chapter – ii kandapuranam, a bird’s eye...

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CHAPTER – II KANDAPURANAM, A BIRD’S EYE VIEW Murugan also known as Kadamban, Kumaran, Seyon etc. was the God of the Kurinji region of the Tamil country was worshipped even from the Sangam age onwards as Tamil deity 2 . Tolkappiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar work too describes Murugan as the God of mountainous region and he is named as Seyon (Seyon meya maivarai ulagamum) 3 . As a God, who wielded the vel - i.e. spear the name Velan was assigned to him. The priest of Murugan was also called Velan in Tirumurgarruppadai. So the custom of Velandal or Velan Veriyadal was executed by the priest Velan for propitiating Murugan, the deity for knowing the causes of the distress of women who suffered due to love sickness. The early Tamil Sangam classics call him as Velan 4 . This deity, originally called Murugan, had his own individualistic qualities and they stand to prove the indigenous origin of the deity. For instance Velanadal or Velan veriyadal, a frenzied dance associated with Murugan, the treatment of Murugan as God of youth and beauty and the relation between Murugan and flowers like Kadambu, Kandal and Vengai etc., stand to prove Murugan as a 2 Thiru. V.Kalyanasundaranar, Murugan Alladu Alagu (T). Madras, 1971, pp. 27-28. 3 Tolkappiyam, porulathikaram ; 5 4 Ahananuru, 1:3, 59:11, 96:10, 156:16 Aingurunuru , 129:2, Paripadal,5:50, 8:81, Porunararruppadai, Please purchase PDF Split-Merge on www.verypdf.com to remove this watermark.

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CHAPTER – II

KANDAPURANAM, A BIRD’S EYE VIEW

Murugan also known as Kadamban, Kumaran, Seyon etc. was the God of

the Kurinji region of the Tamil country was worshipped even from the

Sangam age onwards as Tamil deity2. Tolkappiyam, the earliest Tamil

grammar work too describes Murugan as the God of mountainous region and

he is named as Seyon (Seyon meya maivarai ulagamum)3. As a God, who

wielded the vel - i.e. spear the name Velan was assigned to him. The priest of

Murugan was also called Velan in Tirumurgarruppadai. So the custom of

Velandal or Velan Veriyadal was executed by the priest Velan for propitiating

Murugan, the deity for knowing the causes of the distress of women who

suffered due to love sickness.

The early Tamil Sangam classics call him as Velan4. This deity,

originally called Murugan, had his own individualistic qualities and they

stand to prove the indigenous origin of the deity. For instance Velanadal or

Velan veriyadal, a frenzied dance associated with Murugan, the treatment of

Murugan as God of youth and beauty and the relation between Murugan and

flowers like Kadambu, Kandal and Vengai etc., stand to prove Murugan as a

2 Thiru. V.Kalyanasundaranar, Murugan Alladu Alagu (T). Madras, 1971, pp. 27-28. 3 Tolkappiyam, porulathikaram ; 5 4 Ahananuru, 1:3, 59:11, 96:10, 156:16 Aingurunuru , 129:2, Paripadal,5:50, 8:81,

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Tamil deity5. Further Murugan alone is associated with red colour as Seyon.

While Murugan is treated as a Tamil deity he had his own counterpart in the

north, who was called Skanda Karthikeya. Anyhow both the Gods are identical

due to their was like qualities and traits. In this regard it should be remembered

that Murugan of the Tamil country was having two wives called and Devasena.

But the northern Skanda Karthikeya had no such attributes.

Chandogya Upanishad had treated Sanatkumara as Skandan.6 In this

regard it is infer that Skanda was a youth God or Kumaran. As rightly observed

by John Dowson, the northern Skanda , who was a composite God.7 He was

also treated as ninth aspect of Agni or Rudra. So it is clear that northern

Skanda is a God associated mainly with Agni.8

Further, during the non availability of the name Murugan in any of the

northern Sanskritic works of any period the northerners call their deity as

Skandan, Kumaran and Karthikeyan in the Maitiyani Samhita.9 It suggests

that the Tamil Murugan and skanda Karthikeya of the north were two different

deities but amalgamated in due course, probably after the seventh century

A.D. This could be corroborated by the introduction of the Somaskanda panel

5 M.Gandhi Dasan, Tamilagathil Muruga Valipadu, (T) Ennes Publications , Madurai,

1988, p.5. 6 Bohtlingk, c, (Ed) chandogya Upanishad, Leipzig, 1889, VII 26:2

7 Washburn, E.Hopkins, Epic Mythology, Delhi, 1971, p.277.

8 John Dowson, Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, Geography,

History and Literature 9 Von Schroeder (Ed), Maitriyani Samhita 2:9:1:11-12, Leipzic, 1881-86.

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into the Murugan worship of Tamil Nadu during the Pallava period i.e., after

the century A.D.10 As the Pallavas of the early period were giving importance to

and as their capita city Kanchipuram was a prominent Sanskrit centre they had

the opportunity to unite the northern Skanda Karthikeya with the identical

Tamil deity Murugan by making him as the son of Siva and Uma (Saha + Uma

+ Skanda).

Further in the Taittireya Aranyaka as important devotional work, the

name Subrahmanya is assigned to Rudra.11 As such as rightly observed by

A.K. Chatterjee,12 Skanda, who is called by the names like Shanmugha,

Jayantha , Visaka, Subrahmanya Mahasena in Baudhayana Dharmasutra13

should have emerged as God Rudra and they were in no way connected with the

Tamil deity Murugan during the early pre Pallavan period. As an evolutionary

process it is right to believe that Skanda Karthikeya was treated as an

incarnation of the deity Agni14. This fact offers an opportunity to treat Skanda

as the son of Agni through the six wives of six sages.15 Such fats indicate that

there were differences of opinion regarding the origin of the northern Skanda

Karthikeya.

