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CHAPTER 2

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Being a mere vernacular language or dialect, does not mean that it is

ungrammatical and does not have any syntactical features. Instead, according to

Holmes (2008: 137), she stated that ‘dialects are simply linguistic varieties which are

distinguishable by their vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation’. Thus, it is not

only a mere random rambling of some groups of ethnicity, but dialect also has three

basic factors as a language: vocabulary, even grammar, and pronunciation. She also

stated that vernacular, being a non-standard language, contrasts with standard

language, tends to be learned at home and in informal contexts.

To be a standard language, it needs seven criteria to acknowledge a language,

as introduced by Bell (1976) in Wardaugh (1992: 30). These criteria include

standardization, vitality, historicity, autonomy, reduction, mixture, and de facto

norms. This means that standard language does not become a standard in an instant;

it needs a process first from standardization, autonomy, until de facto

acknowledgement. Meanwhile, in Hudson (1987: 32), Haugen (1966) revealed the

process of being standard language in a simpler way; it has to pass through 4 stages;

selection, codification, elaboration of function, and acceptance. Except for being

simpler, it is also a kind of summary of Bell’s process. After selection of the

language that wants to be standardized, it then codified, look for the functions, and

then look for the acceptance of the language. It is different from non standard

languages or generally called as vernacular, which does not need or have any of the

process above. Holmes (2008: 75) also adds three basic components of a vernacular

language; the first one is the vernacular is an un-codified or un-standardized variety;

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second is how it is acquired - usually it is acquired at home; third is how the

vernacular used for relatively circumscribed functions. Therefore, the vernacular

language is taught and used mainly among family members or group of friends. That

is why, the vernacular language identical with informal context. In addition, it is also

used under certain circumstances, not in every circumstance, for example people are

not expected to use AAVE or other vernacular languages when speaking to respected

or older people in an upper class setting. In this thesis, in order to analyze AAVE

linguistics characteristics and factors causing language change, the writer had

gathered some theories regarding the discussions.

2.1 The Linguistic Characteristics of AAVE

In AAVE, although it is different from Standard English, but some forms,

systems, and syntactical features are found in the AAVE. It has different syntactical

and phonological features. Fromkin and Rodman (1983: 254-255) also added that

there are also some morphological and lexical features found in AAVE. These

features will be explained thoroughly below.

2.1.1 Phonological features of AAVE

Phonology is related to how words, letters are being pronounced. Finegan

(1989: 395) stated that people who use AAVE tend to simplify their consonant

clusters. Usually people who speak Standard English also simplify their

pronunciation, it will sound very formal to pronounce all the letters. Therefore, it can

be said that Standard English speaker also simplify their pronunciation, but what

distinguish the AAVE speakers from Standard English speakers is they simplify their

pronunciation every day in every usage. Below are some phonological features of

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AAVE.

2.1.1.1 Consonant

1. Consonant Cluster simplification

Most English speakers will automatically simplify consonant clusters in some

context and will sound normal. However, AAVE speakers tend to do the

simplification more extensively than other English speakers (Holmes, 2008: 187).

The simplification occurs on the final consonant, where the speakers tend to simplify

the words by deleting the consonant at the end of the word. Thomas (2007: 455) also

added the rules of the simplification; deleting the consonant is happened only if the

two consonants in the end are either voiceless (as in test) or voiced (as in hand), but

it is impossible if one consonant is voiced and the other is voiceless as in pant, it

cannot be pan. The only exception is the auxiliary can’t and don’t which has

voiceless t and voiced d but can be pronounced as consonant simplification. In

addition, the deletion or reduction of the final consonant is not or seldom found in

the past tense marker. Thomas (2007: 456), in his article, also stated that sometimes,

consonant cluster simplification can happen to that’s or it’s which the consonant is

yielded or deleted, for example that’s /ðæts/ becomes /ðæs/. Wolfram in Thomas

(2007) also stated that this feature is more common in Southern AAVE than in

Northern.

2. Realization of /θ/ and /ð/ as /t,f/ and /d,v/

Upon pronouncing some words containing the fricative /θ/ and /ð/, AAVE

speakers often change them in some circumstances. For example when located at the

beginning of a word, the interdental fricative /θ/ is realized as /t/. For example, the

word thin /θɪn/ is pronounced as /tɪn/. When located word-medially or word-

finally, the interdental fricative /θ/ is realized as /f/. For example, the word bath

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/bæθ/ is pronounced as /bæf/. Other explanation is when located at the beginning of a

word, the interdental fricative /ð/ is realized as /d/. For example, the word this /ðɪs/

is pronounced as /dɪs/. When located word-medially or word-finally, the interdental

fricative /ð/ is realized as /v/. For example, the word brother /brɪðrɪ/ is pronounced

as /brɪvə/. These circumstances are quite consistent in AAVE. Therefore, it is

considered ungrammatical if the speakers violated the rules above. (Thomas, 2007:

454.)

