feature. Shiva is shown wearing lower garment, a dhoti with

heavy ridges indicating the folds, a rudrakhsa necklace and his hair is

arranged in jata-juta (matted) fashion with a top-knot which shows uniformity

in style. The representation of bull mount, a recurring feature noticed on the

coins of Wema Kadphises, becomes a rare phenomenon on the coins of

Kanishka.3 It may be remarked that all these attributes i.e. damaru, antelope,

pasha, etc. shown on the coins of Kanishka are not noticed even in the

contemporary sculptures and only became distinguishing attributes of Shiva in

the early medieval sculptures (AD. 7th to 12th century), especially those

coming from South India.4

Buddha is represented either standing or seated cross-legged on the

coins of Kanishka which is taken as one of the earliest images of the Master

1 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p. 67. 2 S. Sharma and Tiwari, Maruti Nadan, ‘Shiva on Kushana coins’, JNSI, XLV, 1983, p.134, pt. (1-11). 3 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p. 60. 4 N.P. Joshi, Mathura Sulptures, Mathura, 1966, pp.32-33.

66

conceived in human form.1 On Kanishka’s gold and copper coins the figure of

the Buddha is shown standing to front, with nimbus around the head and a

prabhavali (aureole/halo) around the body. His right hand is raised in

abhayamudra (blessing pose) while the left hand is at waist level holding the

end piece of his sanghati (cloak). He is seen wearing uttarasangha (the robe

of a monk), covering both the shoulders and his hair is tied in a prominent

ushnisha (top-knot) with his elongated ears clearly visible2 (Pl.15b). On some

coins the right hand of Buddha instead of being in abhayamudra is drawn in

front near the chest with a small dot over it. On some of Kanishka’s copper

coins the future Buddha, Maitreya, is depicted sitting cross-legged on a low

stool like throne with his right hand raised in abhayamudra and his left hand

holding a water flask while resting on his lap.3 The head-dress looks like a

koantopa (a cap covering the ears) which is used even by the present day

Buddhist monks and his prominent ear-rings are visible as small dots over his

shoulder (Pl.16b). Mostly the legend reads Boddo (Buddha) on gold coins and

Sakamano Boddo (Sakyamuni Buddha) or Metreya Boddo (Maitreya Buddha)

on the copper coins. These Buddha type coins of Kanishka are rare

specimens of art and corroborate the evidence of Kanishka’s patronage to

Buddhism. The Buddhist images of Kanishka’s coins not only confirm the

availability of sculptural images of both Sakyamuni and Maitreya as

prototypes during Kanishka’s reign but also give an idea of what sculptural

Buddhist images during his reign looked like.4

No coins of Vasishka, the co-ruler of Kanishka, have yet been found.

The coinage of Huvishka, the successor of Kanishka-I, constitute the most

numerous of all coinage of the Kushana rulers. It comprises of about thirty

different varieties of representation of the king on the obverse and the largest

1 S. Sharma, op. cit., 1999, p. 64. 2 Joe Cribb, ‘Kanishka’s Buddha coins-The Official Iconography of Sakyamuni and Maitreya’, Journal of International Association of Buddhist Studies, 1980. 3 Joe Cribb, ‘The Origin of the Buddha Image – The Numismatic Evidence’, SAA, London 1981, pp.231-243. 4 Ibid., p.236.

67

number of deities on the reverse.1 It is noteworthy that Huvishka abandoned

the royal portrait type of Wema Kadphises and Kanishka, i.e. king standing

and sacrificing at the altar and instead portrayed his profile bust, generally

facing left and rarely to the right on his gold coins with bewildering variations.

He revived the devices used by Wema Kadphises such as the royal bust

emerging from the clouds, king riding an elephant etc. He also introduced the

nimbus - around the head of his portrait which alludes to his claim to divinity.

On his gold coins, Huvishka is depicted wearing garments decked with jewels

and a high, pointed or a flat-topped ornamental head gear. He normally holds

an imperial sceptre or a club in his right hand and in the left, an ankusha

(goad) on some coins or a spear on some others that rests on his shoulders.

It has been argued by P.L. Gupta that the coins which show the king holding

an ankusha are of an earlier period, closer in time to Kanishka and those that

show him holding a spear are of a later period, closer in time to Vasudeva.2

He further asserts that “it is very likely that the coins of the two types belonged

to two different kings of the same name (Huvishka II and III), who ruled

successively”.3 On a group of coins, the bust of the king has a full repertory of

symbols of Imperial power, with sceptre in his hand, nimbus around the head,

he is shown fully armoured wearing metal vest as a warrior or a royal

embroided coat (ACC. No.8688, Bharat Kala Bhavan). On a rare gold piece,

Huvishka is depicted wearing turban in an Iranian fashion, with a twisted band

tied around the head with its ends flying behind (Acc, No. 23599, Bharat Kala

Bhawan).4 Padma Altekar has tried to speculate on the terminal date of the

reign of Huvishka by studying his gold coins in the collection of H.P. Poddar,

the well known coin collector of Calcutta. On the basis of the study of the

representation of Huvishka’s bust on these coins, which show him at different

stages of his life, she has suggested that Huvishka remained on the throne

1 G.V. Mitterwallner, Kushana Coins and Sculpture from Mathura, Mathura, 1986, pp.5-6. 2 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., p.37. 3 Ibid. 4 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.12.

68

from the age of thirty to seventy five years. It would suggest that Huvishka

ruled from or before the year 24 to about the year 70 of Kanishka era.1

Huvishka’s copper coinage is even more varied. On the obverse of his

copper coins he is portrayed as (i) riding on an elephant; (ii) reclining on a

couch; (iii) seated cross-legged over the clouds or seated on a cushion

holding a club in the right hand.

Some copper coins represent a king riding a striding elephant moving

to right, holding an ankusha (goad) in his left hand and a spear in the right (Pl.

19a, 20a and 21a). On these coins the figure of the king is quite enlarged in

comparison to the elephant. On the ‘reclining on couch’ type the king is

depicted reclining on a low cushioned couch with his left leg cross-folded and

right leg lifted up with the feet resting over the couch (Pl.22a). On the 'seated

cross-legged’ type the king is represented seated cross-legged in Indian

fashion over the clouds or on a cushioned seat, facing right. He holds a staff

adorned with fillet in his left hand and a mace in the right hand held in front of

his chest (Pl.23a and 24a). Huvishka’s silver coins are rare and were meant

for circulation in the lower Indus area only.

The inscription on both gold and copper coins is uniformly Shao Nano

Shao Ooeshki Koshano. Huvishka retained the monogram or tamaga of his

predecessor on his earlier coins.2 However, a gradual development can be

noticed in the form of tamaga which changed from Kadphises’s tamaga ( )

to barred Kadphises tamaga ( ) to the new tamaga introduced by Huvishka

( ). The gold coins of Huvishka closely follow the denominations and weight

standard of Kanishka. D.W. Mac Dowall3 has noticed some changes in the

copper currency issued by him. When the copper coins bearing Huvishka’s

name were plotted in a frequency table, unlike the coins of his predecessors,

they do not fall into any clear pattern of denomination and covered a wide

1 P. Altekar, ‘When did the reign of Huvishka Terminate’, JNSI, Vol. XIV, Varanasi, 1952, pp.62-65. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.42. 3 D.W. Mac Dowall, 1960, op. cit.

69

range. Mac Dowall has arranged them into three distinct groups which

according to him must represent successive phases of the same

denomination through a series of progressive reduction in weight. The first

group of copper coins of Huvishka with the unbarred Kadphises symbol ( )

show a clear point of concentration at 15 and 16 gms. These coins, it seems,

were struck to a standard of about 16 gms in continuation with the

tetradrachm denomination of Kanishka (17 gms), though ofcourse with a slight

reduction in weight. All the three distinct obverse forms of Huvishka are

represented in this heavy first group of tetradrachms. The second group,

characterized by the use of a distinctive barred Kadphises symbol ( ), range

in weight between 8 to 13 gms and were apparently struck to a standard of 10

to 12 gms. They are far too heavy to be regarded as diadrachms and must

represent a later stage in the coinage which saw a drastic reduction in the

weight of the tetradrachms. Although all the three obverse types of Huvishka

are represented, the elephant rider type generally fall between 10 to 12 gms,

those with cross-legged type between 8 to 9 gms and those with the reclining

on couch type at about 11 gms. In the third group of coins, the engraving of

elephant rider series is coarser and rude and they were struck on a standard

of 9-10 gms. The cross-legged series bears a very linear and angular form of

the barred Kadphises symbol and seem to be struck at 7-9 gms. In the

reclining on couch the unbarred form to Kadphises symbol is reversed but is

drawn in a distinctively rougher way that matches the vastly inferior quality of

the die engraving and its weight ranges from about 6 to 10 gms.1

While Huvishka revived the devices used by Wema Kadphises on the

obverse of his coins, we see a continuity with the coins of Kanishka in the

reverse devices. All the Iranian deities seen on the reverse of Kanishka’s

coins, barring Orlagno were retained. He added a few new deities to the list

like Oanindo – the goddess of victory associated with Orlagno, Riom or

Rishno – presiding deity of Rome, personification of righteousness, Shaoreoro

– the genius of imperial might and the god of metals, Ashaeixsho –

1 D.W. Mac Dowall, 1960, op. cit.

70

embodiment of truth and Oaxsho – probably god of river Oxus. A few non-

Iranian deities like Herakles – the Greek god personifying super human

physical strength, Serapis – a Graeco-Egyptian god of the invisible world and

Oros – Egyptian Horus or Oron – probably Uranus or Varuna, also find

representation on the reverse of Huvishka’s coins. Among the Indian gods,

Huvishka retained Shiva as Oesho but the figure of Buddha is conspicuous by

its absence. A few coins show Shiva as three headed, sometimes

accompanied by his consort Uma inscribed as Ommo. An interesting

combination of Shiva with Iranian mother goddess Nana or Nanaia is also

found on Huvishka’s coins. The son of Shiva and Uma, Kattikeya, is also

represented on some coins under various names such as Skanda Kumara,

Vishakha and Mahasena. The deity appears on his coins either as Mahasena

alone or in a pair as Skandakumara and Vishakha or in a triad as

Skandakumara, Vishakha and Mahasena. Although Skandakumara,

Mahasena and Vishakha are three names of the same god Kattikeya, but

separate representation on these coins suggests that each had their separate

entity during the Kushana times. On some coins Mao – the Moon god and

Mirro – the Sun god are placed together, which is another innovation of the

die-cutter of Huvishka.

On the coins of Huvishka, Mirro – the Iranian Sun god, Mao – Iranian

Moon god, Athso – Iranian fire god, Pharro – the Iranian concept of Imperial

greatness, Oado – Iranian wind god, Luhraspa – the guardian of the health of

animals, Manao Bago – the god of good measure, Nana – the mother

goddess and Ardoksho – the goddess of fortune, are represented as on the

coins of Kanishka with minor variations. Both Mao and Mirro are shown

standing to right or left, with one out-stretched hand holding a standard or a

noose or a wreath or engaged in a peculiar two-fingered gesture. The other

hand either rests at waist probably holding the hilt of a sword or is shown

holding a long standard (Pl.19b). The shoulders of Mao are surmounted by a

crescent where as Mirro is depicted with a radiating nimbus. Some gold coins

of Huvishka also represent ‘Mao and Miiro’ together as two male figures

71

standing and facing each other. Bearded Mao is shown on the left with

crescent around the shoulders holding a sword and a standard. Mirro is

represented to the right with a radiating nimbus, the right hand displaying the

two-fingered gesture while the left hand is drawn to the waist near a sword.1

On the reverse of the coins of Huvishka, Athsho is depicted as a

bearded male deity carrying a tong in the left hand and a hammer in the right.