10 M.Gandhi Dasan, op.cit., p.16.

11 M.N.Apte, (Ed), Taithireya Aranyaka, 11:12:58, Poona, 1898. 12 A.K.Chatterjee , The Cult of skanda –Karthikeya in Ancient India , Punti Pushtak,

Calcutta, 1970, p.6. 13 Hultzch, E. (ed.) Baudhayana Dharma Sastra, Leipzig, 1884. 14 Veronica Ions, Indian Mythology, Paul Kamlyn Publishers , New York , 1975,p.44 15 W.J Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, Delhi Book Store, Delhi 1972, p.277.

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The Tamil Murugan’s origin is totally different. The Tamil Murugan,

when associated with mountains and called as the God of mountains of ups

and downs,16 the God of sky high mountains,

17 Kunranna,

18 i.e., the God of

hillocks, the mountain where Murugan resides, 19 the God of the hills of the

Kurinji region20 etc., it is evident that he was out and out purely a Tamil deity

of beauty. The Tamils believe that all the beautiful spots of nature are the

abodes of Murugan.

So that the hills such as Thirupparankundram, Thirumalirum Solai,

Swamy Malai, Thiruthani, Kumaragiri, Kurnrakkudi, Mayilam, Valli Malai,

etc., are associated with Murugan the Tamil deity. But his counterpart Skanda

Karthikeya is not at all nominated with any mountain in any one of the

northern literary pieces. There is no equation between Murugan and

Skandan while the worship of the former was centering around the blood

sacrifices, while executing the frenzied dance called Velanadal or Velan

Veriyadal the Northern Skanda is not having any such traits. Most of the

Sangam classics contain vivid accounts about the archaic indigenous tradition

called Velanadal21.

16 Kurinjippattu : 208:9 17 Ahananuru, 348:7-8 18 Aingurunuru, 3:25 :246:6 19 Ibid., 4:31:307:4 20 Tirumurugarruppadai, 267. 21 Ahananuru, 22:9, 242;12, 292:4; Aingurunuru, 3:26:259:4; Aintinai Aimbadu,

20:3-4; Naladiyar, Turavaraviyal : 6:2-4; Narrinai, 47:9-10; Muttollayiram ; 1:1-2,

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Like this there are number of variations in the birthmyths of the Tamil

Murugan and his northern counterpart Skanda Karthikeya. Nakkirar in his

Tirumurugarruppadai has mentioned Murugan as the son of six celestial

women (Aruvar payanda aranar celvan), the son of the God of the banyan tree

( Alanar Kadavul Pudalvan), the son of the lady of the mountains (Malai Magal

mahane), the son of the war goddess Korravai (Korravai Ciriva) and son of

prestigious Palayol (Polayol Kulavi).22

Under Such circumstances the war like qualities of God Murugan are

traced from various works of the Sangam age of the Tamils.23 Such facts

helped the amalgamation and integration of two different Gods of two different

regions at a later date i.e., the commencing years of the Bhakthi movement i.e.,

the seventh century A.D.

From the above facts it is evident that these two identical deities of two

different regions i.e., North and South India were amalgamated at a particular

point of time and the war like qualities should have been the basis for such an

unification.24

22 Tirumurugarrauppadai ,255-259. 23 Malaipadukadam,493,Ahananuru,1:3,Purananuru, 120:21 Perumbanarruppadai,

457-58. 24 Hastings, James (ed)., Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics , Vol. II, New York

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Under such circumstances no Tamil works on Murugan emerged after

Tirumurugarruppadai of Nakkirar except the eleven Paripadal songs belonging

to the third century A.D, i.e., the period of the termination of the Third Tamil

academy and the arrival of the kalabhras into the Tamil country. While the

Guptas were contributing to the worship of Skanda Karthikeya and Kalidasa

wrote his Kumarasamhava due to the encouragement given by Chandragupta

II, in the Tamil country there was a stagnation eclipse in the worship of

Murugan.25

It was mainly due to the Kalabhra interregnum. But for the introduction

of the Somaskanda panel, as an architectural and iconographic development,

during the Pallava period, no significant progress took place in the continuation

of the Murugan cult. The Somaskanda panel too stresses the northern

influence. Here it worth to note that Murugan, the Tamil deity was utilised by

Saiva Nayanmars as a means to promote Saivism, when the Tamil deity

Murugan is treated as the son of the Siva and the original Tamil God’s position

is reduced to that of a son of a renowned All India deity Siva.

Steps were taken by Saiva Nayanmars and Vaishnava Alwars to promote

Saivism and Vaishnavism respectively between the sixth and tenth centuries

during the period of the Bhakthi movement. The Pallavas, Pandyas and Cholas

were concentrating more on either Saivism or Vaisnavism. But they never did

25 M.Gandhi Dasan, op.cit, p.82.

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any harm in general to any other religious sects to due to their venerable policy

of religious toleration. They even encouraged Jainism without causing any

damages.

During the early part of the ninth century A.D. no many temples of any

major Gods. Such as Siva or Vishnu were available in Tamil Nadu. The

Kannanur Balasubramanya temple, was one of the earliest structural temples

constructed by Aditya I (871-901 A.D),26 exclusively for Subramanya, who

was none other than Murugan. The Imperial Cholas, who devoted attention to

the Temple architecture based on Agama principles, considered Subramanya,

(the one who was known for his wisdom, Subrahmanyam) the name assigned to

Murugan, as a Parivara Devata or a secondary deity and placed that God in their

temples at the north eastern corner or just behind the primary deity in the next

prakara. At the same time the Tamil works such as Tiruvirattai Manimalai 27 of

Nambiyandar Nambi and Adhiravadigal’s Tirumummanikkovai 28 which are

included in the 11th Tirumurai of Saiva canonical works, prove that

Vinayaka, the Mutta Pillayar occupied the first place before Murugan as his

elder brother. Such facts reveal that the popular Tamil deity of the Sangam age

had lost his significance after the termination of the Sangam. Not only that, he

was relegated back to the secondary position as the son of Siva. These facts too

26 Personal visit to Kannanur on 10.12.1999. 27 Eleventh Tirumurai, Vinayager Tiruvirattai Manimalai , 14:3-4. 28 Ibid., Tirumummanikkovai, 13.

