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CHAPTER - 5

DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION

The impact of the indirect rule and the colonial policies affected the

Hyderabad State in many fronts including economy. Further it is argued that the pre-

capitalist subsistence agriculture, non-mechanized domestic industries, and lack of

dynamic commercial activity were the dominant features of its economy. The

prevalence of feudal institutions, land concentration, social inequalities and

exploitation had a lot of bearing on socio-economic transformation and they were

primarily responsible for its backwardness. The study reveals that extra-economic

compulsions, and failure of the State to transform itself and the State Developed

unevenly.

Telangana remained backward in spite of its nearly unlimited natural

resources. The state could not come out of the feudal clutches of the Nizam and his

subordinates, unlike British India where the economy slowly moved towards

capitalism. The main obstacle was the Nizam and his subordinates. The seeds of

stagnation were sown during the reign of Nizam Ali Khan. His successors chose to

spend lavishly on a luxurious personal life rather than on development. However,

Salar Jung-I, Prime Minister of the Hyderabad State introduced a number of reforms

on the lines of measures instituted in British India, and was partly successful, but his

successors were not able to continue with reforms. On the other hand, Nizam’s had to

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depend on rural revenue collectors for their lavish expenditure. Money-lenders, who

gave loans to the Nizam also, had a role on rural revenue collections. Therefore

Hyderabad remained backward and was unable to move towards capitalism as other

regions of British India did. This widened the gulf between Hyderabad State and the

rest of India.1

Agrarian conditions were backward, with very few irrigational facilities, ill-

managed revenue collection, and all sorts of plunder and exploitative systems.

Weakening of the state power in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to

extensive revenue farming and inefficiency, corruption and extortion. These revenue

farmers claimed landlord’s rights and feudal set up crept in.2 The land revenue was

farmed out to money lenders, often Arabs and Pathan soldiers who extorted as much

as they could from the peasantry.3 The state was near financial collapse in the middle

of the nineteenth century, before the reforms of Salar Jung-I. Commercialization of

agriculture began very late in the state. Basically the crops grown were jowar, maize,

ragi, red gram, black gram, green gram and commercial crops like sugar cane, cotton

and tobacco. Cultivation of oil seeds like castor, sesamum, and groundnut was on the

increase in the early twentieth century.

The state had rich natural resources and minerals. Iron, coal, diamonds and

gold were available in the state; iron in Warangal, Nirmal, Yalgandal, Jagtial,

Adilabad, Karimnagar and Raichur districts; coal in Adilabad, Karimnagar and

Warangal districts; gold in Shorapur and Huthi mines (Raichur) and Gulbarga district.

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Golconda was famous for its diamond market. Copper, manganese, mica, lead,

chromite, pyrites, glass, bangles and fine clay were some of the minor industries in

the state.

After the establishment of Agricultural Department in 1911, there was some

effort to supply better seeds and to introduce improved varieties of crops and dry

farming methods. But such measures were confined to areas near some urban centers.

However lack of security felt by tenants stunted the healthy growth of agriculture and

the position of peasants. Land alienation, social inequality, rise of a rich peasantry

and the prominence of money-lenders created discontent among the peasants. The

popularity and the widespread occurrence of armed struggle in Telangana and the

demand for agrarian reforms were indicative of this situation.

Officials, mainly patels and patwaris (watandars), exploited the peasants most.

For land records, revenue fixation, and relief ryots depended on village officials who

in turn exploited them.4 The small farmers, agricultural labourers turned into Bagelas

and Begari, were mainly drawn from aboriginal tribes, depressed and some service

caste. As shown in Bharucha’s enquiry in 1937, the burden of debt on every acre of

land was about six times the assessment. The quantum of debt in the selected diwani

villages was Rs. 390-13-10 per family or Rs.30 per head.5 Further agricultural

conditions in Hyderabad are perhaps unique in the whole of India as more than a third

of state land was under jagirs that paid little or no revenue except in the form of

peshkash or nazarana. The position of tenants in the jagir areas was precarious

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without any defined rights to asami-shikmis, shikmidar and landlords and they were

the joint pattadars till the expiry of the contract. The Tenancy Committee in 1940

emphatically recommended the passing of an Act for the betterment of the conditions

of the tenants. Reform in the law was necessary for economic, social and political

reasons.6

Thus, the socio-economic conditions in the state were far from satisfactory,

particularly at grass-root levels. Mal-administration, official corruption and the

indifference of the Nizam’s kept the state under feudal and medieval conditions.

In Telangana, a slightly different method was introduced. The ryots had

suffered heavily due to high assessments. Therefore more frequently most of them did

not like to cultivate the lands, which created heavy loss of revenues to the state

treasury. In such a situation there was a common practice to confine the ryots in the

village chaori for several days and frequently to give even more harsh treatment until

they agreed to cultivate the rice fields.7 These brutal actions of the government

officials created havoc among ryots.

Several complaints of high assessments and oppression on the part of local

officials were lodged to the government, but were futile. By the time of introduction

of ryotwari system in Telangana region there was a gradual decrease in cultivation.

Therefore, certain modifications were introduced in the ryotwari system in Telangana

particularly in relinquishing the lands. Ryots were permitted to resign their holdings

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at the end of the cultivating season. In 1888, when the first ryotwari settlement in

Telangana was conducted, the government decided to follow same remission system

on rice lands. Under this system the state received a comparatively high assessment

in good years and nothing when there was no crop.

The Hyderabad state suffered periodic famines caused by drought, war or

excessive rains. There were recorded evidences for the occurrence of famines since

seventeenth century.8 People suffered from high prices and scarcity of grain. In some

famines, people lived by eating the flesh of cats and dogs. Bakers made bread with

flour mixed with bone powder, and when the severity increased, human flesh was

resorted to.9 The foregoing discussion clearly shows how the prices raised, people

suffered and the government gave relief and remissions during this famine of 1876-8.

While the famine of 1876-8 seriously affected six districts as mentioned, others were

affected by drought, scarcity and soaring prices. The government of the Nizam

appointed Moulvi Mahdi Ali as the Secretary of Central Famine Relief Committee.

He prepared a copious report on the history of the famines in His Highness the

Nizam’s Dominions in 1876-810 as a reply to the letter of Richard Temple, Famine

Commissioner in India. This helped in studying the causes, intensity of the famines

and designing relief as well as measures to prevent famines in future in Hyderabad.