He is classically draped in a long robe and flames are shown emanating from

the upper part of his body.

Apart from holding a spear and a fire bowl, as on the coins of

Kanishka, the figure of Pharro on Huvishka's coins is variously shown holding

a noose or a purse or a bag or a knobbed staff adorned with a fillet or a long

standard in right or left hand.2 Oado, the wind god is represented as on the

coins of Kanishka, i.e. as a bearded deity running towards left holding a

stretched cloth with upraised hands. Manaobago is shown as a four-armed

deity seated, as on the coins of Kanishka, but the wheel in his lower left hand

is replaced by a caliper. While his upper right hand holds an indistinct object,

the lower right hand that rests at waist probably holds a small sword.3

Ahuramazda, the supreme Zoroastrian deity appears on the coins of Huvishka

with Greek legend ‘WORMOZDO’. He is represented as bearded male deity,

nimbate, standing to left, holding a sceptre in the left hand and a wreath in his

outstretched right hand. His hair is tied with a fillet round the head with its end

flying behind.4 Luhraspa appears identical as on the coins of Kanishka but the

deity is nimbate and does not hold anything in hands on the coins of

Huvishka.5

Ardoksho is depicted standing gracefully to left or right, holding

cornucopia with both hands or holding a leaf branch or a noose in the right

1 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.69. 2 Ibid., p.71. 3 Ibid., p.74. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid., p.76.

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hand and cornucopia in the left. On the coins of Huvishka, the figure of

Ardoksho appears graceful and has a feminine beauty.

Nana is mostly depicted as a nimbate deity standing to the left or right

holding a small standard or a sceptre topped by the forepart of a horse in the

right hand and a bowl in the left hand. On some coins the deity is shown with

flaming shoulders, wearing long armoured over – garment with rolled hem at

the bottom, drawing an arrow from a quiver with her right hand and holding a

bowl in the left. On some rare coins which form the subject matter of B.N.

Mukherjee’s first monograph on Kushana numismatics,1 Nana is depicted,

nimbate, seated frontly, wearing a helmet with a lunar crescent at the top, on

a left facing lion. She holds a sceptre topped by the forepart of a horse in the

right hand resting at shoulder and a bowl in the left hand. Mukherjee believes

that the various concepts, functions and iconographic forms of Mother

goddess as the Babylonian Nana, the Assyrian Ishtar, the Persian Anahita,

Artemis, Tyche, Demeter and the Indian Amba, which were popular in the

territories from which the Roman trade passed were all intermingled in the

iconography of Nana.2 These syncretistic tendencies played an important role

in the development of the iconographic and religious concepts of Durga as

well as Mahishasura-mardini in India, which probably reflects the concept of

Ishtar as a war goddess.3

Oanindo, seems to be a close imitation of Nike, the Greek goddess of

victory, on the coins of Huvishka. She is depicted as a winged female figure,

mostly nimbate, standing to left in classical robes, holding a wreath in her right

hand and a cornucopia or a staff in the left. On some specimens, she is

shown facing right holding a wreath in the left hand and a staff in the right.4

Riom or Rishno, symbolizing Roma, the goddess of Rome, appears on

the gold coins of Huvishka, as a goddess standing to right, wearing a crested

1 B.N. Mukherjee, Nana on Lion – A Study in Kushana Numismaitic Art, Calcutta, 1969. 2 Ibid., pp.10-20. 3 Ibid., pp.19-20. 4 S. Sharma, 1999, op.cit., p.73.

73

helmet and long chiton. She holds a long spear in left and a shield in the right

hand.1

Shaoreoro represents both the genius of an imperial might and also the

god of metal. Alexander Cunningham has suggested that he is the genius of

metals and giver of wealth who may be identified with Indian Kubera.2 The

male deity appears only on the coins of Huvishka, standing to right,

occasionally nimbate, wearing Roman military garb of mailed skirt and crested

helmet. He holds a long spear in his right hand and a shield in the left which

rests on the ground.3

Serapis the originally Egyptian deity presiding over the invisible world,

was worshiped in Greece and part of the Roman empire as well. The deity is

identified with the Greek god Pluto corresponding to Indian Yama. On the gold

coins of Huvishka, he is depicted as a nimbate male figure, seated to front on

a curved four-legged throne with a foot-stool, holding a staff in his left hand

and a wreath in outstretched right hand. He is shown with heavy hair around

the face, wearing a mantle held at chest and a long robe upto the ankles.4 On

some coins of Huvishka, he is shown standing to left, dressed in a long robe

with a fillet around his head. He holds a knobbed staff in the left hand while

the right hand displays a peculiar two-fingered gesture.5

On the coins of Huvishka, Herakles, is depicted as muscular bearded

male figure standing to front facing left, with a club in his right hand which

rests on the ground and lion skin hanging down over the left arm.6 The

iconography of Herakles is similar to that of the earlier coins of Kujula

Kadphises depicting Herakles.

1 S. Sharma, 1999, op.cit., p.74. 2 The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XII, p.147. 3 Bharat Kala Bhavan, Cat No. XXXVII. 4 J.M. Rosenfield, The Dynastic Arts of the Kushanas, 1967, pl. IX, p.186. 5 Ibid., pl. IX, p.187. 6 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.75 .

74

Ashaeixsho or Ardeixsho, the embodiment of truth, is depicted like a

Sun god, radiate and standing to left with sword. His extended right hand

shows the first two fingers raised while the left hand rests on his hip.1

Oaxsho, the god of river Oxus, is depicted as a bearded deity,

standing, facing left, on the coins of Huvishka. The draped figure is nimbate

and holds a long sceptre in right hand and a fish in left.2

On Huvishka’s gold coins, Oron or Uron is depicted as a bearded male

deity, wearing modius (water vessel) on head and himation. His left hand

holds a long sceptre while the right hand is outstretched. The deity is

identified with Greek Uranus and has correspondence with Indian god of

water, Varuna.

Huvishka is the only ruler of non-Indian origin to have depicted the

figure of Karttikeya on the reverse of his coins under various names such as

Skando Kumara, Vishakha and Mahasena. On some of his coins, Mahasena

is shown standing to front, clad in a coat, nimbate and diademed, holding a

standard surmounted by a bird or a crudely depicted peacock in his right hand

while his left hand rests on the hilt of a sword tied to his girdle. Some

specimens represent two figures as Skanda Kumar and Vishakha, standing

face to face on a piece of mat, with the tamaga or symbol of Huvishka

engraved in between the figures. Skanda Kumar holds a standard

surmounted by a bird in his right hand while Vishakha holds a spear in his left

hand. The other hands of both the deities are placed at waist respectively. On

some coins Vishakha is shown clasping the right hand of Skanda Kumar who

touches him with his left hand. Some other coins represent a shrine consisting

of an ornamented double platform with the representation of a super structure

with three nimbate standing figures of Skanda Kumar, Vishakha, with

Mahasena in the middle on a pedestal.3 These coins suggest that these

different representations of the god were worshiped as separate entities

1 B. Chattopadhyay, The Age of the Kushanas, Calcutta, 1967, p.75. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.77. 3 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.72.

75

during the Kushana period and were amalgamated in one deity, i.e. Karttikeya

only with the passage of time. The Yaudheyas who succeeded the Kushanas

in some parts of Punjab also adopted the figure of Karttikeya on their coinage

of the third and fourth century A.D.1

From the standpoint of Shiva’s iconography, the coins of Huvishka

occupy a special position. They depict Shiva with two or four arms and with

single or three head, with much more flexibility in body, giving gliding linear

rhythm. This graceful appearance of Shiva on the reverse of Huvishka’s coins

is comparable to Gupta sculptures of 5th century A.D. from Mathura and

Sarnath.2 On these coins Shiva is usually depicted standing, facing to his

right, wearing a short dhoti with prominent schematic folds, necklace made of

rudraksha and a yajnopavita besides other usual ornaments. The bull is

conspicuous by its absence. Shiva’s hair is arranged in jata fashion with a top-

knot and his head is provided with a halo and a crescent. Apart from the

attributes previously seen on the coins of Kanishka like trident, water-vessel,

antelope, goad, damaru, etc, we also find the vajra, the mace and the wheel

on some coins. The two-armed Shiva is always shown single-headed holding

a trident in his right and a water vessel (Pl.21b) or a goad or a small spear in

the left hand. The four armed Shiva is far more numerous and is shown either

one or three headed. Single headed Shiva mostly carries a damaru and a

long trident in the right and left upper arms while the lower ones hold a water-

vessel and an antelope.3 On a few coins, damaru and water vessel are

replaced by goat or a thunderbolt or a mace or a wreath. The three-headed

Shiva holds a vajra and a trident in two upper hands while the lower hands

hold a water vessel and a club.4 On some specimens vajra is replaced by

damaru and sometimes a wheel while mace is also shown in one of the

hands. On a unique coin, four-armed Shiva is depicted ithyphallic, standing

frontally, wearing a short garment, holding a seven-spoked wheel and a

1 B. Chattopodhyay, 1967, op. cit., p.91. 2 J.M. Rosenfield, 1967, op. cit., pp.164-166. 3 Ibid., pl. VIII, pp.159-162. 4 Ibid., pl. VIII, p.164.

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trident in upper right and the left hands and an antelope and a damaru in the

lower ones respectively.1 On some specimens, Shiva is accompanied by his

consort Uma inscribed ‘OMMO’ and sometimes by ‘NANA’ or ‘NANAIA’. The

rendering of Shiva and Uma was popular in contemporary plastic art but the

depiction of Nana alongside Shiva indicates an intermingling of the cult of

Nana with that of Indian mother goddess Uma. Shiva wears a dhoti, holding

water-vessel and a damaru in his lower and upper right hands and an

antelope and trident in the left ones respectively. Uma or Nana to his right is

shown standing facing Shiva and holding a flower or a sceptre topped by the

forepart of a horse.

On a copper coin of Huvishka in the Indian Museum, Kolkata, Vincent

Smith has read the legend in cursive Greek as ‘OOSNA’ by the side of a

figure of a deity.2 On the basis of the legend the deity is identified as Vishnu.

But the attributes described by Smith, i.e. thunderbolt (?), trident (?), water

vessel (?) and wreath (?) do not have any affinity with the emblems of Vishnu

and are rather the attributes of Shiva as depicted on Kushana coins.

Bhaskar Chattopadhyay has described a ‘Ganesa type’ copper coin of

Huvishka representing an archer standing to right, holding a bow as long as

himself, with string inwards. The legend seems to be in Brahmi character read

by Vincent Smith as ‘Ganesho’,3 although the iconography of the deity does

not resemble the elephant-headed Indian god-Ganesh. It seems that the

Kushana age was a period when the Puranic gods were carving out an early

career for themselves and their iconography was yet not setteled.