3. Liquids /-r/ and /-l/

The phonological features that is unique in AAVE is the not voiced -r and -l.

Thomas (2007: 453) in his journal stated that when /-r/ and /-l/ are not in the

beginning of a word, they often undergo the process known as vocalization where the

/l/ and /r/ are pronounced as /uh/. This appears often on the post-vocalic position

(after vowel). For example, sister or steal which become /sɪstah/ or /stiɪah/.

Thomas also said that /r/ is not pronounced after vowel /o/ and /u/ like door, four,

and sure, which become /dɪɪ/, /fɪɪ/, /ɪɪ/ make it difficult to differentiate them

with doe, foe, and show. The /l/ can also be deleted if placed after a vowel and before

a labial consonant in the same syllable. Seen in help becomes /hɪp/ and Rudolph

becomes /ruɪdɪf/ (Pollock, Bailey, Berni, Fletcher, Hinton, Johnson, Roberts, &

Weaver, 1998). For /r/ usage, Pollock, et al. also suggested that /r/ can be non-rothic

(not voiced) and deleted.

‘Vocalic /r/ (also known as syllabic /r/ or a rhotic vowel) produced as a non-rhotic vowel. Postvocalic /r/ (also known as a rhotic diphthong) produced as non-rhotic vowel or deleted. Following front vowels, most often replaced by non-rhotic vowel. Following back vowels, most often deleted. Intervocalic /r/ may also be affected, esp. when following mid back vowel.’ (Pollock, et al., 1998)

The examples are bird, zipper, deer, car, story, and hurry which are become

/bɪd/,/zɪpə/,/dɪ/,/kɪɪ/,/stɪɪi/,/hɪɪi/. In syllabic /r/, the /r/ becomes non-rhotic

as in bird /bɪd/, meanwhile in postvocalic /r/ becomes non-rhotic or deleted as in

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deer /dɪ/ and hurry /hɪɪi/.

4. Devoicing of /d/ /g/ /b/

One of the uniqueness of AAVE is also involving devoicing of morpheme-

final /d/, /g/, and /b/. Like in mud /məd/ becomes /məʔ/ or / məʔt/. According to

Thomas (2007: 456), the devoicing can extend to voiceless stops, for example, rack

becomes /ræ/. From Fasold (1981) and Wolfram (1969) which is quoted by Thomas,

the feature is common in Southern areas and in low socioeconomic conditions.

5. Nasals /ŋ/

The replacement of /ŋ/ to be /n/ according to Pullum (1999: 51) is a popular

phonology feature of AAVE. The /g/ is not dropped, the one that is changed is the

sound. The sound of /ŋ/ is replaced by /n/. For example; singing /sɪŋɪŋ/ after

replaced by /n/; /sɪŋɪn/.

2.1.1.2 Vowels

1. The sound of /ɪ/ as /æ/ or /ɪ/

Often AAVE speakers pronounce /ɪ/ as /æ/ or /ɪ/. (Pollock, et al., 1998).

When Standard English speakers pronounce sing as /sɪŋ/ but AAVE speakers will

pronounce it as /sæŋ/ or /sɪŋ/.

2. Vowel /e/ to be /ɪ/

Other features involving vowel is the inverse of the previous features; AAVE

speakers pronounce the pen (/pen/ as the Standard English pronunciation) as /pɪn/.

Therefore there is no difference between pin and pen. Another example is again (in

SE /ə'gen/) which becomes /ə'gɪn/ in AAVE. (Pollock, et al., 1998).

3. Following /l/

Other features involving the vowel is before /l/, vowel tends to be laxed like

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in wheel, AAVE speakers pronounce it as /wɪl/ whereas the original pronunciation

is /wiɪl/ with a longer /ee/. The AAVE speakers tend to lax the word. Other example

is tail in SE it is pronounced as /teɪl/ but in AAVE it is more laxed and it becomes

/tɪl/. (Pollock, et al., 1998).