This formed a basis for famine policy in the Nizam’s Dominions and to promote ‘the

spirit of self reliance’ to avert and unfortunate future famines and to save cultivators

and others.11

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During the period 1896-97, like in many parts of India, a more severe famine

appeared imminent, but it was averted by good rains. Though there was no famine,

high prices continued and severe distress was caused due to heavy exports of grain to

adjoining British famine stricken areas.12 The scarcities affected most of the areas in

Gulbarga, Lingsugur, Raichur and Naldurg districts and part of Birh district. But

gradually in the later stage Karimnagar (Elgandal), Mahbubnagar and Nalgonda

districts were also affected. There was a sudden rise of prices of food grains in

October 1896. Due to the failure of rains the peasants began to sell their surplus

cattle for nominal prices. The wheat, gram, oil seeds and late jowar crops were

mostly failures. However, the improved prospects in November 1896 led to a

considerable fall in the prices, but as the season wore on, and exports to distressed

districts in British India continued on a large-scale, they gradually hardened up to the

famine years. By the end of July 1897, the monsoon came and there was no fear of

scarcity.13 Thus the scarcities of 1896-7 affected an area of about 28,113 sq.miles and

a population of about 36,18,774.

However, the distress during this period was caused more by the large exports

of grain to famine-stricken districts in other parts of India, than by the local failure of

crops. The exports of grain amounted during this year to 1,44,500 tons as against

81,700 in the preceding year.14 The well-to-do ryots, and especially those who sowed

early jowar, gained. It was the poorer ryots without capital or reserve-stock, the

labouring classes dependent on a daily wage and the agricultural and other servants

whose monthly salaries were very small, who suffered most. In the case of field

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labour, employment was not obtainable, and in other cases the monthly salary was

insufficient to purchase the necessary quantity of food. In this period, prices of food

grains increased for reasons other than a failure of crops. Prices were almost entirely

guided by the facilities for export, and not by local demand or supply. Particularly at

places remote from the railways, the price was cheapest because of transportation

facilities were not properly established. In the bordering districts with better

communication, the highest prices ruled.

In this famine, cattle suffered more than human beings due to lack of fodder in

the affected districts. Non-agricultural cattle were either sold for nominal prices to

butchers or were turned adrift. The loss of cattle disturbed agriculture in famine-

stricken districts. People even drew their own ploughs, without using cattle. A report

quoted in this regard states. Instances are reported of ploughs being drawn by men,

but this was probably not very common, and the fact that there have been extensive

sowings is a proof that notwithstanding the heavy losses, the people, by helping each

other, can pull along somehow or other. It must, however, be several years before

they recovered from the losses incurred in their live stock. The government started

relief measures by giving takkavi loans, remissions in the land revenue assessment

and opening of relief works, etc.

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Relief Measures:

Before 1866, the government of the Nizam did not take proper measures to

combat famine, but by 1896 followed a clear-cut programme on the lines of the

British government formula.15 The Nizam said, ‘I strongly hope that nothing will be

spared either by me or by officers in keeping away the distress or scarcity and

securing means of general comfort, so far as can be done by a human being’.16 There

were relief-measures and gratuitous relief. Most of these relief works were building

either railways or roads to connect them. On each, several camps were established.

Minimum daily wages were provided. The Famine Commissioner, after consulting

local and district officials, decided the work to be taken up in order to improve the

transport and communications in the state.17

Thus, poor peasants, who were looking to the state for help in such precarious

conditions, further suffered from the poor houses, which were maintained poorly.

State government always counted how much they spent on famine relief operations

but not how much relief reached the poor and the peasantry. If they maintained these

relief works well, poor peasants would have benefited much.

The Famine of 1918-20:

The integration into the world capitalistic economy led to a minimization of

the effects of famine in the twentieth century. But sometimes it also caused the

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outbreak of a famine. We cannot argue that Hyderabad state was fully integrated into

the world capitalist system, but it definitely had links with it. We may notice that the

First World War pulls excessive rains affected Hyderabad state during 1918-19.

The untimely and excessive rains in the year 1917-18 damaged the crops

considerably in Aurangabad, Birh, Warangal, Karimnagar, Adilabad, Medak,

Nalgonda and Mahbubnagar districts. Yield was reduced to 37 percent of average

annual produce. This condition further deteriorated in the following year, due to the

partial failure of the monsoon in 1918-19. On the other hand, scanty rainfall affected

tank irrigation in Telangana districts as these failed to receive their usual supply. In

this year, both the south-west and north-east monsoon either failed or was too early or

too late. In some cases, it was noted that if one tract of a village or one village had

rain, other tracts or other villages did not get any.

The Famine Commissioner stated that the scarcity of food grains due to high

prices intensified sufferings as never before. Generally agricultural labourers suffered

in any famine, but in this even artisans and cultivators were found in distress. Groups

of people moved on to the roads in search of labour and livelihood. Ordinary wage

labour ceased. The charity that was given to the poor people in the villages and towns

was also stopped to a large extent. Many poor people were seen loitering and begging

at the railway stations. Several people sold their cattle or fields or other moveable or

immoveable properties and in some cases were found to have parted with their

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children in exchange for food. Some people migrated to other places. People

committed crimes in order to escape hunger.18

During this famine, people started searching for alternate food-stuffs. They

began to live on tamarind seed, senthi tree seed and roots and leaves of trees. They

boiled the seeds, then powdered and ate them. Due to their emaciated and weak

condition, people were affected by dropsy and some died of this disease.

State Relief Measure:

The famine policy of the state concentrated on how to overcome the shortage

of food grains in the affected areas. Grain merchants in the famine affected areas

were induced by the government to purchase and import grain. The government

claimed that efforts were made to see on the one hand that they suffered no loss by

those transactions and on the other hand that they did not make enormous profits.