Two silver coins of Huvishka, weighing 32 grains, are preserved in

Berlin state Museum which depict a three-quarter length figure of king to left,

wearing a crested helmet, holding a scepter like object in right hand and an

indistinct object in left. At least seven Kharoshthi letters and the Greek legend

1 J.M. Rosenfield, 1967, op. cit., pl. VIII, p.163 2 V. Smith, Catalogue of Coins in Indian Museum, Calcutta, I Oxford, 1919, pl. XIII, No.4. 3 B. Chattopadhyay, 1967, op, cit., p. 85; V. Smith, 1919, op. cit., p1. XIII, Kushana Coin, No.164.

77

OESHKI KOSHAN are identified.1 These are the only bi-lingual issues of the

Kanishka group of kings. On the reverse of these coins are two deities facing

one another standing on a pedestal with legend ‘NANA’ and ‘OHPO’.

No coin can be convincingly attributed to Kanishka II who was probably

the co-ruler of Huvishka. Huvishka was succeeded by Vasudeva-I. On the

coins of Vasudeva we notice similarity with the coins of Kanishka and

Huvishka only in terms of weight, fabric, style and the use of only Greek

legends. His coins did not follow the varied obverse devices of Huvishka and

once again revived the ‘Standing king at altar’ type as on the coins of

Kanishka. On his coins Vasudeva is depicted nimbate, at times moustached,

mailed, sacrificing at an altar by his right hand, wearing peaked helmet

studded with dots and holding a trident in his left hand. It may be pointed out

that the king is not shown in the usual tunic and mantle but wears a heavily

armoured warrior costume which may allude to political disturbances. There is

a peculiar curved object which appears like an ankusha placed on the king’s

left shoulder.2 On a second type of coins with the name Vasudeva, an

additional feature of a trident adorned with a fillet can be seen in the left field

behind the altar.3 On this type of coins, the king is always shown with flaming

shoulders. There is yet another type of coins that have the name Vasudeva

but are quite distinct. An isolated Brahmi letter is added on the obverse in the

right field and close to the name of the deity on the reverse. The Bactrian

legend on all these types reads Shaonano Shao Bazodeo Koshano. On the

basis of these differences, P.L. Gupta has attributed these coins to two

different rulers of the same name, Vasudeva I and Vasudeva II who ruled one

after the other.4 He believes that the third type of coins were either issued by

Vasudeva II at some local mint or they might be later imitations during the

Sassanian occupation.5

1 JNSI, XXII, 1960, pp.100-101. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., pp.44-45. 3 Ibid., p.45. 4 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op, cit., pp.38-39. 5 Ibid., p.39.

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Vasudeva I was evidently a convert to Hinduism and an ardent devotee

of Shiva. Though the mother goddess Nana makes a rare appearance on the

reverse of some coins of Vasudeva I, his coins mainly depict the figure of

Shiva attended by his bull. Shiva, either single headed or three-headed, is

invariably two-armed except on a solitary coin where he is depicted with four

arms.1 He mostly holds a long trident in the left hand and a pasha in the right.

The four-armed Shiva, accompanied by a bull with a bell in the neck, holds a

lotus and a pasha (noose) in lower and upper right hands while the

corresponding left and right hands carry a tiger-skin and a trident

respectively.2 On some quarter-dinaras Shiva is depicted without his bull.

Vasudeva-I also introduced a new tamaga ( ) for his coins which replaced

the earlier one.

Interestingly, the reverse of a unique gold coin of Vasudeva housed in

the State Museum, Lucknow, indistinctly shows Shiva by the side of an

elephant (SML. Acc. No. 10436). This coin has been described by A.S.

Altekar which shows a nimbate Shiva, wearing dhoti, with his right hand on

the head of the elephant and the left hand holding a trident. The tamaga of

Vasudeva-I ( ) is seen over the head of Shiva.3 According to Altekar neither

sculptures nor literature tell us of Shiva’s selection of elephant as a mount.

But O.P. Singh has provided an explanation for this unique representation.

Vamana Purana gives us a description in which Shiva had adopted the form

of an elephant. According to O.P. Singh, the mint masters, well-versed with

the iconographic traits have shown Shiva in the form of an elephant along with

his anthropomorphic form.4 The representation on this coin is an iconographic

novelty of Vasudeva. Nana appears on a few coins of Vasudeva in the same

manner as on the coins of Kanishka.5 The depiction of lord Vasudeva (Vishnu)

1 J.M. Rosenfield, 1967, op. cit., pl. XI, p.210. 2 Ibid. 3 A.S. Altekar, ‘A New and Unique Coin type of Vasudeva’, JNSI, Vol.XIII, Varanasi, 1951, pp.126-127. 4 O.P. Singh, ‘Unique gold Coins of Vasudeva’, JNSI, Vol. XLIV, Varanasi, 1982, pp.136-138. 5 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., pp.67-68.

79

has also come to light from a rare solitary coin1 although the identification is

not without doubt.

The gold specie of Vasudeva-I followed the weight standard known to

his predecessors showing concentration around 8 gms.2 However we can

notice a sharp decrease in the mean quantity of pure gold and also a

remarkable disproportion between the waning of the average weight and of

the gold content in the Kushana gold coins of the days of Vasudeva I. This

may allude to economic instability of the Kushana empire atleast for a certain

period. The copper series of Vasudeva I were probably struck to a standard of

8-9 gms.3 We also notice a decrease in the denominations of copper coins.

Vasudeva I was succeeded by Kanishka-III. His coins bear the name

Kaneshko Koshano, i.e. Kanishka, the Kushana and not Kaneshki as on the

coins of Kanishka I.4 His coins represent ‘king at altar’ as on the obverse of

Vasudeva-I coins and ‘enthroned Ardoksho’ or ‘Shiva with bull’ or ‘Nana on

Lion’ on the reverse. While the Greek inscription on most of these coins is

debased they also carry isolated Brahmi and/or Kharoshthi letters in addition

to the Bactrian legend. These additional letters appear on the Kushana coins

for the first time during the reign of Vasudeva-I and become a regular feature

of the coins of later Kushana rulers. The significance of these stray Barhmi

and/or Kharoshthi letters is a subject of speculation. While R. D. Banerji

suggested that these were the initial letters of the names of the issuer, the

mint and the province,5 A.S. Altekar is of the opinion that they stand for the

initials of the names of the satraps or governors through whose agency

Kanishka III may have ruled his dominions.6

Shiva invariably appears two-armed and single headed, standing with

bull, holding a noose in the right hand and a trident in the left hand. Some of

1 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., p.38. 2 Mac Dowall, JNSI, Vol. XXII, 1960, p.64. 3 Ibid., p.72. 4 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., p.39. 5 JASB (New Supplement), Vol. 4, 1908, pp.81-93. 6 A.S. Altekar, The New History of Indian People, Vol. 6, p.14.

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Kanishka III’s coins also carry the nandipada symbol ( ) along with Shiva

and bull on their reverse. The Nana on Lion type coins show goddess Nana

seated on a lion walking to left, holding a noose in her right hand and a

sceptre in the left. She has a crescent overhead.1 This coin type of Kanishka

III probably influenced the ‘Goddess on Lion’ device appearing on the reverse

of Chandra Gupta I’s coins. The ‘enthroned Ardoksho’ type coins depict

goddess Ardokhso, nimbate, seated frontly on a high backed throne, dressed

in flowing robe, holding a cornucopia in left hand and a noose in right. This

type is conspicuously absent on the coins of Imperial Kushanas. These two

devices, i.e. ‘Shiva with Bull’ and ‘enthroned Ardoksho’ came to play a very

important role in the numismatic history of northern and north-western India

as they continued to be used in their original or modified forms on the coins of

the local dynasties and monarchs for more than half a millennium.2

Kanishka III was succeeded by Vasudeva-II. The obverse of the coins

of Vasudeva-II represent the figure of a king holding a trident, sacrificing at an

altar in front of another trident. A nandipada symbol ( ) is seen on the left of

the king apart from the isolated Brahmi and Kharoshthi letters. The Greek

legend reads Shaonano Shao Bazodeo Koshano. The reverse of these coins

show Shiva standing with bull, holding a trident. The tamaga ( ) of Vasudeva

is only visible in the field. These coins are quite distinct in fabric and execution

from the coins of Vasudeva-I. Being broad, thin and scyphate in their module

and bearing an additional symbol of nandipada on the obverse, they have

mostly been found in Badakhshan, the region north of Hindukush and

Seistan.3

Vasudeva II was probably succeeded by Vasishka-II whose gold coins

bear the name Bazeshko Koshano although it is difficult to accord imperial

status to him.4 His coins are very close to the coins of his predecessors in

fabric and execution. The obverse represents the king sacrificing at altar by

1 B.N. Mukherjee, Nana on Lion- A Study in Kushana Numismatic Art, Calcutta, 1969, pl. I. 2 B. Chattopadhyay, 1967, op. cit., p.141. 3 P.L. Gupta, 1996, op. cit., p.39. 4 B.N. Mukherjee, 1988, op. cit., pp.189-191.

81

right hand and grasping a trident or a standard in the left. He is shown

wearing a close-fitting tunic with pointed ends, trousers and peaked helmet. A

trident adorned with a fillet is placed behind the altar. The treatment of the

helmet and that of the mailed coat are more akin to the species of a few of the

successors of the Kushanas in the Punjab area.1 These coins bear Brahmi

and Kharoshthi letters as on some coins of Vasudeva-I and all the coins of

Kanishka-III and Vasudeva-II, instead of the proper names in Brahmi which

are noticed on the issues of the successors of Kushanas in Punjab. The

reverse of these coins either represent ‘Shiva with Bull’ or ‘enthroned

Ardoksho’.

Localization of types can be detected in the coinage of these later

Kushana rulers. On a small number of coins of Vasudeva-I and the coins of

his successors, we notice isolated Brahmi letters in addition to the Bactrian

legend. Since Brahmi was not current in the western provinces of the empire

including Bactria, its appearance on the later Kushana coins may allude to the

emergence of regionalism in Kushana coinage or it seems that they gradually

lost their western provinces to the Sassanian power. During the reign of

Kanishka III and Vasudeva II, ‘The king at altar: Ardoksho’ type coins are

attributed to the Punjab region of the Indian subcontinent by B.N. Mukherjee.2

‘The king at altar: Shiva with Bull and the nandipada symbol’ coins are

attributed to the Bactrian region to the north of the Hindukush, while those

without the nandipada symbol are assignable to Gandhara or the western side

of the Indus, where the cult of Shiva was very popular.3 According to B.N.