4. Diphthongs

Diphthong in linguistics is a term to a pronunciation involving the movement

of the tongue from one place in the mouth to other place. Most of SE speakers are

aware of this and pronounce diphthongs clearly. However, to AAVE speakers, as

Thomas (2007: 458) explained, have the weak movement of the tongue. Hence, the

AAVE speakers lost some pronunciation as in my /maɪ/ which pronounced as my

/ma/.

2.1.1.3 Stressed and unstressed

1. Stressed

If usually, SE speaker stressed final syllables, in AAVE, the stressed syllables

are usually on the first syllables (Thomas, 2007: 466.). For example; police is

stressed on police rather than in SE, police.

2. Unstressed

In the unstressed syllable, AAVE usually deletes it, only in initial and medial

word position (Pollock, et al., 1998). For initial position, in SE, about is pronounced

as /ə'baɪt/. However, in AAVE, it becomes /‘'baɪt/ because the unstressed syllable

is located on the front/initial position and the AAVE speakers tend to delete them.

The rule is valid also for the medial word position as in government /gɪvərmnt/

which becomes /gɪvmnt/.

3. Haplology

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Other kinds of features including in unstressed syllables is haplology

(Pollock, et al., 1998), where there are two same syllables in one word and the

speakers tend to delete the same syllable. This feature is also used in AAVE where

the unstressed syllable is deleted. For instance; Mississippi that becomes /mɪsɪpi/

and probably /prɪbli/. Despite the deletion of the same syllables, the words still can

be understood.

2.1.2 Morphological Features

Morphology tries to discuss internal structure of words and the rules of how

words are formed (Fromkin & Rodman, 1983: 113). As a vernacular, AAVE also has

a particular morphology forms. Although it is commonly combined with syntax or

morphosyntactic by other researchers, the writer in this thesis separated these two

categories and focused on the difference in morpheme in this part. Below are the

summary from Wolfram (2004: 124-126) and Champion, Cobb-Roberts, and Bland-

Stewart (2012: 82-83).

2.1.2.1 Suffix -s Variation

1. Plural -s

The morpheme -s which is usually added after plural noun in SE, is not added

in AAVE. The suffix -s is missing.

2. Possessive -s

The possessive -s is also missing in AAVE, while in SE, it is essential to

reckon the possessive marker.

3. Third person Singular –s

This feature is involving the subject and verb agreement of a sentence. If

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usually in grammar, the third person singular is usually followed by verb plus suffix

–s, in AAVE, the third person singular does not followed by verb + suffix –s.

2.1.2.2 Past Tense Markers

In past tense structure, people know the structure with suffix –ed. However in

AAVE, people tend to omit the suffix –ed. This is usually known in phonology but

also as a mark in morphology.

2.1.2.3 Comparative and Superlative

The irregular use of a comparative and superlative adjective is often found in

AAVE sentence. The endings –er and –est can be applied to most adjective, for

example; baddest, worser.

2.1.3 Syntactical features

Syntax is the study of structure in phrases and sentences (Akmajian, Demers,

Farmer, & Harnish, 1998: 135). Therefore, this sub chapter will discuss mainly about

the structure of phrases and sentences in AAVE language that is definitely different

from Standard English structure.

2.1.3.1 The zero auxiliary

Being a vernacular language, AAVE has its distinctive features which are not

found in standard language; the zero auxiliary. There are omission of copula be,

auxiliary verbs, auxiliary modals, together they are called as zero auxiliary. AAVE

allows the omission of copula be in a sentence. Example: That my bike when it

should be like this in standard English, That is my bike. The copula be is missing in

the sentence, but people are still able to understand the sentence, though

grammatically/syntactically wrong. To omit the copula be, it has the simple rule, if

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the be can be contracted in standard English, then be can be omitted in AAVE as it is

explained by Labov (1969) in Wardaugh (1992: 335). Therefore, if we can contract is

in the sentence everybody’s not happy, then in AAVE the contracted ’s becomes

everybody not happy. However, if is cannot be contracted like in I know where he is

cannot be contracted to I know where he’s. Therefore, the sentence cannot be I know

where he in AAVE, because is is an important word in the sentence, when losing

that, the sentence becomes meaningless. Usually AAVE speakers use this

grammatical feature to simplify a sentence. Originally, the English speakers also

simplify the sentence. However, they only simplify it by shortened the is into ‘s,

never omit one whole is. Therefore, the AAVE speakers have a distinct characteristic

of omitting copula be.

From another source, Pullum (1991: 45-46) in her journal put some rules that

have been collected for the use of copula be. Below are the summary.

a. If the copula be bears accent (stress), it is not omitted.