The merchants were only allowed profit of one anna per rupee on the cost price,

including cartage and railway freight. Where there were no grain merchants or where

they were unwilling to sell the grain, efforts were made by the government to import

and sell it at reasonable rates to famine-stricken people working in various famine

relief camps. Cheap grains ships\stores were also opened where grain was not

available.19

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The government started nearly 112 relief camps, particularly in Telangana

region.20 The famine relief camps in 1918-20 include Aurangabad 7, Birh 6, Medak

6, Karimnagar 18, Nalgonda 26, Warangal 27, Mahabubnagar 21 and Balharshah

Railway (Karimnagar District) 1. The people in these camps were provided various

types of work including replacing or construction of state roads, sinking of wells on

road sides, metal breaking and collection, repairs to irrigation tanks, kuntas and

channels and earthworks for the Kazipet-Balharshah Railway line. The government

claimed that the total number of people who were provided work from the relief

camps was 1,37,23,732 at a cost of Rs.28,99,316. However, this inflated figure does

not show the actual number of famine affected people. In fact the total population of

the state was 1,24,71,770 in 1921.21

The officials calculated this figure by everyday attendance. Generally the

affected people came regularly to the camps for work. Mostly the same people came

to the camps. Therefore, government figures are unreliable. For example if 10

people came to the camps for two days their figure was counted as 20. These 112

camps continued from 10 to 570 days. The maximum number of people attending in

any one relief camp was 7,853 (In one of the camps in Aurangabad district). If we

take into consideration this maximum number of attendance in a day in all the camps

the total number of people who came to the camps were about 1,25,407.22

These people who came to the camps were divided into three groups.

Accordingly they were paid wages as follows: First Class Workers were mainly

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agricultural labourers who can do heavy work like earthworks.23 Of them men,

women and children were paid at the rate of 4 annas 6 paise, 3 annas and 2 annas

respectively. Second Class Workers were mainly artisans who could not do hard

work. For them men were paid 3 annas 6 paise, women 2 annas, children 1 anna 6

paise. The third category was the dependents of them men were paid 2 annas, women

1anna 6 paise, children 1 anna. These wages were mainly based on workers’

requirements to sustain their life. Though the wages were meagre, it was the states’

famine policy to take up relief works on payment of low wages.

The government also provided gratuitous relief to various types of people who

could not come to the relief camps. They were poor people, poor purdah nashin

women, infirm people and poor school children. Relief was given usually in the

shape of grain or in cash. Purdah nashin women were given cotton to spin, and the

yarn spun by them was supplied to the local weavers.24

The government provided takkavi loans for agricultural purposes, mainly for

sinking and repairing wells, and purchase of food grains, seed grains, fodder and

bullocks. It claimed that it provided these loans to 5,91,339 persons and expended

Rs.19,32,510 during the famine period.25 These figure are very doubtful because of

the nature of the loans.

Elaborate procedures and several hurdles in sanctioning the loans strengthen

doubts about their sanction. The government thought that people might divert these

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takkavi loans towards the payment of debts or in performing marriages, and put

several restrictions on these loans. After the satisfaction of the local officers these

loans were sanctioned and given in three installments to needy peasants. The second

and third installments were given after checks on the utilization of earlier

installments.26 These impediments delayed relief. The burden of debt of the peasants

increased. The distress of the ryots mounted up, followed by razinamas or surrender

of lands since they were not in a position to pay rent regularly.

The government, as a part of relief to the distressed people, started a number

of irrigation projects. They include Palair, Wyra, Singabhoopalem in Warangal

district. Nizamsagar in Nizamabad district, Pendlipakala project in Nalgonda district,

Rooty in Birh, Dindi in Mahboobnagar districts.27 The government started co-

operative societies, scheduled banks, village rural development schemes and rural re-

construction councils in 120 villages, 72 taluks and 16 districts in 1937-8. It

abolished various co-operative societies in which the peasants did not pay their loan

installments due to some cause including famine. In one such instance, the registrar

of co-operatives decided to abolish a co-operative society in the village of Yadgir

Khurd.28 The relief given was to the tune of Rs.67.56 lakh and 63.39 lakh to

Telangana and Marathwada respectively in 1929-30. In 1932, collection of revenue

without coercive methods was ordered. Remissions in kists were given. Between

1933-5 relief measures were implemented more rigorously. The increasing debt,

failure or rains and consequent crop failure and burden of the land revenue increased

the distress of the peasants.29

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The conditions in Chinnoor, Asifabad taluks in Adilabad district, parts of

Warangala, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Medak, Nizamabad and Bhagat districts were

also unsatisfactory. Relief works were continued regarding revenue remissions,

takkavi loans, forest-concessions, medical aid, control on the prices of grain and

fodder, etc. The famine board’s activities were confined to three spheres, the general

economic depression, scarcity in Raichur, Gulbarga and Karimnagar districts and

famine prevention. The relief measures included:30

1. Collection of revenue kists without adopting coercive measures.

2. Suspension of collection of arrears under all heads.

3. General remission of 12 ½ per cent on the collection of kharif as Abi

kists.

4. Extension of concessions given in khalsa, ilaqa and jagir areas.

5. Postponement of kharif kist to the extent of Rs.20,67,261.

Twenty-five percent of Abi kists (Telangana) and kharif kists (in Marathwada)

were postponed and subsequently remitted. In Raichur alone Rs. 2,46,756 was

suspended, and liberal takkavi loan granted. In Raichur and Gulbarga districts the

affected talukas were given postponement of revenue collection.31 So too in

Hyderabad, Karnataka and Telangana which were frequently affected by famines or

scarcities.

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Of the 26 Debt Conciliation Boards established in 1937-8 and 1939-9, 10 were

abolished and 16 were extended up to 1940-1. Fifty-two other talukas were selected.

The Debt Conciliation Regulation and Money-lenders Regulations were replaced by

Acts. This was to protect the ryots from money-lenders and mortgages and prevent

land alienation owing to famine or scarcity conditions without the permission of

talukdars. The new Acts empowered talukdars to redeem the mortgages. In

Marathwada area viswas kharidi transactions,32 and in the state Bhagela Regulations,

Tenancy Legislation to protect the tenants and compulsory settlement in jagir areas

was given importance. A number of Acts were passed including the Debt

Conciliation Act, the Land Mortgage Act, and the Prevention of Alienation of

Agricultural Land Act 1933-4. The Agricultural Produce Grading Act and the

Moneylenders’ Acts were passed to save the ryots and other from exploitation during

the famine period.

The decade after the world economic depression 1930-40 witnessed many

developments in Hyderabad State. A number of enquiries were conducted on various

aspects of economy and polity and a number of Acts were passed to ameliorate

conditions. One important step in this direction was the completion of several minor,

medium and major irrigation projects to bring lakhs of acres of land under irrigation.