Mukherjee the coin type of Kanishka III displaying Nana on Lion may be

assigned to the eastern sector of the empire4 but we have not come across

any coin of this type from Mathura and eastern Uttar Pradesh during our

study. According to E.J. Rapson also the coins of the ‘Shiva type' belong to

the Kabul valley and were imitated by the Kushano-Sassanians while the

1 B.N. Mukherjee, 1988, op. cit., p.192. 2 Ibid., p.179. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.

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‘Ardoksho type' can be assigned to the more eastern portion of the Kushana

dominions as they were imitated by Kidara-Kushanas and the Imperial

Guptas.1

The names of the successors of the Imperial Kushanas are known to

us from the numismatic data alone. After Vasishka-II, there are a series of

coins representing ‘king at altar’ on the obverse with ‘enthroned Ardoksho’

reverse, which are much crude in fabric and execution. On these coins, a

vertical Brahmi legend is noticed under the left arm of the king which reads

Vasu or Mahi or Chhu or Shaka or Sitha or Shilada or Gadahara or

Gadakhara or Massa or Kush, etc.2 It has been suggested by scholars that

these names stand for the name of the tribes or dynasties or clans or sundry

chiefs who issued these coins. G.V. Mitterwallner suggests that they were the

descendants of those kings who bore the epithet devaputra in inscriptions of

their times and the imperial epithet Shonano Shao on their coins.3 Coins of

these chiefs or families were not minted simultaneously but their succession is

not clear. The study of these coins on the basis of the gradual decrease in the

quantity of gold, in metal content, stylistic features of their devices,

palaeographic traits of their legends tend to suggest that some of them

succeeded the Imperial Kushanas in the area of Punjab.4

From the above discussion it is clear that the Kushana age was

marked by an unprecedented growth of money economy, in which coins

played a vital role of royal propaganda as well. Although the Indo-Greeks had

issued a few gold coins, Kushana rulers were the first to issue on extensive

imperial gold currency in India. Wema Kadphises reformed the prevailing

monetary system in about the 2nd or 3rd quarter of the 1st century A.D. and

started the issue of gold and copper coins on a large scale. The introduction

of gold coinage might have been to facilitate international trade and at least to

some extent, was motivated by the large influx of Roman gold coins into the

1 E.J. Rapson, Indian Coins, Strassburg, 1897, p.19. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.17. 3 G.V. Mitterwallner, 1986, op. cit., p.390. 4 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.21.

83

subcontinent as a result of Indo-Roman commercial transaction.1 The

numerous copper coins issued by Kushana rulers were meant for everyday

local uses and small internal transactions. Their abundance alludes to the

penetration of monetization at all levels of the economy, urban as well as

rural. Both gold and copper coins of the Kushanas upto the time of Vasudava-

I, cannot be assigned to any single zone and were meant for circulation

throughout the empire.2

The appellation dinara, which was probably applied to Kushana gold

coins, was derived from the name of the Roman denarius aureus, where as

dramma was adopted by the Indians for silver coins from the Greek drachma.

But in case of Kushanas it may have been applied to copper coins also. The

gold coins of Kushanas were also known variously as Kushana, Suvarna,

Kedara and Nanaka.3 Mahavastu mentions Masa, Purana and Karshapana as

distinct denominations of the contemporary coinage. In the literature, there

are references to three types of coins, namely Dinara, Purana and

Karshapana meaning gold, silver and copper coins respectively.4

But the Kushanas failed to coin a regular silver currency. It seems that

the limited silver issues of Kushanas formed a provincial coinage meant for

restricted circulation in lower Indus territory. Since the silver currency of north-

western part of Indian subcontinent had become heavily debased by the time

of the Indo-Parthian king Azes II5, the operation of Gresham’s Law6 in this

area did not allow the Kushanas to profitably strike a regular silver coinage for

the whole empire.7 In north India too, the metallic analysis of silver coins

1 B.N. Mukherjee, The Indian Gold: An Introduction to the Cabinet of the Gold Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1990, p.12. 2 S. Sharma, 1999, op. cit., p.26. 3 B. Chattopadhyay, 1975, op. cit., pp.201-03. 4 M.K. Thakur, Indian in the Age of Kanishka, Delhi, 1999, p.110. 5 B.N. Mukherjee, 1988, op. cit., p.44. 6 H. Spero, Money and Banking, 1957, p.9. This law enjoins that “all types of metallic money in circulation declared equal in value or purchasing power by the government must be kept equal in value of buying powers. If they are not, the undervalued money will be hoarded, exported to places where its true value will be recognized, or melted down for sale in the bullion market, while the overvalued, cheaper money will be kept in circulation.” 7 B.N. Mukherjee, Kushana Silver Coinage, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1982, pp.53-56.

84

done by A.K. Jha revealed that the amount of silver in coins had gone down to

around 65% between 2nd century B.C. to 1st century A.D.1 Thus silver had lost

the confidence of people and failed to meet the characteristics of a sound

currency system. It is perhaps under these circumstance that the Kushanas

introduced only gold and copper currency; ignoring silver. This however, did

not preclude other silver coins from circulation in all other provinces of the

empire. The Mathura inscription of the year 28, of the time of Huvishka

records an endowment (or really two endowments) consisting of a total

number of 1100 puranas (550+550).2 These purana coins mentioned in the

inscription, could have been either indigenous silver coins minted officially or

unofficially in pre-Kushana period or even pieces struck locally and/or

unofficially in the Kushan period itself.3 It seems that the Kushan

administration approved of or at least did not object to the circulation of such

puranas (non-Kushana silver coins) in an integral part of the Kushana empire

like Mathura. Moreover, if Chashtana, who ruled in central and western India

and western Deccan, owed allegiance to the Kushanas, he was also allowed

to strike silver coins in his dominion following the weight standard of Indo

Greeks.4 Thus silver currency too formed a part of the monetary system in the

Kushana period.

The amount of pure gold in Kushana dinaras was very high up to the

reign of Vasudeva-II, though it gradually decreased from about 99 percent to

about 85 percent or even less in some coins of indifferent quality. From an

average of 98.5 percent pure gold in the coins of Wema Kadphises, 97.67

percent in the coins of Kanishka, 96.05 percent and 93.45 percent in the two

variety of coins of Huvishka, 95.23 percent in the coins of Vasudeva-I, 91.15

percent in the coins of Kanishka-III, and 91.2 percent in the coins of Vasudeva

1 A.K. Jha (eds.), Ex moneta, 'Essays on Numismatics in the Honour of Mac Dowall', History and Archaeology, Nasik, 1995, p.337. 2 EI, Vol. XXI, ASI, New Delhi, pp.60-61. 3 B.N. Mukherjee, 1982, op. cit., pp.54-55. 4 Ibid., p.56.

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II, we notice a progressive decline in the gold content of Kushana coinage.1

With the gradual reduction in the intrinsic value of gold, there was also a

progressive decline in the weight of the copper tetradrachms. Unlike the

Roman emperors, who solved their economic difficulties by progressively

reducing the weight of the Roman aureus, the Kushanas slightly debased the

quality of their gold while maintaining their dinara at a constant weight.2 But

such a gradual and imperceptible decline in the precious metal in coins over a

long period of time did not affect their value as a medium of exchange. On the

other hand, their acceptance by the subjects betrays their trust in the stability

of the currency and the ability of the Kushana mint masters to sell them above

their intrinsic worth.3 Infact Kushana coins have been discovered far beyond

the limits of the empire in distant countries and even in Ethiopia which speaks

in volume of the value of Kushana gold coins.4 It is also remarkable that

Kushana mints managed an enormous output for over two centuries in a

region lacking any significant output of gold.

DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF THE NAMES OF RULERS ON KUSHANA COINS

1. Kujula Kadphises KOZOY O KA IZOY KOZO A KA A EC

2. Wema (I) Tak [TO] CWTHP ME AC

3. Wema (II) Kadphises OOHMO KA ICHC 4. Kanishka KANHpKOY KANHpKI 5. Huvishka OOHpKI OYOHpKI OOHpKO

6. Vasudeva BAZO HO BAZ HO 1 S.K. Maity, ‘The gold contents of the Kushana, the Kushana chiefs and the Sassanian gold coins from the Indian Museum Calcutta', JNSI, Vol. 20, 1958, pp.162-65. 2 D.W. Mac Dowall, 1960, op. cit., pp.63-74. 3 B.N. Mukherjee, 1990, op. cit., p.13. 4 B. Chattopadhyay, 1967, op. cit., p.238.

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The recovery of hundreds of Kushana inscriptions from a very large

mass of land extending from Airtam (18km east of Termez) in Uzbekistan to

Ganwaria in eastern Uttar Pradesh, attests to the vast dimensions of the

Kushana empire. The findspots of inscriptions by far is the most reliable

evidence for the reconstruction of the political boundaries of Kushana empire

under individual rulers. They along with coinage are also the most useful tool

for the reconstruction of genealogy and chronology of Kushanas. As

discussed in Chapter 1, the Rabtak inscription of year one (1) of Kanishka is

indispensable in this regard. Apart from the inscriptions issued by royalty, the

private records of common men help us to understand various aspects of

society and religion. These inscriptions are either undated or dated. In case of

undated epigraphs we depend on the palaeographic evidence for dating,

which is not always exact. But the dated inscriptions of Kushanas, especially

those dated in the Kanishka era, ranging from Year 1 to 98, are invaluable for

the study of Kushana history and society. According to the “dropped hundred”

theory of Von Lohuizen, the inscriptions dropped 100 and started recounting

after the year 100 of Kanishka, thus adding another 60 years to Kushana

rule.1 The inscriptions found in/at different places in different regions have

used different local languages, i.e. standard Sanskrit, hydrid Sanskrit, Prakrit,

Gandhari Prakrit, etc. but are mainly written in two scripts – Kharoshthi and

Brahmi, although Sogdian, Bactrian and Greek alphabets are also used. The

writer of inscriptions called a lipika, first composed the text, then a stone

engraver or a tankaka followed the form and shape of each letter fashioned by

the lipika and engraved them on stone.2

The Kushana epigraphs are mostly short private records

commemorating the actions of a particular patron. These inscriptions are

generally records of religious donations and/or dedications by private

individuals like merchants, bankers, caravan leaders, officials, housewives,

professionals, lay worshippers, monks, nuns, etc. Statues of Buddhas,

1 J.M. Rosenfield, 1967, op. cit., p.106. 2 S. Shrava, Dated Kushan Inscriptions, Delhi, 1993, p. V.

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Bodhisattvas, Jinas, sealings, stone slabs, etc. were installed, viharas, stupas,

temples, devakulas, tanks, wells, etc. were constructed and repaired,

endowments were made for pious purposes, by people from all walks of life.

Alongwith the acts of merit, these epigraphs mostly record the names of the

donors, their relations, place of origin, professions and even the name of the

monks or nuns who inspired them for the donation. The name of the reigning

Kushana ruler figures prominently in a large number of records. The donors

knew the name of the reigning monarch and sometimes an administrative

head was also associated with these records of gifts and dedications. Imperial

titles like Maharaja, Rajatiraja, Devaputra, Shahi and rarely, Kaisara are

invariably associated with the names of the reigning Kushana monarchs even

in private records which very often correspond to the titles used on Kushana

coins. The subjects expressed allegiance to the king and made religious gifts

for the spiritual benefit of not only self and family members but mostly wished

for the welfare of all beings and some times also for the health, happiness and

prosperity of the reigning monarch. This reflects the idea that merit need not

be individually earned but can be transferred from one person to another and

this sentiment finds an expression in Buddhist, Jain and other donative

records as well. Indeed, the acquisition of merit may have been a major goal

of the patrons and donors who were responsible for the creation of works of

art. We learn about the titles of various officials and at times their names like

Kshatrapa, Mahakshatrapa, Dandanayaka, Mahadandanayaka, Padrapala,

Lipika, Divira (scribe), Gramika (village head man), Navakarmika,

(superintendent of work), Viharakaravhaena (architect of viharas), etc.

through these engraved details which throw light on the administrative set up

under the Kushana.