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reveal that the Murugan cult lost its value due to the outcome of the Kalabhra

interregnum and the Bhakthi movement introduced by the Saiva Nayanmars

and Vaisnava Alvars. The development of Saivism too was another cause for

his backwardness. Any how the availability of the facts relating to Murugan in

smaller forms in the ninth and eleventh Tirumurais suggest that, though

Murugan worship met with an eclipsed state that God never disappeared but

attained a secondary position next to Siva. There arose a necessity to take up

new ventures for Kachchiyappar to revive the qualities and worship of

Murugan29.

During a long gap of nearly ten centuries i.e., from the third to the twelfth

century there emerged no specific or particular literary work especially on

Tamil God Murugan.30 There arose a need and necessity for reviving that cult.

At this critical juncture in the 12th century Kachchiyappa Sivachariyar, born at

Kanchipuram in a Saiva family, produced his Kandapuranam based on the facts

about Skandam referred to by Kambar the author of Ramayana and

Virasoliyam, a Buddhist work of Buddhamitra in the 12th century A.D

31. Tamil

Kalaikkalanjiyam too acknowledges this fact and approves this period. The

complete work of Kandapuranam comprises of six cantos (Kandams). Each

canto has it own sub divisions as given below.

29 N.Ramalingam, Kandapurana Araichchi (T) Madurai, 1988, p.33 30 Idem 31 Kachchiyappar, Kandapuranam, Kasi Mult (Edn) Introduction, Tiruppanandal, 1953,

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Canto No Title of the Canto Total No. of Subdivisions

1 Urpathi Kandam (origin) 26

2 Asura Kandam (demons) 33

3 Mahendra Kandam 21

4 Porpuri Kandam 16

5 Deva Kandam 5

6 Dakka Kandam 24

Altogether there are 10,345 songs in Vriddham form of Tamil poetry.

Being a Tamil poet, Kachchiyappar had given importance to the Sangam

traditions associated with Murugan. The Kuravai Dance32, Velan Veriyadal

33,

etc., are all mentioned by him. By that it could be inferred that he had

endevoured to rejuvenate and revive the Murugan Cult in Tamil Nadu after a

lapse of ten centuries. Being a deity of indigenous origin, even from the days of

the Sangam age, Kachchiyappar, a Murugan devotee had adopted a fresh

technique of writing a complete work exclusively on Murugan under the title

Kandapurnam on par with the northern traditions employed on Skandam.

Under such circumstances Kachchiyappar had imposed the distinctive

qualities of northern Skanda Karthikeya on Murugan. He, without any

hesitation had hailed from him as a God identical to that of the Tamil deity

32 Kandapuranam, Vallimmai Padalm, 39:4 33 Ibid., 40:4

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Murugan. For instance Murugan is treated as the chief among the Tamil poets34

and that proves the fact that he tried to enhance the prestige of Murugan as a

Tamil deity well read Tamil scholar and God of knowledge and wisdom. So

that Murugan gained the name Subrahmanyan. Further as K.R. Venkatraman

has informed that Somaskanda Panel, introduced by the Pallavas was a unique

and unknown one to the Tamil country.35

As a scholar known for his knowledge of architecture and sculpture

Kachchiyappar haf made mentions about the Murugan who, as a baby seated in

between the God Siva associated with bull and Vimalai i.e., Uma.36 From such

observations it is evident that Kachchiyappar was capable of fulfilling his end

in promoting the worship of Murugan by narrating the different significant

aspects of Murugan which were familiar through the ages. There are sample

references to prove that fact. Kachchiyappar by calling of Murugan as the son

six wives of the rishis, Korravai, Palayol, Tunagayan Selvi in his

Kandapuranam as written in Tirumurugarruppadai had adopted a traditional

approach. Kachchiyappar, at different contexts in his Kandapuranam had

assigned importance to the different legends associated with the birth of

Murugan.37 Falling in line with the description of Murugan as a six headed and

34 Ibid., Singamuhasuran Vadai Padalam, 456:3 35 K.R. Venkatraman, “Skanda cult in South India”, The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. I,

Calcutta, 1956, p.304. 36 Kandapuranam, Saravana Padalam, 27:1. 37 Ibid., Meru Padalam, 35:3-4, Tiru Avatara Padalam, 44:3-4 etc.

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twelve armed deity in Paripadal, a post Sangam work38 and

Tirumurgarruppadai, a Sangam work39, Kachchiyappar had recognised such

aspects and had venerated and employed such local traditional aspects40. They

highlight not only Kachchiyappar’s attraction towards the northern traditions

but also the infiltration of the Sanskritic traditions into the Tamil country even

during the days of Nakkirar the Sangam poet and the author of

Tirumurgarruppadai.

Even in Tirumurugarruppadai there are number of references about the

Sanskritic influences such as the chanting of the Mantra in Tamil in a Sanskritic

form, while worshipping Murugan. It is unique to note that Kandapurnama is

not merely an epic dealing with the facts about Skandan but also a work which

deals with a religious concepts with a harmonious blending of both Sanskritic

and Tamil traditions. Most of the earlier facts available in Sangam classics,

relating to the worship of Murugan, too find their place in Kandapuranam and

that spells out the continuation of a cultural trait. The method Velandal or

Velan Veriyadal, mentioned as the one carried out in a specific form41 during

nights. It was executed by Velan, the priest of Murugan with the offering of the

blood of goat, rice and rice flake blended with the blood. During that frenzied

38 Paripadal, 5:11, 14:21, 19:97-100, 21:67 etc. 39 Tirumurugarruppadai, 103, 118 etc. 40 Kandapuranam, 1: Payiram, 3, 6:24:261 41 Paripadal, 9:44, Ahananuru, 22:8-11, Narrinai, 268:9, Aingurunuru, 248:1, etc.