This also helped in the commercialization of agriculture, especially oil seeds, which

could improve the position of rich and middle peasantry.33

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At the second level, a number of enquiries were conducted into the economic

situation. Kesava Iyengar’s investigations in 1929-30,34 Bharucha’s Indebtedness

Commission, in 1937,35 and the Tenancy Committee of 194036 were instituted. By

1940 economic conditions were deplorable. Communal tensions and autocracy on the

one side of jagirdari, vetti, tenancy, debt, famines and scarcities on the other,

worsened economic and social life. Epidemics caused a lot of misery. Many studies

have shown that in the last hundred years, in every five years there was one of famine,

two of scarcity, one average and one good year. But in reality the situation was

much worse. The Deccan including Hyderabad became a famine-stricken region

owing to scanty rainfall.

The general causes for all the famines discussed above can be attributed to

scarcity of remains, occasionally to floods and also due to the fundamental changes

that came on the socio-economic front after the establishment of colonial rule in

India. The decline of handicrafts and destruction of indigenous industries, increased

the pressure on agriculture on the one hand, and on other destabilized the self-

sufficient village economy, prosperous artisan communities, and cottage industries

that included handicrafts. Further, the famines in the Nizam’s Dominions were

mainly caused by the increasing debt of the peasant classes, lack of purchasing

capacity and the exploitative role of the money lenders. It was said that the famines

were not only caused by the scarcity of food grains but due to the lack of purchasing

capacity as well as distribution imbalances.37

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A regular policy to meet the challenges of famines or scarcities or epidemics

was adopted by the Nizam’s. This policy could not give benefits at expected levels to

the peasantry, due to the poor maintenance of the relief works. Further, the

administrative machinery and its organizational structure were not efficient enough.

Because of the feudal nature of the state, exploitation in the Nizam’s Dominions was

high. Any natural calamity, including the failure of rains or epidemic could seriously

damage the life of people.

The government was unable to rise to the occasion with its jagirdari system

where there was no settlement, and its diwani area where assessment was high. The

autocratic government and the plunder of village by officials like the patels, patwaris

and deshpandes ruined the peasantry. In the twentieth century, government made

some efforts specially adopting a famine policy, giving relief, takkavi loans,

remissions and postponement of revenue collection on the one hand, and promoting

irrigation facilities including minor and medium irrigation projects to produce more

food grains in the state. It also adopted the ‘grow more food’ policy. However these

measures could not provide adequate relief in the famine prone areas. The

modernization of economic and social life that would result from economic progress

would in the long run, solve the major cause of poverty and famines. After the

merging of Hyderabad in the India Union, the national policy of self-sufficiency, the

green revolution and ‘grow more food’ campaign, improved communication,

irrigational projects helped in the gradual change though the sufferings of masses

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continued for other reasons. These areas and the people were saved from scarcities

and famines after the middle of the twentieth century.38

Matters regarding industries were under the control of the Revenue

Department to the end of 1917. Due to increase of industries, the government brought

into force Factories and Boilers Inspection Act in 1909 to regulate the working of the

burgeoning cotton ginning and pressing mills. But still it was difficult to regulate the

remaining industries particularly after the First World War. Wakefield, the Director-

General of Revenue, recommended to the government the creation of a separate

department for industries and commerce as they needed more attention. Therefore, on

1st January 1918 the Department of Industries and Commerce was established with

C.R. Palairet as director and its head and two assistant directors. An Industrial

Advisory Board was also formed with nine members which included five non-

officials members to guide industrial activities of the state. There was no definite

policy for this department in the initial period except to encourage the starting of

factories particularly giving importance to cottage industries.39 In addition to the

several cottage industries such as silk and cotton weaving and certain art-war, there

were numerous ginning factories as well as three spinning and weaving mills.

However, cottage industries were not thriving. Government provided Rs.50,000

towards assistance to small-scale industries. But this was not spent for two years.

This happened due to the fact that this amount, though sanctioned, was not put under

the control of this department due to the famine conditions in the state.40

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Rising costs of production, old and uneconomical coal machinery, low prices,

transport and shortage of labour were bottlenecks for export and low production. It

should be realized that coal mining was one of the major basic industries in the state

along with cotton and textiles which provided livelihood and employment for the

people in this period. During this period new technologies had been introduced but

capital was inadequate even though the Industrial Trust Fund and foreign and Indian

investors extended loans.41

There were a number of villages in the interior of Karimnagar district where

scissors, razors, nut-cutters, stationary knives, etc., were made by the village artisans

in their own cottages. Due to Second World War, the importance of these articles

was reduced. However, there was a large local demand which made the government

to review the industry. The Department of Industry and Commerce appointed

industrial inspectors, posted at Karimnagar to teach the latest methods to the artisans

to improve the quality of their products.42 Next to agriculture the handloom industry

was the most important occupation of the rural population of Hyderabad State. In

1943-4 it gave employment to about 4,50,000 persons including males, females and

children and providing the clothing needs of about 30 per cent of the population. In

fact this industry had survived more than half a century of intense competition from

the mills, both foreign and Indian, which is a proof of its inherent strength. The

weavers bought the raw materials from, the nearest markets and sent their finished

goods to nearby places. After 1929-30 cotton production declined though there was

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not much of a decline in the area, probably due to depression and lack of capital for

investment in cotton cultivation.

The majority of the weavers are improvident and spend a good portion of their

already low income on drink which account for their downfall. They have no

organization of their own to improve their lot or to withstand outside onslaughts and

they fall easy victims one by one, by mutual competition and jealousies. On the other

hand, most of them were in the hands of local sahukars and yarn dealers due to

indebtedness. They rapaciously robbed the weavers of their wages and profits, leaving

a poor margin for subsistence.

Due to the depression, most of the weavers migrated to Poona, Yewla, or

Ahmadnagar, where they got somewhat better wages. Their looms and implements

were crude and antiquated. Only in few centres such as Gulbarga, Kosgi, and

Pundyal jagir were fly shuttles, leys and dobbies manufactured. Generally looms

were manufactured by the local carpenters. They were primitive, crude and simple

implements, and the weavers carried their tools along with them as they moved from

place to place. Abbe Dubois who travelled south India praised their skills. The

fineness of the manufacture was in sharp contrast to the simplicity of the tools.43

The silk weaving industry was also very important though confined to a few

important places and a hereditary calling of Khatri weavers. Very few Padma Salis

were engaged in weaving silk. The economic conditions of silk weavers were better

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than that of cotton weavers. The silk weavers produced pitambers, solid bordered

saris, cholkhans (bodice cloth), rumals (handkerchiefs), shamlas (turban cloth), tapta

cloth, silk susi cloth, mutkas, madi punchas, and chutki silk saris.