The nature and scope of Kushana inscriptions can be gleaned from a

few examples only. The Taxila silver scroll inscription of the year 136 of an

unidentified era refers to the establishment of the relics of Buddha in the

Dhramarajika Stupa of Taxila by a Bactrian named Urasaka, a resident of the

city of Navachala, for the bestowal of health on an unnamed Kushana King,

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Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra.1 The Peshawar Casket inscription of year 1

of Kanishka2 records the religious gift of slave Agishala who was the

navakarmika in Kanishka’s Vihara, in Mahasena Sangharama in the

acceptance of the sarvastivadin teacher. The Sarnath Boddhisattva inscription of the years 3 of Maharaja Kanishka records the dedication of the

Bodhisattva statue and an umbrella with a post by Friar Bala along with

Mahakshatrapa Kharapallana and Kshatrapa Vanaspara of Benares.3 The

Mathura Stone inscription of year 28 of Kanishka era records a perpetual

endowment of five hundred and fifty (550) puranas in each of the two guilds of

Samitakara and Raka for feeding a hundred Brahmins in the punyashala by

lord of Bakan and Kharasalera in order that the merit might accrue to

Devaputra Shahi Huvishka.4 The Mat inscription of the time of Huvishka

records the repair of tank and a devakula by a Bakanpati, son of

Mahadandanayaka for the life and prosperity of Maharaja Rajatiraja

Devaputra Huvishka.5 The Mathura Jain Image inscription of the year 40

records the dedication of the image by mother of Simhadatta, wife of the

Gramika Jayanaga and daughter-in-law of the Gramika Jayadeva out of the

Varana Gana, Arya-Hatikiya Kula, Vajrinagri Shakha.6

The economic vibrancy, devotion and religious character of the society

under the Kushanas can be gleaned from these inscriptions. Subtle details of

the society like the names of the donors, their pedigree, their Gana, Kula,

Shakha, etc. are engraved in stone and handed over to posterity. These men

are identified by their profession, their place of origin, official titles, etc. The

Kottiya-gana and ucchenagari Shakha seems to be in the forefront in making

donations at Kankali tila in Mathura. Various professional groups are

mentioned in these epigraphs like Lohakara (ironsmith), Sarthavaha (caravan-

leader), Gandhika (perfume merchant), Suwarnakara (goldsmith), Vadhaki

1 CII, II, pt. 1, 1929, p.77. 2 CII, II, pt. 1, 1929, p.137. 3 EI, VIII, pp.196 ff. 4 EI, XXI, pp.60f. 5 JRAS, 1924, No. 3, p.397 ff. 6 S. Shrava, 1993, op. cit., p.181.

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(carpenter), Vanik (merchant), Vyavahari (trader or a magistrate), Pravarika

(cloak maker), Manikara (jeweller), Rajaka (washerman), Divira (scribe),

Shreshthi (foreman of a merchant guild), Kutumbika (agricultural

householder), Halikaya (agriculturist), dance troupes, actors, sculptors, etc.

These attest to the flourishing condition of trade and industry during Kushana

times. At least some individuals in these social classes were rich enough to

make magnificent donations. The Mathura Stone inscription of year 28 also

mentions two Shrenis (guilds) of Samitakara (flourmaker) and Raka attesting

to the existence of guilds of traders which must have accelerated the growth

of craft and industries. While the statues of royal personages immortalized

them in stone, these donors of various social and professional groups,

perpetuated their names by engraving their acts of merit in these inscriptions.

These epigraphs even refer to various monks and nuns by name and

their teachers, who not only made costly donations themselves but also

inspired lay-worshippers and professionals for various acts of merit. It seems

that some monks and nuns did possess or retain some wealth, which was

utilized by them for religious donations. Bhikshu Bala and his disciple Bikshuni

Buddhamitra were possibly the most famous donors who erected Bodhisattva

images at Kausambi, Sarnath and Sravasti. A few Inscribed Gold Bars from

Dalverzin-tepe, datable to the Kushana age, bear Kharoshthi inscriptions

referring to these as owned by or donated by monks of Kalana (Kalyan).1

Several records refer to the donations having been made by lay-disciples at

the request of venerable persons of religious orders which tempts us to

suggest that some of the donations given by monks or nuns could have been

made out of the amount collected from their rich patrons.2

As many of these inscriptions were commissioned by women, they also

throw valuable light on some aspects of the lives of women in Kushana times.

While no royal women finds mention in these inscriptions, most donations

were made by urban women of fairly wealthy classes. They were mothers,

1 B.N. Mukherjee, 1988, op, cit., p.486. 2 Ibid., pp.487-88.

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wives and daughters of affluent men of various professions. In stark contrast

with men whose professions are usually mentioned in the inscriptions, these

women are described by their familial relations, mostly husband, father,

father-in-law or son. They are thus, constantly identified in terms of their

relations with men and yet are disposing a large amount of income, in the

form of religious donations, which they do not seem to have earned

themselves. It seems that these rich women otherwise played a restricted role

in the public sphere but religion provided them with an opportunity to exercise

their own authority. Apart from these wealthy women, nuns are frequently

mentioned in inscriptions as making donations and instigating donations.

Women who followed a religious vocation are identified by their sect and their

teachers. The inscriptions show that nuns played a vital role in attracting

donations from secular figures. Buddhist nun, Buddhamitra was well-versed in

tripitika and was trained by monk Bala of the Sarvastivadin sect. She installed

a colossal Bodhisattva image at Kausambi (Accession no. 2948, Municipal

Museum, Allahabad) in the year 2 of Kanishka era and along with monk Bala

also donated other Bodhisattva stone images at Sarnath (year 3 of Kanishka

era) and Sravasti. Another nun Dhanavati, the daughter of Buddhamitra’s

sister, installed a Bodhisattva image with an inscription in honour of

Buddhamitra at Mathura in the year 33 of Kanishka era. Thus, while the

normative text of this period relegate women to purely domestic roles, these

inscriptions show that at least in the religious sphere, women had an

opportunity to negotiate new roles and carve out new boundaries. They could

assert their own authority in the society by gaining control, as patrons of

different sects and also by proving their worth in attracting patronage of other

women.

Numerous viharas, stupas, chaityas, temples, kutis, etc find mention in

these epigraphic records which reflects on the vibrant religious life of the

people of Kushana age. More than eighteen viharas and monasteries are

mentioned in these inscriptions.1 These epigraphs perpetuate the names and

1 S. Shrava, 1993, op. cit., p.193.

91

deeds of monks and nuns as well as common men and women of various

vocations and social classes on the statues of gods of different sects, i.e.

Buddha, Bodhisattvas, Maitreya, Jinas, Karttikeya, Shivalingas, Kubera,

Nagas, etc. In the devakulas of Mat and Surkh Kotal even the Kushana kings

were immortalized in stone. Apart from being exquisite works of art these

images remind us of the spirit of co-existence and catholicism that existed

during the rule of the Kushanas. It seems that the common man had the

liberty to practice, follow and patronized any religious sect of his choice

without royal intervention. Jaina inscriptions far outnumber the Buddhist ones

at Mathura. Several images of Naga deities datable to Kushana age, with or

without inscriptions are found in Mathura attesting to the worship of serpents

in north India. The British Museum inscription of year 10 of Kanishka

records the gift of a temple for Naga worship in the northern Navamika (?).1

Brahmanical faith also flourished during the rule of Kushanas, which is

attested to by numerous sculptures of Hindu gods and goddesses in Mathura

school of art. Sculptures of both Gandhara and Mathura school of art

represented Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jaina deities. The Mathura Yupa inscription of the year 24 refers to the setting up of the sacrificial post and

performance of sacrificial rites by Dronala, a Chandyogya Brahmin of the

Bharadwaja gotra.2 The Panjtar Stone inscription records the construction

of a temple of lord Shiva in the eastern part of the territory of Kasua by Moika,

son of Urumaja.3 An image of Karttikeya was set up in the year 11 of

Kanishka by brothers Visvadeva, Visvasoma, Visvabhava and Visvavasi, the

sons of Vishvila, who were Kshatriyas.4 The Surkh-Kotal inscription of year

31 of Kanishka mentions the repair of a temple called ‘Kanishko Oaninda

Bago Laggo’ which appears to have been both a fire temple and a dynastic

sanctuary.5 The Rabtak inscription of year 1 of Kanishka era records the

command of Kanishka to construct a sanctuary of Nana in the plains of

1 EI, IX, pp. 239f, No 1. 2 J.P Vogel, Catalouge of Mathura Museum, No. Q. 13. 3 CII, II, pt. 1, p.70. 4 Journal of U.P Historical Society, XVI (1), pp.65-66. 5 B. Chattopadhyay, 1967, op. cit., p.172.

92

Kaeypa for deities Shri, Pharro and Ommo.1 The Rawal inscription, is a

clumsy copy of the Shakaradarra inscription recording the excavation of a

well in the year 40 of the Kanishka era. According to S. Konow it brings out

the belief of the people that the inherent magical or spiritual power of an

inscription could be recreated by its duplication.2 Thus these inscription truely

represent the multi-religious society of the Kushana age and its

effervescence.

In the upper regions of Pakistan and ‘Pakistan occupied Kashmir’,

three area-Alam Bridge, Chillas and Hunza, have a huge concentration of

graffiti and thousands of short inscriptions on rocks, which are mostly

scriblings recording the name of the visitors of different sites or those whose

names the visitors wanted to commemorate.3 Though rarely, they some-times

refer to the ruling king or a Shatrap and occasionally to a date. Nearly two

hundred short Kharoshthi inscriptions have been dated to about the first to

third century A.D.4 which coincides with the Kushana rule. Some Brahmi

inscriptions belonging to the later Kushana period have been identified as

well. Most of the Kharoshthi inscriptions of Chillas II, studied by G. Fussman

render proper names without titles. Some of the names like Buddharakshita,

Buddha Gupta, Rahula, etc are Buddhist but a ‘Shivadasa’ i.e. slave of Shiva

and Samudra Rama Krishna are also mentioned. We find etchings of deities

like Balarama, Samkarshana, Vasudeva/Krishna and most probably Hariti

apart from Buddhist iconography.5 Since the 1st century A.D., this route was

used by merchants, Buddhist missionaries, pilgrims and political envoys of the

Kushanas who travelled between Kashmir and the Tarim Basin. Using

another access, traders from the lowlands reached Chillas and founded a

Buddhist sanctuary there.6 The inscriptions of the rocks of Hunza have been

edited by A.H Dani and according to him, they refer to Kushana kings. The 1 B.N. Mukherjee, ‘The Great Kushana Testament’, Indian Museum Bulletin, Calcutta, 1995, pp.10-18, Lines 7-9 of Rabtak inscription. 2 S. Konow, CII, I, 1929, pp.161 and 159-60. 3 S. Shrava, 1993, op. cit., p.135. 4 K. Jettmar (ed.), Antiquities of Northern Pakistan, Vol. I, Mainz, 1993, pp.1-40. 5 Ibid., p. XXXI. 6 Ibid., p. XIX.