Because the stress is meant for emphasizing the meaning. If it is left

behind, the meaning will be unclear.

b. When appear in the end of a phrase, copula be is always present.

c. The copula be is not omitted when it is at end of a phrase like She know

what her shirt material is. It has the important meaning of the sentence. If

the copula is missing, the sentence will be nonsensical like She know what

her shirt material. The sentence will not be finished if it is like that.

d. When used in a present perfect function, been is included as a copula and

not omissible. This is proven in the example; He been learned English.

This means that He has learned English. However, instead of omit has,

AAVE put been to replace has.

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e. The use of ain’t is not omissible.

When a sentence is negated in AAVE, ain’t is used as the marker of

negation replacing the original be and cannot be omitted.

Those are the rules about the copula be itself. However, this omission can be

also applied to other auxiliaries; such as modals and verbs auxiliaries.

2.1.3.2 Negative Inversion

Negative inversion, according to Foreman (1999: 2.), is the sentence in which

has the subject and auxiliary inverted to become form of question, but interpreted as

declarative sentence. So the negative is inversed from after the subject to be before

the subject. From the sentence it ain’t nobody complaining to become ain’t nobody

complaining after the existential it is gone. The Standard English normally does not

have the form of negative auxiliary in front of the subject. Usually the grammatical

pattern should be subject first and then auxiliary. Though the auxiliary can be placed

precede the subject, it only appears on interrogative sentences.

2.1.3.3 Multiple negations

The multiple negation is also a feature in the AAVE. This means the use of

more than one or more negation in a sentence (multiple). In general context, use

double negation is unusual but it is likely spoken by AAVE speakers. No other

English speakers use this. The characteristic is also identical with the lower social

class. Since these usually are used by the lower social class (Holmes, 2008: 150). In

the example; “It ain’t no cat can get in no coop”, three negations are used; ‘ain’t’,

‘no’, and ‘no’. These multiple negations give the ambiguous feeling about the real

meaning, while actually the real meaning is ‘no cat can get into any coop’. See, the

negation used in the meaning is actually using only one negation. However, the

AAVE speakers use it multiple times to get the emphasize. Remembering that AAVE

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is a negative concord language (Pullum, 1999: 50). A negative concord language

means that the AAVE wants to emphasize the negative more. Fromkin and Rodman

(1983: 256) also stated in their book that the rule is simple in negative inversion or

any other negatives in AAVE. Take the Standard English example; somebody,

something, and some when they are negated, they changed into any-; anybody,

anything, and any. However, in AAVE, when the sentence is negated, the words

become nobody, nothing, and none. It is odd because they don’t conform with the

original rules.

2.1.3.4 Negative ain’t

The other uniqueness from AAVE is the use of ain’t. The AAVE speakers

almost always use ain’t to express negativity. The auxiliaries that are normally used

in Standard English, like isn’t and haven’t are replaced all with one auxiliary, ain’t,

that covers almost all the auxiliary negated. This auxiliary represents be (am, is, are)

and perfect auxiliary (have and has) and negative not. Example; She ain’t here or she

ain’t been here lately. Meaning can be She is not here and she has not been here

lately. In addition, ain’t is also surprisingly used to represent didn’t too (Wolfram,

2004: 124), as in She ain’t do that, which supposedly be She didn’t do that.

2.1.3.5 Existential It

The use of is it instead of there is also one of the characteristics of AAVE. As

in Wardaugh (1992: 335), it usually is used to replace there which is normally used

in Standard English. One example is it ain’t no heaven for you to go to in here, the

use of it replaces function there.

2.1.3.6 Question formations

Often, a sentence can be seen as a question in Standard English, but actually

it functions as a statement (Wardaugh, 1992: 335). The example I asked Billy what

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can he do and can’t nobody do that, this is functioned as a statement. Meanwhile if

it is read in Standard English, it obviously has the question form. However, the

meaning is still a statement. In Wolfram (2004: 126) also added the question

formation that seems to be a statement but actually it is a question. What that is?,

Who this is? are the examples . The auxiliary and the subject do not invert to each

other.