Printing was another important industry connected to weaving. It was also

carried on more or less in primitive form at each weaving centre and even in interior

villages. Printers can be divided into two classes, independent and employed. The

first categories of workers were those who purchased their own cloth and traded in

printed cloth. The second did not do any trade in printing cloth, but executed orders

from local people or merchants dealing in printed cloth. The second class of workers

could not get employment during the slack season. A majority of these people were

poor and illiterate and had no money for running their own dye house, and preferred

to work under master dyers. Thus, not only the efficiency of the dyer suffered, but

also they were not able to earn enough wages to maintain their family, with the result

that they took to other occupations to earn their livelihood. By the mid-twentieth

century many had taken to agriculture.

The industrial growth in the 1930s and 1940s indicated that private

management came forward to invest in the industry during the Second World War to

get quick profits. But it lacked a proper policy both in the establishment of the

factories as well as in its long range plan for development. Although there were a

number of Acts passed for the betterment of workers and better functioning of the

industry and enthusiasm shown by the government to develop the industry, the

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owners of the factories never cared for those Acts or Labour Laws. Disharmony

between managements and workers caused major problems in the development of

industries. Rich peasants and jagirdars did not come forward as expected to invest in

the industry, particularly in Telangana. The feudal dominated administration and the

society never seriously planned to develop the state and in fact wanted poverty to

continue. That may be one of the major particular as a result of the conspiracy of the

aristocracy and feudal jagirdars. Further, the cheap and unskilled labour could not do

much in organizing skills. They also, however, failed to mobilize and assert their

rights.

The industrial policy of the state started as an autonomous initiative but

subordinated its interest to the colonial power, to aid the trade and commerce of the

British. But in the last two decades of the Nizam’s rule, the state put greater emphasis

on its own requirements and railways were purchased, and cement, soap, power,

alcohol, textiles, paper, coal and rice mills were given emphasis. By establishing new

technology and industrial laboratories the state encouraged sugar, chemical, and

pharmaceutical industries. The decline of traditional prosperous artisan industry, due

to shortage of raw material, never received the attention of official surveys and this

naturally affected the artisan communities. Their indebtedness to sahukars and

moneylenders continued. The efforts of co-operative societies were not very

successful though they provided some limited help. Therefore, the state

industrialization could not, in the end, make much difference to eliminate the

industrial backwardness of Hyderabad.44

224

The nature of industrialization clearly shows that at first it was well dispersed

through the state. Industries were established based on the local raw material and the

capital and labour as the base. But after 1925 the establishment of industries in places

distant from Hyderabad slowly declined. Industrial growth could be seen around

Hyderabad, Medak and Nalgonda districts a fact which indicates that capital from

outside was being invested only around the capital city. However the feudal nature of

the society could not receive the dynamics of changing character of modernization

and industrialization. Basically the vetti, nazrana, lack of initiative, debt, etc., were

responsible for its industrial backwardness. The state and its legislations failed to

take care of the welfare of the workers. Further, labour unrest impeded industrial

growth. However, after the creation of Andhra Pradesh more emphasis was given to

industrialization, though sickness of industries became common due to labour unrest,

state’s failure to solve power, water and raw material problems.

Industrial growth in Telangana did not generate capitalism; surplus extraction

in the industries could not become capital as most of the industries were under the

control of state. Investing state capital in industries was a distinctive feature of

Hyderabad state like other Princely States, Baroda, Travancore and Mysore. On the

other hand, there was no rich peasantry to invest money in industries, generate capital,

and invest again. The landlords, deshmukhs, deshpandes, or paigahs who appropriated

surplus in agricultural production did not invest it in industries. Private entrepreneurs

never took initiative, and industrial growth was not very significant. Further, these

225

industries did not generate generalized commodity production. At one level public

capabilities to purchase industrial produce were very low, at another, the state never

tried to make the produce into a generalized commodities within the state. Unlike in

colonial India or industrialized capitalist countries, the Princely State of Hyderabad

could not ensure industrialization in a big way or reinvestment to generate capital and

could not provide the expected stimulus for the industrial growth of Hyderabad State.

The expenditure on industry was meager Rs.4.88 lakhs even in 1945. Therefore, it

should be surmised that capital had not been created and modernized features did not

really transform the state. Accumulated capital could not help in remoulding social

organization but in reality it accentuated the pre-capitalist forms of surplus extraction.

Therefore, Hyderabad continued as a feudal state till the end.

The parameters of development any where can be known by the development

of communications, trade and commerce, agriculture and industrial growth.

Transport plays a vital role in this process. New technologies in the development of

communications and linkages between places are made possible by the development

of good roads, railways and navigable canals. Hyderabad, which was feudal in

nature, could not do as much to modernize in this respect of British India. The

advantages of road transport for both rural and urban areas are considerable. The

development of inter-village and inter-regional trade depends among other things on

good roads and transport facilities, as railways cannot go everywhere. Even by 1948

some of the villages were not properly connected with their taluka headquarters. For

instance, the people of Meturpalli Nakrama, Nalbali, Takadala, Goorwelli, Singaram

226

and Timmaipalli villages of the Kalvakurthi taluka in Mahbubnagar district,

submitted a memorandum that there was no road connecting these villages with

Kalvakurthi, and there was only one country track which was unusable during rainy

season and the distance was more than 40-5 miles. A road from Devarakonda to

Hyderabad passes through the villages and one had to go to Devarakonda or Jadcherla

to reach Kalvakurthi so one had to travel 105-6 miles to reach Kalvakurthi. As the

headquarters were far away from these villages one had to face many difficulties and

huge expenditure on travelling. On the other hand during epidemics like cholera,

small pox, etc., medical help was not available I time. Further the cart fare was high

and therefore, provisions, etc., were sold at higher prices.45

Big local merchants and also small merchants played a crucial role in the

trading activity in Telangana. Several Hindu and Muslim communities were engaged

in trade. The chief among the trading communities in Telangana were the Telugu

Komatis or Vaisyas. Apart from these Banias, Marwadis were also common in this

region. Most of the inland trade was carried by Banjaras and Lambadis in south India,

chiefly between Telangana and coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema, Tamil region,

Bangalore, Poona, parts of Berar, Nagpur carnatic and Bombay. They carried salt,

piece goods, raw silk, spices, oil-seeds, sugar, dried coconuts, jaggery, tobacco, salt,

fish, opium, salt-petre, copper and betal leaves from various ports in coastal Andhra

to the interior parts of Hyderabad state. They also brought cotton, food grains like

ragi, wheat, jowar and other millets, pulses, iron, tamarind and wax from interior of

Hyderabad state to the coast.46

227

As the lambadis played a very important role in carrying trade, the traders,

local chiefs and rulers made contracts with them. They accompanied them and even

gave them protection. In unfavorable seasons like scarcity, draught and famine their

services in reducing distress were considerable. They carried trade by carts, bullocks

and donkeys. In south India, internal trade was conducted through weekly fairs

generally called santhalu. In these weekly fairs, people exchanged their commodities.