93

94

inscription HK-1 refers to ‘Vima Kadhataprisa’ in Kharoshthi characters, who

could possibly be Wema Kadphises.1 A male figure, in the well-known Yueh-

Chih dress, is engraved near this inscription on the Hunza rock number 1. The

dated graffiti from Hunza, starting from the year 34 of the reign of Huvishka

clearly give at least 11 dates of Huvishka and Vasudeva. The epigraph HK-3

of the year 7, may belong to the period of Kanishka whose name is possibly

recorded in an undated document HK-2.2 These inscriptions clearly indicate

that these ancient sites of Alam Bridge, Gilgit and Hunza were well within the

Kushana empire, alluding to Kushana sway over a portion of the upper

regions of modern Kashmir. If all the records are taken into account, the

Kushana rule should have been in this region at least from the period of

Wema Kadphises to that of the year 91 of the reign of Vasudeva.3 Following

are the lists of dated inscriptions of each Kushana rulers:

1 A.H. Dani, ‘The Sacred Rock of Hunza', Journal of Central Asia, Islamabad, 1985, Vol VIII, no. 2, pp.5f, 9. 2 Ibid. 3 S. Shrava, 1993, op. cit., p.136.

LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS OF WEMA KADPHISES S.

No. Name/Findspot Year Script/Language Remarks Reference

1. Khalatse Inscription, near Khalatse bridge on river Indus in Ladakh

187 of old Shaka era

Kharoshthi Refers to Maharaja Uvima Kavthisa CII, Vol. II, pt. I, p.81

2. Ganwaria, Uttar Pradesh - Brahmi On a terracotta sealing on a Shiva image Journal of Epigraphical Society of India (JESI), Vol. VII, 1977.

3. Mathura Colossal seated image inscription, Tokri Tila, Mat (attributed to Wema Takto by Joe Cribb)

- Brahmi Records the construction of a devakula, garden, tank, well, assembly hall and a gateway in the time of 'Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Kushanaputra Vamataksha'.

ASIAR, 1911-12, p.124.

4. Hunza, Pakistan - Kharoshthi, Gandhari Prakrit language

Above the head of standing male figure wearing a peaked helmet on Rock No. HK1. Dani's no. 17, who reads the name 'Vima'

A.H. Dani, 'The Sacred Rock of Hunza', Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2, Islamabad, p.9.

95

LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS OF KANISHKA S.

No. Name/Findspot Year Script/Language Remarks Reference

1. Rabtak Inscription, Near Pul-i-Kumri in Afghanistan

1 of Kanishka era

Greek script, Bactrian language

23 line inscription, adds the name of Wema Takto in Kushana genealogy, proclaims the authority of Kanishka in India, orders the construction of a Nana sanctuary.

N.S. Williams and Joe Cribb, 'A New Bactrian inscription of Kanishka the great', Silk Road Art and Archaeology, Kamakura/Japan, Vol. IV, 1995/96, pp.75-123.

2. Shah ji ki Dheri inscription / Peshawar Casket inscription, Peshawar, Pakistan

1 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the gift of slave Agishala, the navakarmika in the Kanishka Vihara

CII, Vol. II, pt. 1, p.135 ff.

3. Kosam, Uttar Pradesh 2 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of Bodhisattva image by nun Buddhamitra

EI, Vol. XXIV, pp.210-212.

4. Mathura, Uttar Pradesh 3 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of a Buddha statue by Vasumitra Satya Shrava, Dated Kushana Inscriptions (DKI) Delhi, 1993, p.176, No. 11.

5. Government Museum Mathura, ACC No. A-56

3 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On the pedestal of a figure Satya Shrava, Dated Kushana Inscriptions (DKI) Delhi, 1993, p.176, No.12

6. Sarnath, Uttar Pradesh 3 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Donation of a colossal image of Bodhisattva by monk Bala along with Mahakshatrapa Kharapallana and Kshtrapa Vanaspara of Banares

EI, Vol. VIII, pp. 173 ff.

7. Sarnath, Uttar Pradesh 3 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Donation of an Umbrella and post by monk Bala EI, Vol. VIII, pp.179 ff.

8. Kankali Tila, Mathura (State Museum Lucknow, J3)

4 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the gift of a Jina image EI, Vol. II, pp.201, No.11

96

9. Maha Vidya, Mathura 4 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On an image DKI, p.177, No.16

10. Government Museum Mathura, Acc. No. 57.4329

4 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the installation of Bodhisattva image by Mahadantanayaka Hummiyaka, at the Sakya monastery for the benefit of doner's parents, teachers, etc.

EI, Vol. XXXIV, pp.9 ff, No.I

11. Indian Museum, Calcutta, NS-4143

4 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the gift of a Bodhisattva image by Dhanyabhava, a house wife

EI, Vol. XIX, p. 66, No. 3

12. Alam Bridge, Pakistan 4 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK-1 Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987, DKI, p.186, No.171.

13. Kosam, Uttar Pradesh 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the installation of a Bodhisattva image DKI, p.177, No.19.

14. Kankali Tila, Mathura 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image EI, Vol. II, p.201, No.12

15. Kankali Tila, Mathura 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the gift of a tank by Vishakhamitra wife of Vasuka, daughter of Buhila for the benefit and happiness of all.

IAR, 1974-75, p.50

16. Indian Museum, Calcutta, NS-4965

5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of an image DKI, p.177, No.22

17. Government Museum, Mathura, Acc. No. 50.3533

5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of an image DKI, p.177, No. 23

18. Kankali Tila, Mathura 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a Jina image by Kshudra EI, Vol.I, p.381, No.1

97

19. Kankali Tila, Mathura 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a Jina image for the welfare and happiness of all creatures.

DKI, p.177, No. 25

20. Kankali Tila, Mathura 5 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a Jain Image DKI, p.177, No.26

21. Alam Bridge, Pakistan 5 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK. 2 Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987; DKI, p.186, No. 172

22. Kausambi, UttarPradesh

6 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image DKI, p.177, No. 28

23. Government Museum,Mathura Acc. No. 47.3333

6 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina figure DKI, p.177, No.27

24. Kankali Tila, Mathura 7 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Arya Jaya EI, Vol. I, p.391, No.19

25. Hunza, Pakistan 7 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the name of Dharmasena, son of Nathuvu, Rock No. HK. 3, Dani 5/3

Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

26. Ral Bhadar, Mathura 8 of Kanishka era

Brahmi A tank, garden and a naga image were caused to be made

EI, Vol. XVII, pp.10 ff.

27. Palikhera, Mathura 8 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by Simhaka DKI, p.177, No.31

28. Government Museum,Mathura, Acc No. 2347

8 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pedestal of a seated Buddha image by Nun Buddhadasi

DKI, p.178, No.32

98

29. Mathura 9 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Creation of a Jina image by Grahapala EI, Vol. X, pp.109-110, No.3

30. Kankali Tila, Mathura 9 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Creation of a Jina image by Vikata DKI, p.178, No.34.

31. Alam Bridge, Pakistan 9 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK. 3 Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987; DKI, p.186, No.174

32. Alam Bridge, Pakistan 9 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK. 4 Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987; DKI, p.186, No.175

33. Alam Bridge, Pakistan 9 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK. 5 Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987; DKI, p.186, No.176

34. British Museum, 1887, 7-15, 33

10 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gifting of a temple for the worship of a Naga and his wife in northern Navamika

EI, Vol. IX, pp.239 f, No. 1.

35. Khanskhar, Mathura 10 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by monk Nagadatta in Kashtikiya Vihara

DKI, p.178, No.36.

36. Kankali Tila, Mathura 11 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Kattikeya by brothers Vishvasoma, Vishvabhava and Visvavasi, the sons of Vishivila, who were kshatriyas.

DKI, p.178, No.37.

37. Sui Vihara Copper plate inscription, Bahawalpur, Pakistan

11 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the raising of the staff by the triar Nagadatta, the disciple of the teacher Dharmatrata, the disciple of the teacher Bhava, in Damana. The mistress of the Vihara (Viharaswamini) upasika Balanandi and her mother the matron, the wife of Balajaya, in addition gave the enclosure.

CII, Vol. II,k pt. I, p.141.

99

38. Zeda inscription, near Und

11 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well and a water tank as the gift of Hipea Dhia for the increase of Sarvastivada, in honour of Kshatrapa Liaka

CII, Vol.II, pt. I, pp.145.

39. Alam Bridge, Pakistan XI of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi No. AK 5 of Mukherjee Indian Museum Bulletin, 1987; DKI, p.186, No.177.

40 Ahichchhatra, UttarPradesh

12 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of Jina image as a gift of carpenters EI, Vol. X, pp.110-111

41. Govindnagar, Mathura 12 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a pillar IAR, 1976-77, p.63.

42. Dalpat ki Khirki, Mathura

14 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installing of a standing Buddha image dedicated by Samghila, wife of Hasthi, a pravarika (cloak maker)

EI, Vol. XIX, pp.96-97.

43. Kankali Tila, Mathura 15 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Dedication of a Jina image by Kumaramitra, wife of a shreshthi.

EI, Vol. I, p.382, No.2

44. Private collection,Patna

16 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of a Bodhisattva image DKI, p.178, No.42

45. Dura, Agra 16 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of a votive pillar IAR, 1960-61, p.49.

46. Government Museum,Mathura, Acc. No.121

17 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by Nagapriya, wife of a goldsmith

DKI, p.178, No.44

47. Chaubiya Para,Mathura

17 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jaina image by Kaushiki Griharakshita DKI, p.178, No.45

100

48. Kankali Tila, Mathura 18 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by masigi for the welfare of all being

EI, Vol.II, pp.202, No.13

49. Kankali Tila, Mathura 18 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Mitashri EI, Vol. II, p.202, No. 14.

50. Manikiala Inscription, Rawalpindi, Pakistan

18 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the establishment of several relics of Lord Buddha by Dandanayaka Lala, a scion of th Kushana family, the donation master of the Kshatrapa Veshpashi, along with the Vihara architect (Navakarmika) Burita.

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, p.150.

51. Manikiala Bronze casket inscription, Rawalpindi, Pakistan

18 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Relics of sramana Gotama enshrined by Kapisa Kshatrapa, the son of the Kshatrapa Granavhryaka

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.151 ff.

52. Kankali Tila, Mathura 19 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Dedication of a four faced Jina image by wife of Suchila, for the adoration of arhats

EI, Vol. I, pp.382-383, No.3

53. Kankali Tila Mathura 20 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Mitra, daughter of a manikara, wife of a lohakara, for the welfare and happiness of all being

EI, Vol. I, pp.383-84, No. 4

54. Kankali Tila Mathura 20 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image DKI, p.179, No.51

55. Mata Matha, Mathura 20 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Kubera image DKI, p.179, No. 52

56. Inscription of year 20 of Kanishka era

20 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the gift of Dina, for the adoration of arhats, on a pedestal

EI, Vol. I, p.395, No.28

57. Garhi Matani, Pakista n 20 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Dedication of monk Buddha Varma CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.151 ff.

101

58. Kurram, Pakistan 20 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Estabilishment of a relic of lord Shakyamuni in the new vihara by sveda (sena) Varma

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.152 ff.

59. Kathoti Kua, Mathura 21 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a votive tablet DKI, p.179, No.53

60. Kankali Tila, Mathura 22 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records of a gift of a Jina image by Dharmasvamini, wife of a sarthavaha (carvan leader) at the request of the preacher Arya Matridatta.