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dance blood sacrifices were offered.42 A noisy drum was beaten along with the

an extatic dance and loud music43 etc., such facts about Veriyadal find place in

Kandapuranam too many in places44. Since the Tamils were always faith and

belief oriented people the Kandavirathappadalam of Kandapuranam pinpoints

that the deity Murugan was worshipped for obtaining the grace of that deity.45

Kachchiyappar had attached importance to a traditional approach, which

was a feature of the Tamils throughout the ages46. As pointed out in

Tirumurugarruppadai,47 Kachchiyappar too had mentioned Murugan as a deity

who could convert the Asuras of vices and evil practices into honest people48. In

addition to that Kachchiyappar had revealed the grace shown by Murugan to

Veerabahu who won the battle against Banugopan49. Murugan is also hailed as

a God, known for his dreadful appearance50 but it is pointed out that he was the

reliever of fears and horrors of others.51. Thus Kachchiyappar, by showing

veneration and highlighting the superior and distinctive the qualities of

Murugan in Tamilnadu.

42 Ahananuru, 22:8-11, 242:8-12, 292:2-4, Kurunthogai, 53:4, Tirmurrugarrupadai,

218:232-235 43 Ahananuru, 22:8-11, 242:8-12, 292:2-4, Kurunthogai, 53:4, Tirmurrugarrupadai,

218:232-235 44 Kandapuranam, Valliyammai Tirumana Padalam, 40:1-4 and 156:1-4 45 Ibid., Kandaviratha Padlam, 19:1-4 46 Paripadal, 8:103-108; 4:78; 82-85; 18:54-56 47 Tirumurugarruppadai, 99 48 Kandapurnam, Subramman Vadai Padalam, 496:1-4 49 Ibid., Banugopan Vadai Padalam, 151:1-4 50 Ibid., Devargal Porru Padalam 51 Ibid., Jayanthan Kanavu Kan Padalam: 6:1-4

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In it he had employed a traditional approach. By the employment of

many techniques Kachchiyappar had endeavoured to revive the past glories of

the ancient, indigenous and renowned Tamil deity Murugan. One should also

note that Kachchiyappar did not lag behind in attaching any significance to the

descriptions of Murugan on par with the true and real qualities of epic

grandeur52. While Sundarar had called Murugan as the one who appreciates

Siva53. Manickavasagar has introduced Siva as Kumaran tan tadai

54 and

Nalvelan Tadai55 etc. (The father of Kumaran and father of noble Velan).

Such facts indisputably reveal that the earlier Saiva Nayanmars utilised

the name of the popular Tamil deity Murugan to enhance and popularise Siva

on the basis of their relationship as father and son. But it is obvious that

Kachchiyappar never employed the name of Siva for promoting Murugan by

associating him with Siva, who has already attained a venerable position as a

primary deity. This approach of offering recognition only to Murugan, instead

of linking him with others, is another significant approach and style adopted by

Kachchiyappar in his Kandapuranam alone. It was mainly because of the fact

that Murugan was a renowned indigenous deity. In this regard he had devited

52 N. Ramalingam, Op.cit., p.33. 53 Sundarar Devaram, 73:9 54 Tiruvasagam, 14:17 55 Ibid., 9:3

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from Sundarar and Manickavasagar, the earlier Nayanmars. Gnanasambandar

and Thirunavukkarasar too had introduced Siva as the father of Murugan.

The references such as Koli Kodiyon tadai, nal velan tadai etc. will attest

it. The father of the one who slained the demon earlier (Anru maya sur

arutha maintan tadai)56, the father of the deity who rides on a peacock

(mayileravan tadai)57, the father of Kumaran

58 and Kumaravel (Kumaran tadai

and Kumaravel tadai)59 are the references by Gnanasambandar regarding his

calling of Siva. In the same way Navukkarasar alias Appar too had described

Siva only by linking him with Murugan. Kadamban tadai60, the father of

Kadamban and the possessor of the cock banner (Koli Kodiyon tadai)61 are the

descriptions available in his Devaram hymns. These facts indicate that even

during the Devaram periods Murugan was a popular deity. Such facts

compelled the four Saiva Nayanmars to utilise the name of Murugan for

enhancing the status of Siva. But Kachchiyappar had not adopted such

techniques and only by highlighting the virtuous qualities of Murugan he tried

to express the superior status and worship of Murugan.

56 Gnanasambandar Devaram, 2:46:1 57 Ibid., 1:61:3, 2:52:2 58 Ibid., 2:53:6 59 Ibid., 3:10:6 60 Tirunavukkarasar Devaram, 5:196:6 61 Ibid., 6:30:2

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As in Paripadal62 and Tirumurugarruppadai

63 which had stressed the

importance to the six faces and twelve hands of Murugan, Kandapuranam had

assigned importance to many aspects relating to the six faces and twelve hands

of Murugan in many places64. By such descriptions Kachchiyappar had

successfully ventured in imposing the northern epic qualities over the native

deity Murugan without much difficulty in harmonious way. Further it is evident

that Kandapuranam in a different perspective and in a new dimension had

explicated the development of Murugan cult in Tamil Nadu in Puranic or Epic

style. Further Kachchiyappar being a staunch devotee of Murugan had justified

the amalgamation of Tamil Murugan with Skanda Karthikeya by exhibiting the

qualities of both the devotees in a compromising way in his own native

language Tamil by adopting a Sanskritic method of writing65.