Each village, after meeting the local consumption requirements brought its surplus

production to these santhalu. They were conducted in a big village or a town on a

specific day in a week. All the nearby villages brought their produce. Several

commodities including food grains, textiles, vegetables, oil-seeds, betel leaves,

carpets, cotton, salt, indigo, metals, glass ware, leather- ware, brass , brass-ware, etc.,

were bought and sold.47

Melas, jatras and urs also contributed to trade opportunities. Religious and

social gatherings of the people, traders used them to exhibit their commodities. Unlike

weekly fairs these were annual functions. Bhadrachalam of Warangal district and

Vemulawada of Karimnagar district were two of the important centres for such fairs.48

The weekly fairs in Telangana were more than 250 and in Marathwada nearly 700.

The Urs, melas and jatras were 844 and 1,593 in the regions of Telangana and

Marathwada respectively and constituted a total of 2,437 in the entire Hyderabad

State. The fewer fairs in Telangana as compared to Marathwada region, was mainly

due to the fact that the Telangana peasants use more regular markets than weekly and

annual fairs. Even though the regular market were at long distances their roads were

228

somewhat in better conditions whereas in Marathwada the black regar soil did not

permit the producers to send their produce to long distance regular markets.49

Therefore in Telangana region most of the people brought their produce to the

marketing centres.

The railway trade statistics available from 1893-4 give information on all

articles including grain. The eastern section of the railway communicated with

Bezawada, Ellore and other part of the Madras Presidency, while the line to Wadi

connected the capital with the Bombay districts and those of the southern Presidency

adjoining Raichur.50 The chief articles of rail-borne trade were raw cotton, cotton

twist and yarn (both Indian and European), cotton piece goods (both Indian and

European), grains, oil-seeds, kerosene, hides, skins and horns, beer and spirits, salt,

sugar, spices, timber, tobacco, iron and fruits and provisions.51 Customs duty was

levied on all articles that entered or left Hyderabad State, through the ordinary trade

roads that entered the frontier or by rail. By 1893 the customs houses were grouped

under Mahsul Khanas, or customs divisions, five of which, Naldurg, Jalna, Lingsugur,

Rajura and Kodad, dealt exclusively with road-borne traffic, while the remaining four

Gulbarga, Warangal and the stations of Hyderabad and Secunderabad, dealt with both

rail-and road-borne trade.52

The balance of trade between 1892-3 and 1931-2 was unfavorable to

Hyderabad state as imports exceeded exports with some fluctuations. The author of

the Administrative Report for 1893-4 was optimistic about the extension of cultivation

229

in Telangana portion. As the mining industry was developing it may be expected that

in some time the balance of trade would turn in favour of the country. In 1896-7 and

1897-8 imports increased due to excessive grain imports which were caused by

scarcity of 1896-7.53 The authors of the Administrative Reports admitted that trade in

Hyderabad State was stagnant and received little encouragement from the

government.

The Hyderabad trade linked with Indian trade as a result of colonial rule.

During the First World War the Hyderabad trade was seriously affected due to lack of

access to the coast. The closing of enemy markets, the curtailment of trade with

Great Britain and her allies and the restriction on trade with neutral countries due to

shortage of tonnage and the dangers of the sea-route, affected adversely the trade of

the state.54 Exports were affected much more severely than imports, due to the fact

that the exports of Hyderabad consist chiefly of cotton and oil-seeds. The important

markets for these raw articles were European countries. Therefore, the declaration of

war had a direct and immediate effect in stopping their export, and it was some time

before greater command of the seas was secured and other markets such as Japan and

America stepped in to relieve the situation. In the case of imports, however,

practically which comprised entirely of finished goods, the accumulated stock of

previous years in India seems to have more or less kept up the supply into

Hyderabad.55

230

Hyderabad State was a part of colonial empire of the British wherein the

impact of fluctuations in the international markets was felt. The famine conditions,

World Wars, world economic depression price fluctuations, production and failures of

certain crops either in USA and in Asia also affected the Indian markets and naturally

Hyderabad. The prospects of development and decline of trade should be looked into

from this point of view. On the whole, the balance of trade was against Hyderabad,

since it was not a major export-oriented commodities producing area. Industrially it

was not developed. Communications and transport was not yet fully developed. Its

interests were subordinated to colonial interests, and its trade and commerce suffered

many vexatious taxes in the time of the Nizam’s. However, after the abolition of

many taxes, trade developed, but always affected by the Indian and world markets

where the British got involved.

In the last hundred years of its rule, especially during the reign of Mahboob

Ali Pasha and Osman Ali Khan, there were atleast some systematic attempts to

transform the socio-economic life in the state by taking up various developmental

activities. However, the nature of the state and its society as discussed in the earlier

chapter did not permit a radical departure from tradition. Therefore the economy

suffered, feudal institutions continued and communal tensions increased leading to

armed struggle against feudalism and exploitation.

Revenue farming and tax farming became vogue in the state and the rent

collected was almost like loot and was very high. The nobles who generally obtained

231

the rights of revenue collection by paying nazranas, gifts, etc., to rulers appointed

their naibs or gumasthas to collect revenue and continued the plunder of peasants.

There was no settled revenue administration and this strengthened feudal institutions.

Maurice Dobb pointed out, ‘the basic social relation rested on the extraction of the

surplus product of this petty mode of production by the feudal ruling class, an

exploitation relationship that was buttressed by various methods of “extra-economic”

compulsion’.56 On the other hand, exploitation of peasantry could be seen in much

worse form with land concentration, Vetti and maladministration. The British policy

of ‘night watchman’ and non-interference in the Indian systems was not appreciated,

and in fact in the nineteenth century they interfered in every aspect of life in the

Princely States to bring about ‘substantial growth’ in their colonies which would

benefit the imperial power.57

Land tenures, land revenue systems and cropping patterns form the main

elements of the social formation of the agrarian societies. The revenue system in

Hyderabad State strengthened feudal institutions, resulting in the plunder of the ryots.