EI, Vol. I, p.395, No.29

61. Kankali Tila, Mathura 22 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image EI, Vol. I, p.391, No. 20

62. Madhubana, Mohali 22 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image in the pravarika-vihara (vihara of cloak-maker)

EI, Vol. XIX, p.66

63. Sonkh 23 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a bodhisattva statue by Pushyadata DKI, p.179, No.57

64. Kosam - Brahmi On a sealing referring to Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Kanishka

DKI, p.176, No.3

65. Tokri Tila, Mat - Brahmi On the headless statue of Kanishka – Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Kanishko

DKI, p.176, No. 4

66. Sravasti - Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image with an umbrella and a shaft at Sravasti in the Kosambakuti, Bby monk Bala in the reign of Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka.

EI, Vol. VIII, pp. 179 ff.

67. Sravasti - Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image with an umbrella and a shaft at Sravasti in the Kosambakuti, by monk Bala in the reign of Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka.

EI, Vol. IX, pp. 290-91.

102

68. Kankali Tila, Mathura - Brahmi Setting of a stone image DKI, p.176, No.7

69. Mora, Mathura - Brahmi Setting of a stone image by wife Kalavada EI, Vol. XXIV, pp.200-202, No. 2

70. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image DKI, p.176, No.9

71. Hunza, Pakistan - Kharoshthi On rock no. 1, Dani reads 'a gift to the Buddhist congregation of the lord of Gushan, the great king Kanishka'

Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, no. 2, p.25.

72. Shahr-i-Bahlol - Kharoshthi Refers to Kaneshko DKI, p.187, no.188.

103

LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS OF VASISHKA

S. No.

Name/Findspot Year Script/Language Remarks Reference

1. Kamra, Campbellpur,Pakistan

20 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well. Vasishka is called devamanusha i.e. Godman and devaputra i.e. son of god apart from saviour, victorious, the law of the living world etc.

Indian Museum Bulleting, Vol. VIII, 1973, pp.111 ff.

2. Sanchi, MadhyaPradesh

22 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installation of a Buddha image by Vidyamati in the year 22 of king Vasu Kushana

DKI, p.179, No.58

3. Mathura YupaInscription, Isapur, Mathura

24 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting up of the Yupa after the performance of a sacrifice for twelve days by Dronala, son of Rudrila, a Chandyogya Brahmin of the Bharadvaja gotra

DKI, p.179, No.59.

4. Sanchi, MadhyaPradesh

28 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installation of a Bodhisattva image by Madhurika, daughter of Vira, in the Dharmdeva Vihara

DKI, p.179, No.62

5. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

28 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a seated Buddha image DKI, p.179, No.63

6. Chilas II - Kharoshthi Dani reads "of Vasishka, the Kaisar, rajatiraja, of devaputra"

A.H. Dani, Chilas – The City of Nanga Parvat, Islamabad, 1983, p.114.

104

LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS OF HUVISHKA S.

No. Name/Findspot Year Script Remarks Reference

1. Govinda Nagar,Mathura

28 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installation of an image of Amitabha Buddha by Nagarakshita, son of Buddha Bala, grandson of Sarthavaha Sattvaka and sreshthi Balakirti

IAR, 1977-78, p.97; 1979-80, p.91.

2. Mathura, OppositeChaurasi Jain temple

28 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records a perpetual endowment of 550 puranas in each of the two guilds of Samitakara and raka for feeding a hundred Brahmins in the Punyashala by a Vakanpati and Kharasalerapati. Merit accrued to Devaputra Shahi Huvishka

EI, XXI, pp.55-61.

3. Tokri Tila Mat - Brahmi Records the repair of a tank and a devakula by a Bakanapati, son of a Mahadandanayaka, for the life and prosperity of Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Huvishka

Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1924, pp. 397 ff, No.3

4. Kankali Tila, Mathura - Brahmi Installation of a Jina image EI, Vol. II, p.206, No.25

5. Government Museum,Mathura, Acc. No. 40.2879

29 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image of Maitreya DKI, p.180, No.68

6. Kankali Tila, Mathura 29 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Bodhinanda, a married lady, daughter of a grihapati, at the request of Gahaprakia

EI, Vol. I, p.385, No. 6

7. Kankali Tila, Mathura 29 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Migaka EI, Vol. II, p.206, No.26

8. Kankali Tila, Mathura 31 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a seated Buddha image by monk Buddhaswami of the Sajjha Vihara, founded by Mama

DKI, p.180, No.71

9. Kankali Tila, Mathura 31 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Grahashri, daughter of Buddhi, wife of devala EI, Vol. II, pp.202-03, No.15

105

10. Ral-Bhadar 31 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Seated Buddha image, gift of Khuda, female pupil of the nun Dinna DKI, p.180, No.73

11. Surkh Kotal,Afghanistan

31 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Restoration of Kanishko Oanindo Bagolaggo (Kanishka victorious sanctuary) and digging of well, by Nokonzoko. 3 versions of inscription

DKI, p.187, No.187

12. Kankali Tila, Mathura 32 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a four sided Jina image by Jitamitra, daughter of Ritunandi, wife of Buddhi, mother of a gandhika, at the request of arya Nandika

EI, Vol. II, p.203, No.16

13. Ahichchatra, Bareilly 32 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image as a gift of monk Virana with his mother and father

JASB, XXI, 1955, p.65

14. Chaubara mound,Mathura

33 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by Dhanavati, niece of nun Buddhamitra, female pupil of monk Bala

DKI, p.180, No. 76.

15. Ranipura Mohalla,Mathura

33 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image DKI, p.180, No. 77

16. Bjana, Mathura 33 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a base of a pillar installed by Buddharakshita and Dharmarakshita, sons of Somaputra, a Brahmana in Svaka-Vihara

DKI, p.181, No. 78

17. Hunza, Pakistan 34 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Dani reads 'year 34 of Maharaja devaputra Huvishka' Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

18. Airtam, near Termez,Uzbekistan

34 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the renovation of a temple and digging of a well or canal within the complex of a religious establishment

DKI, p.187, No. 189

19. Kankali Tila, Mathura 35 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Kumarbhatti, agandhika EI, Vol. I, pp.385-86, No.7

106

20. Saptarshi mound,Mathura

35 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Tirthankara IAR, 1978-79, p.113

21. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

35 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a pillar base recording the gift of monk Buddhadasa, the companion of Sanghamitra

DKI, p.181, No.81

22. Lakhnu, Hathras 35 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Boddhisattva image DKI, p.181, No.82

23. Private collection,Varanasi

36 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a Buddha image DKI, p.181, No.83

24. Kankali Tila, Mathura 38 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an elephant statue by Sreshthi Rudradasa, son of Sreshthi Sivdasa for the worship of Arhant

ASIAR, No.3, pp.32-33.

25. Palikhera, Mathura 39 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by nun Buddhadeva and the female pupil of nun Pushahathini

EI, Vol. XIX, p.66, No.2

26. Shertala, Pakistan 39 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Excavation of a cell by Kshatrapa Pahaka, by order of Dandanayaka Bhaharaka

DKI, p.187, No.191

27. Government MuseumMathura, Acc. No. J234

40 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Records the dedication of a stone, pillar by Simhadatta, wife of the gramika Jayanaga and daughter-in-law of gramika Jayadeva

EI, Vol. I, No. 11, pp.387-88.

28. Chhargaon, Mathura 40 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Errection of a life size naga image at its own tank by Senahastin and Bhandaka

DKI, p.181, No.87.

29. Shakardara,Cambellpur, Pakistan

40 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well at the Shala jerry as the gift of Dronipadra companions

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.15a

107

30. Rawal, Mathura 40 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi A clumsy copy of the Shakardara inscription recording the digging of a well by Dronipadra companions

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.15a

31. Government Museum,Mathura Acc. No. E.25

42 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a statue of a male figure clad in Indo-Scythian dress in a tunic, trouser and boots

DKI, p.181, No.88

32. Inscription of Huvishkaof year 45

45 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installation of a standing Buddha image in Roshika Vihara by female lay worshipper Khvasicha

DKI, p.181, No.89.

33. Kankali Tila, Mathura 45 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Dharmavriddhi, daughter-in-law- of Buddhi EI, Vol. I, p.387, No. 10

34. Mathura 46 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image in the vihara of Mahadandanayaka EI, Vol. XL, pp.168-69, No.32

35. Kankali Tila, Mathura 47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by wife of Gina, at the request of Sena EI, Vol.I, p.396, No.30

36. Jail mound, Mathura 47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Dharmadeva ASIAR, Vol. 3, p.33, No.11

37. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Jivaka ASIAR, Vol. 3, p.33, No.12

38. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar DKI, p.181, No.95

39. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Buddhisreshtha DKI, p.181, No.96

108

40. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by Devila, the priest at the shrine of Dadhikarna DKI, p.181, No.97

41. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Datta DKI, p.182, No.98

42. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Dharma Datta DKI, p.182, No.99

43. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Dharma Datta DKI, p.182, No.100

44. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Buddharakshita DKI, p.182, No.101

45. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Datta DKI, p.182, No.102

46. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

47 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Buddhanandi DKI, p.182, No.103

47. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Gift of a pillar DKI, p.182, No.104

48. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Gift of a pillar DKI, p.182, No.105

49. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Gift of a pillar by Buddharakshita DKI, p.182, No.106

50. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Gift of a pillar by monk Datta DKI, p.182, No.107

109

51. Kankali Tila, Mathura 48 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Sambhavanath by Yasa, daughter-in-law of Budhika, granddaughter of Sivatrata, at the request of Dhanisiri

DKI, p.182, No.108

52. Kankali Tila, Mathura 48 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image ASIAR, Vol.3, p.34, No.15

53. Kankali Tila, Mathura 49 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by female lay worshipper Dina Datta, at Vodha stupa

EI, Vol. II, p.204, No.20

54. Kankali Tila, Mathura 50 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of Jina image by Vijayasiri, daughter of Babu, first wife of Rajyavasu, mother of devila

EI, Vol. II, p.203, No.18

55. Kankali Tila, Mathura 50 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of Jina image by Vijayasiri, daughter of Babu, first wife of Rajyavasu, mother of Devila

EI, Vol.II, p.209, No.36

56. Government Museum,Mathura, Acc. No. B-29

50 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of Buddha image DKI, p.182, No.113

57. Inscription of Huvishkaof year 50

50 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of Buddha image as a gift of Raha of the family of agriculturist (halikaya) Bahuvira

DKI, p.183, No.114

58. Kankali Tila, Mathura 50 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a stone slab, gift of son of Indrabala, the Sarthavaha DKI, p.183, No.115

59. Anyor, Mathura 51 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a pedestal statue of Buddha, for the acceptance of Mahasamghikas DKI, p.183, No.116

60. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

51 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image in Vihara of Maharaja Devaputra Huvishka, by monk Buddhavarma

DKI, p.183, No.117

110

61. Wardak Vase Inscription 51 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the establishment of a relics of the Lord Shakyamuni in the Vagramarega Vihar in a Stupa at Khawat by the Kamagulya scion Vagramarega

CII, Vol. II, pt. I, p.170

62. Hunza, Pakistan - Kharoshthi Dani No. 1, reads 'the great king, Huvishka, the Kushana' Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

63. Bhutesar, Mathura 52 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a standing Naga image DKI, p.183, No.118

64. Mathura 52 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a lohakara, Gothika EI, Vol. II, p.203, No.18

65. Naroli 53 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddhist image as a gift of Singha Sena DKI, p.183, No.120

66. Kankali Tila, Mathura 54 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Seated image of Sarasvati, gift a Gova, a lohakara of Kottiya gana EI, Vol.I, p.391, No.21

67. Sitalaghat mound,Mathura

57 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image EI, Vol. II, p.210, No. 38

68. Kankali Tila, Mathura 58 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Nagasena EI, Vol. I, p.387, No.9

69. Kankali Tila, Mathura 60 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Datta, wife of a cotton dealer, Vir Dhumitaka EI, I, p.386, No.8.