Since the Puranas are also treated as epics in Tamil66, Kachchiyappar had

treated a puranic theme for producing an epic form. In this regard one had to

note that Gnanasambandar alone has called Murugan as Kandan for the first

time67. As such Kachchiyappar had offered the name Kandan to Murugan

through the mouth of Siva. Siva had given the reason for calling Murugan as

62 Paripadal, 5:11, 14:21, 21:67 63 Tirumurugarruppadai, 91-118 64 Kandapuranam 1:14:105, 1:20:18, 1:70:30, 22, 4:13:240, 288, 435:4:12:483, 4:5:210:

4:4:236 4:15:17; 24:5:2:257s, 6:24:234; 5:2:58; 6:28:10; 6:23:25; 6:24:111 4:13:22 etc. refer

to Murugan as six faced God !:16:2; 1:20:7:1:25:24, 1:24:83; 3:12:97: 4:4:231, 4:11:3;

4:12:358, 4:13:50, 245, 282, 341 461, 5:2:3:241; 6:24:212, 213, 230, 262 etc. point out the

various aspects of the12 arms of Murugan. 65 S. Vidhiyanandhan, Tamilar Salbu (T), Madras, 1917 pp.137-138. 66 K.V. Jegannathan, Tamil Kappiyangal, (T), Madras, 1971, p.135. 67 Gnanasambandar, Devaram, 223:2

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Kandan because his consort Parvathi had brought the six children into one68. It

is also indicated that the concept of Arumugam (Shanmugham) emerged only

because of this story. It is necessary to acknowledge and accept that the term

Kandan suggests the unification of six faces into one like bringing together of

the cattles to a stump or poll. Thus the bringing of the six children into a single

Kandan is associated with the birth myth of Murugan in a puranic form in the

Kadapuranam of Kachchiyappar, who endeavoured his best to elevate the status

and position of Murugan cult in Tamil Nadu.

Kachchiyappar was so much particular and fascinated and had evincing

interest in revitalising the Murugan cult by making Murugan as a God equal to

Siva. Siva at that time had already attained a primary place among the Hindu

Pantheon as well as in the Tamil country. By adhering to such a new technique

Kachchiyappar had included the statement that Siva himself found no disparity

between himself and his son Murugan69. It also suggests that Kachchiyappar

earnestly attempted to maintain the superior status of Siva, the father without

tampering the prestige of the son Murugan.

Further Kandapuranam, by adopting a positive approach, treated

Murugan as a God equal to Siva though not a superior God than Siva.

Kachchiyappar was also aware of the fact that he could not reduce the status

68 Kandapuranam, Tiruvilayattu Padalam, 17:3-4. 69 Ibid., 18:1-4 and 16:1-4.

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and superiority of Siva. So, to maintain the reputation of both Siva and Skanda

i.e., the father and son on the same footing Kachchiyappar followed his own

technique. It is a doubtful and controversial fact to accept Kandapuranam as a

successful venture in making Murugan as a primary deity of Tamil Nadu,

because after a gap of nearly four centuries, only in the 16th century Saint

Arunagiri broughtout his works such as Tiruppugal, Kandarlangaram,

Kandaranubhudhi, Sevalvirutham and Mayilvirutham etc on Murugan. It was

another identical and successful effort to revive the glories of Murugan by

Arunagiriyar in the 16th century. He had also venerated Tamil by employing the

different forms of poetic dictions in bringing out his works on Murugan.

By his scholarship in Tamil poetry he was capable of hailing the various

aspects pertaining to Murugan which were prevalent from the Sangam age

through different periods till his arrival70. So only by estimating the ups and

downs in Murugan cult, Kachchiyappar was able to bring out his epic on

Skandan.

While Murugan informed Indra, the king of the celestials, that the

celestials would be his army and himself would be their commander, one could

easily infer that Kachchiyappar, without making a black spot to the prestige of

Murugan, had brought out the superior virtue of Murugan71. This fact assist one

70 M. Gandhi Dasan, Op.cti., pp.97-105. 71 Kandapuranm, Tiruvilayattu Padalam, 106:1-4

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to estimate that the author had employed the epic qualities by highlighting the

heroic qualities of Murugan. This treatment of Kandan is another unique feature

employed by Kachchiyappar to widen the popularity of that deity as the

Devasenapathy and protector of the celestials. There are scholars who call

Murugan as Devasena’s Paty or the husband of Devasena, the daughter of

Indra. Thus by linking Murugan with other deities by blood relationship,

Kachchiyappar tried to uplift Murugan cult.

Again, as Siva had attained prominence during that period,

Kachchiyappar had even made that Siva to attest that Murugan would also be

equal to him in maintaining a primary position72. This suggests a compromising

venture or Kachchiyappar. The celestials, by accepting the highness of Kandan

equal to Siva, gave equal veneration and treatment to Kandan and his consort

Deivayanai73. In the same way Vinayaga, the elder brother of Kandan, had

influenced Narada to undertake fasting on the day of Karthigai (The asterism

Pleades), the day prominent and significant in the worship of Murugan74. The

treatment of Murugan as a God equal to Siva and the consideration of Murugan

as a pioneering God will attest the fact that Kachchiyappar through his magnum

opus has left no stone unturned for promoting the status of Murugan and also

the superior nature of his worship. In the same way from Kandapuranam, the

72 Ibid., Deivayanai Ammai Tirumana Padalam, 255:1-4. 73 Ibid., Dakkan Thavam Sei Padalam 74 Ibid., 10:1-2

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14th subdivision of the first canto, while narrating the sportive activities of

Murugan, one can estimate the tactics adopted by Kachchiyappar in bringing

the past glory of that Tamil deity. The appreciation of Murugan by the celestials

after his slaying the demon Surabanman will corroborate the above fact75. The

distinctive qualities of Murugan as narrated by Kachchiyappar76 disclose the

prime objective of the author in bringing out the work Kandapuranam. The

same ideas are reflected in 22 songs in the evolution of Murugan in the Urpathi

Kandam (canto) on the origin of Murugan. As the title of the work, which

prompts that it is a work on Kandan, the author, unhesitatingly and repeatedly,

had reiterated and highlighted the individual calibre and powers of the hero of

his work. Here it must also be remembered that the celestials, worshipped

Murgan on par with the form of worship as depicted in Kumara Tantra77. This

too testifies to the Sanskritic knowledge of Kachchiyappar. It also is yet another

technique adopted by Kachchiyappar for amalgamating two different deities

into a compromisingly single God.