In lieu of this right of revenue collection the state gave vast areas as jagirs (a group of

villages or a village) as personal fiefs to officers or revenue collectors in lieu of

salaries.58 In addition they collected huge amounts as revenue virtually placing the

peasant at the mercy of these revenue collectors who retained the loot after paying the

required amount into the state treasury. If the peasant failed to pay, the land was

confiscated and retained by the concerned deshmukh, deshpande, patel or patwari.

Absentee landlordism became an important feature. Even after Salar Jung’s reforms

232

and the introduction of the ryotwari system, the burden of taxation continued. The

revenue resettlement varied from fifteen to thirty years but in jagir areas excess

collection became a common practice and landholding became a burden to the

peasants. However, the reforms of Salar Jung slowly gave some relief to peasants in

the diwani areas. But the jagirdari system still continued and they were infringing on

the rights of ryots and tenants in their areas until it was abolished in 1949-50 and

revenue amendment acts were passed in 1954.

Kesava Iyengar’s survey of Warangal district in 1929-30 shows that 1.7 per

cent of the occupants came to hold 35 per cent of the total dry land area and about 2.5

percent of them controlled more than 50 percent of the wet lands59 indicating the land

concentration in the hands of few. The real cultivators-ryots or tenants –were at the

mercy of the Jagirdars.

The reason for the increasing debt of the peasantry was fragmentation of lands

in the family divisions which became uneconomical, high assessment and

conservative attitude of peasants both in cultivation techniques as well as in mobility.

It was responsible for the hindrance in the growth of modern agriculture. However

the prices of land increased with the growth of population as well as the migration of

non-agricultural communities to agriculture. There was neither assurance on security

of land nor on revenue rates, hence could intensive cultivation not be pursued due to

lack of incentives.60 Still the importance of irrigation was not really felt until the

second quarter of the twentieth century. After agrarian reforms productivity in the

233

tenant cultivated tracts was higher than in owner cultivated lands, due to increased

investments. Particularly, reforms helped the tenants.61 Debt was on the increase in

the state. The survey of Kesava Iyengar in about 118 villages (of which 62 were in

Telangana and 56 in Marathwada) shows that in Telangana 89 per cent and in

Marathwada 35 percent of the population were living in debt.62 This marked disparity

is because more land was available in Telangana than in Marathwada. Deshmukhs or

jagirdars in Telangana were peasant owners and could seize more land from debtors

or emigrants due to natural calamities or depression, whereas in Marathwada

moneylenders could not adopt the method of seizure of land. This was mainly

responsible for land concentration even after 1930s,63 and the whopping debt of the

Telangana people.

Even though the British pretended to be non-interventionist, to bring about

substantial growth (on the advice of utilitarian’s) they encouraged the free market,

changed agrarian politics and promoted raw material production for their industries.

The market economy necessitated the production of raw material for industries and

this naturally encouraged the commercialization of agriculture. Commercialization of

agriculture, however, resulted in the intensification of feudal forms of exploitation. It

benefited the rich and middle peasantry but gave a big jolt to food grain production.

Population was on the increase and when food grain production decreased there were

frequent scarcities and famines. In spite of the agrarian reforms of Salar Jung, and the

vast natural resources, scarcities and famines repeatedly occurred in the state. This

234

was not just because of failures of rains or natural calamities and epidemics, but also

because of the excessive exploitation and colonial penetration on many fronts.

The state suffered under nefarious practices like bhagela and begaris.

Bhagelas were due to debt; people were tied down to the services of jagirdars as

cheap labourers. Begari or vetti by the watandars, a feudal element, exploited all

sections of the community by unleashing repressive methods to extract all types of

services. Although the government abolished the begari and bhagela systems, the

practice continued till Hyderabad joined Indian union. Heavy taxation, privileges for

the rich and jagirdars, vetti in feudal areas, all were part of the socio-economic and

political ideology of the Nizam’s state. In both the jagirs as well as in diwani areas,

the taxes were heavy. This is substantiated by A.M. Khusro’s survey after the

abolition of jagirdari. This changing economic scenario, with increasing debt and

exploitation of the peasants, impact of economic depression of 1930s and the Bengal

famine of 1943 all affected the economic life of the people in the state. The

recommendations of various commissions appointed by the Nizam could not be

implemented by the state. Mention may be made of the Indebtedness Commission

under Bharucha of 1937, Arvamuddu Iyengar Committee on Constitutional Reforms

in 1937, and Tenancy Committee of 1940. Their suggestions were not implemented.

Co-operative banks and the banking system in general could not relieve the peasantry

of money-lenders and jagirdars. Even by the 1930s and 1940s, taxation was very

heavy (more than 26 varieties of taxes), in diwani and jagirdari areas. Land

concentration continued, especially on each occurrence of famine, Scarcities and

235

economic depression. Moneylenders became vultures. Though exact statistics are

not available on how much land was taken by the deshmukhs during the economic

depression of 1930, substantial land changed hands.

Telangana region was more backward than Marathwada owing to land

concentration and exploitation of the peasantry which was more visible in this region

in spite of natural resources like irrigation facilities, forests and minerals.

Concentration of land in the hands of jagirdars, patels, and patwaris was more in

Telangana than in other regions of the state. Sarf-e-Khas lands were also mostly

located in Telangana. It was generally known that small holdings and fragmentation

of land were more common in Marathwada and Karnataka than in Telangana where

jagirdars holding 1,000 acres were perhaps more than 500 in number. The village

patwaris and patels, henchmen of the jagirdars, used every opportunity to confiscate

or transfer land in the name of jagirdars or as benami. Thus there was not only

exploitation of peasants but also concentration of land in the hands of a few which

worsened the economic conditions of the people and increased the debt trap.

Therefore, more than 90 percent and above land was cultivated in Marathwada region,

whereas in Telangana 70 per cent to 82 per cent of the land was hardly under

cultivation. This amply shows how the peasants were exploited and land left fallow

or uncultivated. This also indicates that the Telangana Armed Struggle was very

strong in this area, whether diwani or jagirdari, when compared to other regions of the

state.