111

LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS OF VASUDEVA S.

No. Name/Findspot Year Script/Language Remarks Reference

1. Palikhera 64 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a Buddha image together with a shrine by Guhasena, from the family of the Kutumbikas or agricultural householders, for the acceptance of the teachers of the Mahasamghika community.

EI, Vol.XXX, pp.181-84

2. Hunza, Pakistan 68 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 1, Dani no.15, 'Ravada, the scion of the Ropasa family Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2.

3. Hunza Pakistan 70 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 1, Dani No. 30 Journal of central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2.

4. Hunza Pakistan 70 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 2, Dani No. 54, refer to son of Yavuga Nada'ula Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2.

5. Mathura 71 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jaina image EI, Vol. X, pp.114-115, No.8

6. Mathura 72 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Vardhamana by Jayadevi DKI, p.183, No. 129

7. Ramnagar 74 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Tirthankara by Dharavala, wife of Deva EI, Vol. X, pp.115-116, No.9

8. Kaman 74 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image by monk Nandika in the Mihira Vihara, for the acceptance of the Sarvastivadin teacher

EI, Vol. II, p.212, No.42

9. Jail mound, Mathura 74 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a slab DKI, p.184, No.32

112

10. Chaubara mound,Mathura

75 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Buddha image by Bala, the daughter of Hitaka, the master of the monastery

DKI, p.184 No.

11. Hunza, Pakistan 76 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No.1, Dani 92, "for the merit of all the Buddhas" Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

12. Government Museum,Mathura Acc No. 89.2

79 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image by monk Vinayadhara, a Sandhik, at Maja Vihara

DKI, p.184, No. 134.

13. Kankali Tila, Mathura 80 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jaina image DKI, p.184, No.134

14. Kankali Tila, Mathura 80 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jaina image EI, Vol.I, pp.392, No.24

15. Hunza, Pakistan 80 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No.1, Dani No. 39 – 'Bosamitra, the son of Balamitra' Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

16. Hunza, Pakistan 80 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 1, Dani No.51 Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

17. Hunza, Pakistan 81 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No.1, Dani no. 13 Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

18. Kankali Tila, Mathura 81 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image at the request of Datta, the female pupil of Ayika-Jiva

EI, Vol. II, p.204, No.21

19. Mathura 82 ofKanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the gift of a Jina image by Rudradeva and its pedestal as the gift of Grihamitra, wife of Rudradeva

DKI, p.184, No.138

113

20. Hunza, Pakistan 82 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 1, Dani No. 45 Journal of Central Asia, Vol.VIII, No.2

21. Hunza, Pakistan 83 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No. 1, Dani No. 34. 'Mitravardhana's son and Kshatrapa Dharmarakshita's son'

Journal of Central Asia, Vol.VIII, No.2

22. Kankali Tila, Mathura 83 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Gift of a Jina image by Jinadasi, wife of a gandhika, daughter of Sena

DKI, p.184, No.139

23. Government Museum,Mathura Acc. No.B-3

83 of Kanishka era

Brahmi setting of a Jina image ASIAR, vol.3, p.34

24. Balbhadra Kunda,Mathura

84 of Kanishka era

Brahmi setting of a Jina image by Kotabhava, wife of Ainnra, daughter-in-law of Bhattadatta, at the request of Kumaradatta

DKI, p.184, No. 141

25. Kankali Tila, Mathura 84 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an image of Vardhaman by Okharika, daughter of Damitra and Datta, wife of a Kutumbiniya or householder

EI, Vol. XIX, p.67.

26. Kankali Tila, Mathura 85 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image IAR, 1974-75, p.50

27. Mathura 86 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of an Ekamukhi Shivalinga referred as Bhagvan Ishvara DKI, p.184, No.144

28. Kankali Tila, Mathura 86 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by daughter of Dasa, wife of Priya at the request of Vasula

EI, Vol.I, p.388, No.22

29. Kankali Tila, Mathura 87 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Mitra, pupil of the venerable arya Kumarnandi

EI, Vol. I, pp.388-89, No.13

114

30. Kankali Tila, Mathura 87 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image ASIAR, Vol.3, p.35, No.18

31. Mamane Dheri,Peshawar, Pakistan

89 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi On a Gandhara sculpture, a gift of Shramana Dharmapriya, in honour of his teacher Buddhapriya, for the bestowal of health of his fellow disciples

CII, Vol.II, pt.I, pp.171-172,

32. Alam bridge, Pakistan 89 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No.10 'Ne' i'usa, the son of Dhammana' DKI, p.189, No.209

33. Kankali Tila, Mathura 90 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image, by daughter in law of Dina of Kottiya Gana EI, Vol.II, p.205, No.22

34. Mata Gali Lane, Mathura 91 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Erection of a stone channel for the strength of Mahasanghikas, at the Chutaka Vihara

EI, Vol.XIX, pp.68-69.

35. Hunza, Pakistan 91 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Rock No.1, Dani 21, records the name of Kshatrapa Bhulikadala Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

36. Mohali 92 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Installation of a Bodhisattva image by monk Grahadasika, resident of Venda Vihara

EI, Vol.XXXIV, pp.10-11

37. Mathura 92 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Vardhamana image DKI, p.185, No.151

38. Kankali Tila, Mathura 93 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by daughter of a Suvarnakara or goldsmith, at the request of Ganinandi

EI, Vol. II, p.205, No.23

39. Mathura 93 ofKanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a standing Buddha with an umbrella by Dhana, after honouring the Shramana, a Kayastha

EI, Vol. XXXVII, pp.151-53.

115

40. Kankali Tila, Mathura 95 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of sculptured panel by daughter of Grahadatta, wife of Dhanahastin

EI, Vol. I, p.392, No.22

41. Government Museum,Mathura, Acc. No. B-31

97 of Kanishka era

Brahmi A small pavilion for Vardhamana was created by Damini DKI, p.185, No.155

42. Kankali Tila, Mathura 98 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Tirthankara image by wife of Arya Kshema, daughter of a pravaraka, daughter in law of a gandhika

ASIAR, Vol. 3, p.35, No.20

43. Kankali Tila, Mathura 98 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image EI, Vol. II, p.205, No.24

44. Lakhanu, Hathras - Brahmi Setting of a pedestal by daughter-in-law of Sena DKI, p.185, No.158

45. San Franciscoinscription

170 of unknown era

Brahmi On a noble Chakra or a Naga image DKI, p.185, No.159.

116

LIST OF OTHER INSCRIPTIONS OF KUSHANA RULERS

S. No.

Site Tehsil/District CulturalSequence

Remarks Reference

1. Kankali Tila, Mathura 25 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Rayagini wife of a rajaka or washerman Jayabhatta

EI, Vol.I, p.384, No.5

2. Jamalpur mound,Mathura

26 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a stone slab at the shrine of holy lord of naga Dadhikarnna by sons of the actors of Mathura, known as the Chandak brothers

DKI, p.179, No.61

3. Hidda 28 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Refers to Samghamitra, a navakarmika (architect) CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.157 ff.

4. Ara, near Attock 41 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well by Dashavahara of the Peshawarian scions during the reign of Maharaja Rajatiraja Devaputra Kaisara Kanishka (II)

CII, Vol.II, pt. I, p.165.

5. Hunza, Pakistan 48 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Dani No. 16, reads the name Kushana Journal of Central Asia, Vol. VIII, No.2

6. Und 61 of Kanishka era

Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp.170-71

7. Rani ki Mandi,Mathura

62 of Kanishka era

Brahmi On a broken Jina statue, refers to a well ASIAR, Vo. XX, p.37

8. Kankali Tila, Mathura 62 of Kanishka era

Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by atapika Grahabala EI, Vol.II, p.204, No.19

9. Mathura 145 of unknown era

- On a round stone object recording the gift of land called Sarpa-bhumi by Balanadini, a women of the Gautama Gotra

DKI, p.185, No.165

10. Mathura 270 of unknown era

- Setting of a devakula by Ujhatika, daughter of … and Okharika and by Okha who was the lay sister of Shrika and Sivadinna

DKI, p.185, No.166

11. State Museum,Lucknow

299 of unknown era

- - DKI, p.185,No.167

117

12. Mathura 16 of unknown era

- On a female figure DKI, p.185, No.164

13. Salimpur nearPanjtar

122 of unknown era

Kharoshthi Records the gift of Moika, the son of Urumuja, causing the temple of lord Shiva to be built in the kingdom of Maharaja Gushana

CII, Vol. II, pt.I, p.70

14. Taxila silver scrollinscription

136 of unknown era

Kharoshthi Records the enshrinement of the relics of the lord by Urasaka, the Bactrian, in the Dharmarajika compound of Takshashila for the bestowal of health on maharaja rajatiraja devaputra, Kushan in honour of all Buddha

CII, Vol.II, pt. I, pp.70-71.

15. Dash-e-Nawur,Afghanistan

279 of unknown era

Kharoshthi and Bactrian

Two inscriptions on a rock, Bactrian inscription reads Shao Ooemo Takshoma (o) Koshano and Kharoshthi – Rajatiraja Devaputra… Dharmi (asa) Vhima Kushasa

DKI, p.189, No.214

16. Shaikhan Dheri,Pakistan

9 of unknown era

Kharoshthi - Ancient Pakistan,Vol. II, pp.109-113

17. Kaniza Dheri,Pakistan

- Kharoshthi - CII, Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 172 ff

18. Peshawar Museum,No.12

- Kharoshthi Records the digging of a well by Brahmana Vasudeva, son of Indradeva, a resident of Obhara. Four line unique Kharoshthi inscription in which Sanskrit language is used

CII, Vol.II, pt. I, pp.155 ff.

19. Circular road mound,Mathura

- Brahmi Setting of a Bodhisattva image DKI, p.185, No.160

20. GovernmentMuseum, Mathura Acc. No. A-64

- Brahmi Seated Buddha image recording gift of daughter-in-law of Phalguyasa DKI, p.185, No.161

21. Mathura - Brahmi - DKI, p.185,No.162

22. Mathura - Brahmi Setting of a Jina image by Dina, daughter of Vajaranadya, daughter in law of Vadhishiva

EI, Vol.II, p.208, No.33

118

Thus a study of Kushana coinage and inscriptions throws invaluable

light on various aspects of Kushana rule in India. Together, they enable us to

reconstruct the political boundaries of the Kushana empire and draw

reasonable conclusions about various aspects of polity, economy, society,

religion, etc. under their rule. The Kushanas evolved a powerful and pervasive

monetary system that even outlived the Kushana empire. The reckoning

started by Kanishka and followed by his successors is still prevalent as the

Saka Samvat in India and is recognized as the national era.

119