The reference about the clouds which offer rain, the king who wields his

sceptre, the life led by people with all satisfaction, the recital of the four Vedas,

the growth in number of sacrifices and rituals along with the development of

75 Ibid., Devargal Porru Padalam 76 Ibid., 1:26:15-17, 3:11:23, 3:21:126-131 etc. 77 J.M. Somasundaram, Cripamum Kalai Valvum, Chidambaram, 1962, p.118 and

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Saivism78 indicate that at the time of the period of evolution of Kandapuranam,

Saivism was at its peak. So that Kachchiyappar had attempted to revive the

Murugan cult by highlighting his personal qualities as the son of Siva. The

canto on the origin also attests all these facts in a convincing way without any

deviation. They are the facts which reveal the meritorious poetic qualities of

Kachchiyappar in employing the epic qualities in a specific form of language.

Kandapuranam, being a work on Tamil Murugan, emerged in epic form

of Sanskrit language assists the integration of north and south. So devotional or

Bhakthi movement reached its culminating point by the writing of

Kandapuranam by Kachchiyappar on Tamil Murugan with a Sanskritic style. In

this respect Kandapuranam is a matchless one when compared with any other

work because no Tamil work is available ini such a form on a religious theme.

Kandapuranam was released at the place called Kumarakkottam in

Kanchipuram79. This place is still now treated as a Murugan temple.

Kandapuranamt is a conspicuous Tamil work, woth to be considered as an epic,

to which the Tamils offer a great veneration80. From Kandapurnam one is able

to obtain the various divine activities of Murugan harmoniously blended with

the exhibition of the cultural traits of the families81. Further the author had

78 Kandapurnam, 1: Payiram, 5 79 Ibid., Cirappu Payiram 80 M. Arunachalam, Tamil Ilakkiya Varalaru, Tiruchitramablam, 1969, p.14. 81 Ratna Navaratnam, Karthikeya the Divine Child, Bombay, 1973, p.165.

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produced his work in a continuous narrative form by mentioning the different

stories related with the life the deity Murugan82. It is believed that

Kachchiyappar commenced writing this work after getting the first line from the

mouth of the deity Murugan himself83.

With the invocation song this work ends with the appreciation passage

and even in the middle of the narration of the story, Kachchiyappar had

expressed his faith over devotionalism through the versions on hailing the

qualities of the deities. Further the author had explained the entire story in 24

songs in the introductory passage itself. Such facts enable the student of history

to have an idea of the entire story in a nutshell along with method of narration

employed by Kachchiyappar. Further it is obvious that the story of Murugan

includes a lot of preachings which are the essentials for a successful life in this

world84. From the analysis of the Kasipan Upadesa Padalam (2:4) Mayay

Upadesapadalam (2:6) etc. one can specifically notice the adoption of the above

fact.

All these preachings suggest that Dharma i.e., aram should be the basic

principles of the life of every individual. Again they expose the social life of the

Tamils of the contemporary period. In the same way Kandapuranam too insists 82 K.T.Tirunavukkarasu, Illakkiya Kolgai; Kandapurnam, Tamil Illakkiya Kolgai -3 ,

Madras, 1978. 83 Vamadeva Muruga Pattaragar, Sri Kachchiyappa Sivachariyar Puranam,

Chidambaram, 1917, Song No.38. 84 Kandapurnam Kasipan Upadesa Padalam, 23:1-4, Markkandeya Padalam, 49:1-

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on the essetal need of the wealth for in this world a happy and prosperous life85.

Wealth is treated as a superior virtue which combines the different appreciable

qualities such as fame, kingship etc86. So it will not be wrong to treat

Kandapuranam as a social epic.

Thus Kandapuranam through a work written for exhibiting be different

qualities and aspects of Murugan, the renowned Tamil deity, deals with the

different aspects of the people of the contemporary society. Above all the

author Kachchiyappar had stressed the fact that Salvation or Mukthi or Moksha

should be the aim of life. The facts pertaining to socio-political and religious

condition as depicted in this work will be analysed in separate chapters for

having an estimate of the work.

Generally all the poets will be known for their descriptions and

imagination. Kachchiyappar, who was not an exception to this common

tradition had employed lot of similes and imaginary expressions. Though the

story centres on northern Skandam, only the Tamil tradition is employed in

depicting the story in an epic form. As pointed out by the author, he had written

the story of Kandan mainly due to the investigation of the learned scholars of

Kanchipuram, who were known for their religious wisdom and scholarship87.

85 Ibid., Mayay Upadesa Padalam, 8:1-4. 86 Ibid., 9:1-4, 10:1-4, 11:4 87 Ibid., Opening passages, Avaiyadakkam, song 19

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When the Murugan cult met with many ups and down from the Sangam

age onwards, Kachchiyappar by giving equal status to Siva and Muruga and

making Murugan as the primary deity88, laid the foundation for promoting

Murugan cult and to bring it out from the shell which had covered it. To add

strength to his efforts Kandan, the youth is hailed as the archaic deity89. Further

Kandan is treated as the basis for the activities of other deities90.He too had

assigned importance to the policy of surrender with deep devotion91. In this

regard Kachchiyappar in his Kandapuranam had adopted the unique techniques

employed by the Saiva Nayanmaras and Vaishnava Alwars in highlighting their

own respective sects92.