236

Economic underdevelopment and the continuance of feudal institutions have

much bearing on society. Feudal exploitation and excessive taxation led to the debt

trap, especially of the rural people. Some of the upper caste jagirdars who were

responsible for cruel exploitation, left the villages and settled in urban centres. The

social privileges, exploitation, vetti, land concentration and feudal nature of the state

were responsible for the armed struggle under the leadership of communists between

1946-8 and 1948-51. The rich peasantry, middle and lower classes who took active

part in the armed struggle were victims of the feudal system. Their lands had been

grabbed. Exploitation of women and social ill-treatment all had bearing on the socio-

economic transformation. These institutions as well as often romanticized armed

struggle were also responsible for the unrest in the countryside in Telangana and were

responsible for the emergence of the Naxalite movement. The abolition of jagirdari

and vetti and the introduction of land reforms gave some relief to the exploited castes

and classes, though the feudal ethos continued to influence the region.

The educational development, urbanization and modernization were partly

responsible for social transformation in spite of feudal ethos. New educational and

commercial classes had emerged. The Marxists, Socialists, the State Congress and

Ithehad-ul-Musalmeen party constructed ideologies based on the socio-economic,

cultural and political scenario of the 1940s and 1950s. During this period backward

classes, scheduled castes and tribal’s emerged as active. These castes and classes tried

to influence the traditional society to uplift, progress and development. The excess

land was distributed. Education was given emphasis. After Hyderabad joined the

Indian Union more vigorous attempts were made to transform social institutions as a

process of reconstruction.

237

R E F E R E N C E S

1 Y. Vaikuntham, State, Economy, and Social Transformation Hyderabad State

(1724-1948), Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 2002, p.14.

2 Rodney Hilton, The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism with Introduction,

London, 1987, p.26.

3 Dharma Kumar, The Cambridge Economic History of India. Vol. II, Delhi 1984,

pp.224-5.

4 M. Narasinga Rao, Fifty Years of Hyderabad (Telugu), Hyderabad 1977, pp.14-17.

5 Quoted in Qureshi, Op.Cit., pp.154-5.

6 Report of the Tenancy Committee (1940), pp. 25, 30, 31.

7 Administration Report 1304 to 1307 F, Vol. I, p.15.

8 “Kshayagathalu”, Golconda Patrika, 30.9.1937.

9 Replies to the questions of the Famine Commission, pp. 18, 19, 493.

10 Famine Commission Report runs into 158 pages with 461 pages of appendices.

11 Ibid.

12 Administrative Report 1331 F, p.12.

13 Administrative Report 1304 to 1307 F, Vol. I, Report, p. 162.

14 Ibid., p. 163.

15 Administrative Report 1304 to 1307 F, Vol. I, p. 165.

16 Report on Famine Relief Operations in the Nizam’s Dominions, 1899-1900, pp.116-

17.

17 Zaibunnisa Begum, Op.Cit., p.340.

238

18 Report on the Famine for 1328 F, Appendix - XII, pp. 58-9.

19 Report on the Famine 1918-19, p.12.

20 Ibid., p.13.

21 Census of India, Hyderabad, 1941, Vol. XXI, p.38.

22 Calculated from Appendix - V of Report on the Famine 1918-19.

23 The wages were calculated based on Appendix - V of Report on the Famine 1918-

19 (Hyderabad).

24 Report on the Famine 1918-19, p.21.

25 Report on the Famine 1918-19, p.19.

26 Ibid., p.20.

27 Y. Vaikuntham, “Peasant Distress in Hyderabad State 1930s”, Proceedings of South

Indian History Congress, 1984, pp.182-83.

28 File no 60/3 1F, Agricultural Department, Installment No. 2, List 8 (b), S.No.32.

29 Ibid., pp.183-5.

30 Report on the Administration of H.E.H. The Nizam’s Dominion, 6 October, 1931-5,

October, 1932, p.13.

31 Ibid.

32 Debtors of Agricultural Classes instead of going to Civil Courts can opt to be

settled by the Talukdars.

33 Y. Vaikuntham, “Peasant Distress in Hyderabad State 1930s”, Proceedings of South

Indian History Congress, 1984, pp.177-85.

34 S. Kesava Iyengar, Economic Investigations in Hyderabad State, 1929-30,

Hyderabad, 1931.

239

35 S.M. Barucha, Agricultural Indebtedness in H.E.H. The Nizam’s Dominion,

Hyderabad, 1937.

36 Report on the Tenancy Committee, Hyderabad, 1940, p.32.

37 Amartyasen, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation,

Delhi, 1982.

38 Y. Vaikuntham, State, Economy and Social Transformation Hyderabad State

(1724-1948), New Delhi, 2002, p.107.

39 Triennial Report of the Administration of Industries and Commence, 1918-1920,

p.2.

40 Report on the Administration of the Department of Industries and Commerce for the

Year, 1921, p.4.

41 B.K. Narayan, A Survey of Industries in Telangana, Secunderabad, 1962, p.21.

42 Administration Report of the Commence and Industry Department, F 1353-1354,

p.24.

43 Abbe Dubois, A Description of the Character, Manners and Customs of the People

of India and Their Institutions; Religious and Civil, Delhi, 1992, pp.34-5.

44 R. Radhakrishna and C.V. Subba Rao, Op.Cit., pp.92-8.

45 Revenue Department File No.10/86, Instalment No. 219, date. 2-2-1358 F.

46 T. Mohan Das, Economic History of Andhra, 1707-1801: Analysis of Economic

Transition, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Osmania University, Hyderabad, 1987,

pp.343-4.

47 T. Vijay Kumar, Agrarian Conditions in Andhra, pp. 340-3.

48 V. Rama Krishna Reddy, Economic History of Hyderabad State, Warangal Suba,

p.547.

240

49 Ibid., p.540.

50 Administration Report 1303 F, p.151.

51 Ibid.

52 Administration Report 1303 F, p.150.

53 Administration Report 1304 to 1307 F, Vol. I, pp.173, 176.

54 Revenue Administration Report 1324 F (1914-15).

55 Ibid.

56 Maurice Dobb, “From Feudalism to Capitalism”, in The Transition from Feudalism

to Capitalism, London, 1987, p.165.

57 Neil Charlesworth, British Rule and the Indian Economy, 1800-1914, London 1982,

p.56.

58 A.M. Khusro, Economic and Social Effects, p. 2.

59 Kesava Iyengar, Economic Investigations in Hyderabad State, 1929-30, Vol. III,

(Warangal District), 1932, p.135.

60 A.M. Khusro, Op.Cit., pp.151-61.

61 Ibid., p.175.

62 Kesava Iyengar, Economic Investigations in Hyderabad State, 1929-30, p.436.

63 Barry Pavier, The Telangana Movement, p. 40.

***