Further he had narrated the consequences of the worship of Kandan and

also reiterated the impacts of offering thanks to the graces offered by the God to

all this devotees. This work too stresses the importance assigned to curses,

rebirth and irony of fate93. Kachchiyappar had the faith over fate and believed

that no one could go against the effects of fate94. In the same way much

significance is assigned to penance which will set aside the irony of fate i.e.,

Karma95. These facts indicate that like the earlier Devaram and

88 Ibid., Devayanai Ammai Tirumana Padalam, 255:1-4 89 Ibid., Suran Amaichchiyar Padalam, 144:1-4. 90 Ibid., Surabanman Vadai Padalam, 433:3-4 91 Ibid., 444:1-4 92 Kirubananda Variyar, Kandan Karunai, Madras, 1966, p.12. 93 Kandapuranam, 1:3:35 2:8:29; 2:21:31, 3:11:25; 4:!3:443; 5:3:9; 6:10:27 etc. 94 Ibid., Surabanman Vadai Padalam, 295:1-4 95 Ibid., Nagar Puhu Padalam, 84:1-4, Avai Puhu Padalam, 41:1-4

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Divyaprabandam devotionalist, Kachchiyappar had harmoniously blended

devotion with the various other facts of life such as devotion; fate, rebirth,

penance etc. So one has to accept the fact that he had fallen in line with

traditional ideas associated with life by employing chaste Tamil with all epic

grandeur.

The religious ideas sprinkled in Kandapuarnam are facts which expose

the Saiva Siddhantha Philosophy of Saivism96. Since the work commences with

the appreciation of the Saivism the above facts could be attested97. Most of

those who attached importance to devotionalism emerged from the south98. It

must be remembered here that Tamil language occupied the prime place in

producing bhakthi literature99. Tirumurugarruppadai and Paripadal of the

Sangam age. The Devaram hymns and Tiruvasagam of Saiva Nayanmars and

Nalayira Divya Prabandam of the Vaishnava Alwars etc., of the period of

Bhakthi or devotionalism too will attest the above fact. The devotion is brought

to light in Kandapuranam through the months of the different characters

employed in it. Indra and other celestials had hailed Murugan by offering

importance to his distinctive, remarkable and noble qualities100.

96 M. Arunachalam, op.cit., p.82. 97 Kandapuranam, Payiram, 5 98 Mariasusai Dhavamony, Love of God according to Saiva Siddhantha, London,

1971, p.101. 99 A.S. Gnanasambandan, ‘Tamilum Samayamum’, Proceedings of the world, Tamil

conference, 1968, p.4. 100 Kandapuranam 1:4:82; 3:1:49:3:12:46; 4:13:460; 461; 4:!6:27; 6:23:61

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The adjectives used in eulogy of Murugan101 too strengthen the above

view. So it is evident that Kachchiyappar, by concentrating on devotion, had

described Kandan as his father102, hero

103, King

104 etc. Such facts indicate that

Kachchiyappar, without deviating from the traditionalistic approach of

devotion, had contributed various techniques in promoting the cult of Murugan

with devotion. In this regard Kachchiyappar had unhesitatingly called Murugan

as father, leader and protector as mentioned earlier. By such narrations

Kachchiyappar had endeavoured to enhance the status of Murugan and his

worship.

Since worship is a measure for the liberation of the soul105, the

Nayanmars of Saivism attached greater importance to the temples which were

the major traditional abodes of worship even from the sixth century onwards106.

Further by the concept of surrender they had explained the ways and means for

nearing and reaching the feet of God. The Alvars too had adhered to the same

principle. In addition to that the Vaishnavites attached importance to the

Dasavatara concept or incarnation of Vishnu.

Such measures of populairsing their own deities served as examples for

Kachchiayppar to elevate the Murugan cult. In addition to that the Tamil rulers 101 S. Sivapatha Sundaram Kandapurana Vilakkam, Madras, Year not known, p.7. 102 Kandapuranam, Taragan Vadai Padalam, 169:1-4 103 Ibid., Singamugasuran Vadai Padalam, 458:1-4 104 Ibid., 457:1-4 105 S. Sivapatha Sundaram, Saiva Samaya Saram, Trichirappalai, 1957, p.9 106 G. Sundaramoorthy, Saiva Samayam, Madurai, 1977, pp.40-41.

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of different periods, belonging to Pandya, Pallava and Chola dynasties devoted

much attention to the religious precepts and constructed temples for different

deities. They in turn encouraged arrival of the the concept of devotion and act

of pilgrimage. The rituals and festivals also gradually increased in number.

They served as catalytic agents of Kachchiayappar. So, as a vehicle for the

concentration of mind Kachchiayappar too widened the possibility of worship

with devotion in Kandapuranam, the epic centering on a religious theme.

The Alvars too had accepted this view. In addition to that the Tamil

rulers of different periods, belonging to Pandya, Pallava and Chola dynasties

devoted much attention to the construction of temples of different deities. So as

a vehicle for the concentration of mind Kachchiyappar too has widened

possibility of worship with devotion in Kandapuranam.

Kanadapuranam is historically a significant work because it traces the

customary practices of life of the Tamils which were prevalent in the Tamil

country of the contemporary period of Kachchiayppar. Madalerudal or

Madalurdal was a custom among the lover to express his love107. In

Kandapuranam, Murugan informs that he would adhere to that practice of

Madaluradal if he was not able to get the hands of his lady love Valli108.

107 Tolkappiyam , Porul, 60:1-2; 100 108 Kandapuranam, Valliyammai Tirumana Padalam , 136:3

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In the same way, while adopting the literary feature employed by

Nakkirar, Kachchiyappar had followed the former in adopting a similar theme

though not the form of writing109. Veriyadal was another custom, popular

during the Sangam Age and that was executed mainly to notice the love

sickness and the distresses of the ladies110 and to appease the wrath of

Murugan111. This custom of Veriyadal was a belief oriented one. The Tamils,

while giving importance to chastity had assigned greater stress to arranged

marriages and acknowledged love marriages.112 It means that Kalavau and

Karupu marriages which were popular during the Sangam age continued to

survive. Kamil, V Zvelebil had rightly observed this and had pointed it out by

showing the difference between Deivayanai, the arranged wife and Valli, the

wife taken due to love on the basis of a sculpture at Tanjore113.

Kachchiyappar had also narrated the various customary practices such as

tieing the tali 114 seeing the northern star i.e. Aruntadi

115 etc., during the

ceremony of arranged marriages. Kachchiyappar being a poet, had faith over

monogamy and arranged marriages. He condemned the love marriages carried

109 Ibid., 264: 1-4. 110 Ahananuru, 242:7-12. 111 K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Development of Religion in South India, p.33 112 V.Sp . Manickam Tamil Kadal, Madras 1962 p.127. 113 Zvelebil, V. Kamil, ‘A guide to Murukan ‘, Journal of Tamil Studies, Madras,

1978, p.7 114 Kandapuranam , Deivayani Ammai Tirumana Padalam :247:3 115 Ibid., 253:3

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out after the first arranged marriage.116 The above facts not only expose

certain Tamil customs but also throws greater light on the fact that

Kachchiyappar had estimated the values of customary practices and rituals.

Being a proficient Tamil scholar, known for his versatility he had detailed

many things about fine arts. 16 kinds of musical notes or pan are described by

him.117

Kuthu, which included both music and acting is described as Nataka

nul by him118 and that suggest his knowledge of fine arts. His reference about

Kodiyar, Kalayinar and Kuttar 119 and his mentioning about Desiga Kuthu,

Vaduga Kuthu and Singala Kuthu120 points out the fact that Kachchiayppar

was a sociologist and artist and was able to depict that the Tamils were fond of

dance and music. It cannot be skipped that a devotional work pertaining to a

specific deity will be dealing with fine arts. He was an expert astrologer.

The fixation of the aseterism of Panguni uddhiram was an auspicious

one121 and the reference about the time of the birth of Markkandeya indicate

not only the wisdom of Kachchiyappar but also the social history of the

contemporary period. Metallurgy was a popular science during his period

116 Ibid., Valliyammai Tirumana Padalam, 191 : 3-4 117 Ibid., Suran Arasirukkari Padalam : 23:1-4. 118 Ibid., Asamuhi Nagar Kan Padalam : 14:1-4 119 Idem 120 Ibid., Pattabhisheka padalam 13:3-4 121 Ibid., Varai Punai Padalam, 35:3

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Kachchiyappar had described the qualities of gold,122 silver,

123 and the

conversion of iron into gold were in vogue.124 These facts indicate that

Kandapuranam is historically a valuable work and is known for its socio –

cultural values and it was a period of multidimensional development. Under the

Chola rulers of Vijayalaya line religion, art, architecture and iconography

developed and their temples are the standing monuments for revealing such

aspects.

Though Kachchiyappar had adopted the northern Skandam as his

pioneering work , he had not drifted away from the Tamil tradition of writing.

As a Tamil poet he was fascinated by the worship of the Tamil deity Murugan

and had venerated and assigned importance to Tamil language. While

describing Kanchi he had hailed that it as the city of cool Tamil.125 (Tantamil

Valanagar). By falling in line with the Tamil tradition he had considered

Murugan as a Kurinji God i.e., the God of hillocks 126 also, Nakkirar, and the

primary chief poet of the Tamil Sangam.127 Such descriptions prove beyond

doubt that Tamil language was maintaining its fame and glory even during the

period of Kachchiyappar as it was in the preceding ages.

122 Ibid ., Surabanman Vadai Padalam, 495 : 3-4 123 Ibid., Asurar Yaga Padalam, 24:4 124 Ibid.,. Markkandeya Padalam, 131-137 125 Ibid., Avai, 19 126 Ibid., Asurar Yaga Padala, 32 : 4 127 Ibid ., Singa muhasuran Vadai Padalam, 456 : 3- 4

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Thus the above mentioned facts reveal that the work produced by

Kachchiyappar is known for its historical perspective. A detailed analysis

prompts that the author, though a Murugan devotee, had endeavoured to

enhance the eclipsed glory of the Tamil deity (by adopting his own

individualistic ways and means, without deviating from the original and

indigenous qualities of the local deity ) even by adopting the hitherto existed

literary traditions. The native and the northern traditions are harmoniously

blended and the Tamil culture had been handled effectively in narrating the

story with due respect and importance. He had even carefully avoided the

words of Sanskrit and has utilised mostly the equivalent Tamil words and they

are used without affecting style and flow of the epics.

Though no specific work emerged on Murugan after

Tirumurugarruppadai of Nakkirar and till the 13th century Murugan’s name did

not disappear totally from the Tamil works which came up in between

Tirumurugarruppadai and Kandapuranam. The attention shown to the social

and religious life of the Tamils of the contemporary period enables one to

specify the historicity of the work Kandapuranam. He has not left out any

Tamil tradition associated with Murugan as adopted from the Sangam age to

his period. The custom of Velan veriyadal, the treatment Murugan as a

Kurinji God, his marriages with Valli and Devasena, his red colour, his

association with the Kadamba tree and flower, his warlike qualities etc., are

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narrated. They will establish not only Kachchiayppar’s contribution to the

worship of Murugan but also will explicate the socio – cultural, historical

aspects pertaining to the different qualities of that deity.

Under such circumstances the social, political and religious activities as

available in Kandapuranam will be analysed separately in the subsequent

chapters. It is worth to note that, from the different aspects of the Tamils

exposed in Kandapuranam assist the possibility to treat that work as an epic

having historical details. The critical analysis of that work further will highlight

the work in a historical perspective. As no other work of Tamil literature

contains such an aspect it is must to estimate Kachchiayppar’s Kandapuranam

in historical perspective.

Further the distinctive descriptions available in Kandapuranam, though a

religious based one, expose the cultural, social and religious traits of the Tamils

of the contemporary period. The voluminous size of the work, which is in an

epic from also widens the scope for detecting the historical facts available in it.

The critical study of Kandapuranam will enable one to have a comparative

study of the details about Tamil about Tamils available in other sources. Since

historical sources include indigenous and native literary works it is clear that

Kandapuranam of Kachchiyappar could also be considered as a native literary

source for having facts about the socio-cultural history of Tamil Nadu.

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