2.1.3.7 Invariant be

Holmes (2008: 187) also added the use of invariant be, or as it is known too

from Wolfram (2004: 118) as ‘habitual’ be, as to indicate recurring or repeated

actions. This is the most salient grammatical feature mentioned by Wolfram in his

book. For example; He be at office on weekdays. This explains that he is always at

the office on weekdays. Instead of using will , the AAVE speakers use be. This may

sound ungrammatical at all because there is no will, but instead, it is replaced by be

out of nowhere. Wolfram also argues that actually the invariant be is appeared

because the process of degemination. Degemination is the process of simplification

of the words. In other words, when seeing the example, He be at office on weekdays,

the original sentence can be seen as He will be at office on weekdays. AAVE

simplifies He will into He be, instead of He‘ll be. AAVE just takes out the ’ll and left

be. Similarly, it is also valid for would and do

Example: 1.a. If they get a DVD player, they would be happy

b. If they get a DVD player, they be happy

2.a. Sometimes they be playing tag

b. Sometimes they are playing tag

Seeing from the examples; the be word hence might be used not only for

habitual actions but it can also be used as a contractions of auxiliary. However, as

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Pullum stated in his article (1999: 53); the use of be can also be misunderstood as a

replacement of auxiliary as many Americans trying to copy the way African

Americans speaking, but in the end, forget about the habitual meaning. Therefore,

what you be talking about, which is what you do you habitually talk about in

meaning, is wrong in AAVE, since it does not contain habitual expression or

contractions.

2.1.3.8 Completive Done

According to Wolfram (2004: 119), the verb done is used before the past

form to show the perfect tense function, referring to the action that is done in recent

past. In the example; they done used all the good ones, meanwhile when change it

into standard English; they have used all the good ones. This suggests that the modal

auxiliary have is changed into done. Almost like the deletion of copula be, but this

one is not just delete the copula, since if the have is deleted, then the sentence will be

read as past tense sentence not in perfect tense sense anymore. In AAVE, Wolfram

also mentions that done can be used as auxiliary, with the basic form of verb;

example they done go. The function is to highlight the change of state and to

intensify the activity.

2.1.3.9 Future Perspective be done

Be and done can be combined in a sentence and functions as future

conditional state (Wolfram, 2004: 120). My ice cream be done melted by the time we

get there, it is conform with the idea of will have melted. AAVE speakers tend to

change will have like when they deal with done. This time, they change the will have

into be done. There are the other idea pronounced by Dayton (1996), cited in

Wolfram (2004: 120) that the use of be done is more like a future resultative-

conditionals meaning that may be associated with threats or warning in pragmatics

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use like in If you love your enemy, they be done eat you alive in this society.

However this usage are rarely used among AAVE speakers.

2.1.3.10 Remote been and unstressed been

The use of remote been in the sentence is to mark the activity in the distant

past. Been is used with past tense form. (Wolfram, 2004: 120). An explanation from

Trotta (n.d.: 146) been in the example ‘But, y’all been broke up, right?’ indicates

‘but you two broke up a long time ago, right?’ in SE. Therefore, been indicates past

action that happened long time ago not the prefect tense. In addition, according to

Green that is quoted by Trotta, the been can also indicate prefect tense sense in

following sentence: ‘He been working since he was a kid’. It is simply a case of

omitting be (has). Looking from this, it looks the same like present perfect function.

2.1.3.11 Subject-verb agreement

In the subject-verb agreement, the AAVE sentence is recognizable if the

subject does not agree to the verb in SE. This feature is actually almost the same with

the morphological feature of third person singular. However in this discussion, the

subject-agreement discussed is the one aside of the third person singular verb with

suffix -s. According to Wolfram (2004: 122), it relates to the conjugated forms of

past and present be forms. It means that the use of be in a sentence is different from

SE. Example; she have money, the folks is at home, etc. the second example showed

that the subject is plural and the be is in singular form.

2.1.3.12 Verbal tense marking

In this discussion, the focus is on the verb and tense. Rickford (1999: 7)

stated that in AAVE, the past participle form (v –en) can also be used in past tense

context, as in she seen him yesterday. So, here, the verb seen is actually not correctly

placed in the past tense sense sentence, however, in AAVE, it is understood

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correctly. There is also the use of verb stem as past tense or preterite form (v –ed), as

in she come here yesterday. The same as before, the different state of verb is used to

replace the original verb.

2.1.3.13 The preterit had + past verb

If usually the perfect tense is using had plus past participle verb, in AAVE, it

is not past participle verb, but instead is a past verb. Rickford (1996: 229) explained

that had + v-ed is used as an absolute tense and in situation where simple past occurs.

The preterit had is meant to refer to the form that is similar to perfect tense but in

past tense function (preterit).

2.1.3.14 The usage of gon’ or gonna and I’ma

In Green’s book (2002: 36), gon’ or gonna is usually used in future function.

She also added the use of I’ma, which is the reduction form of I’m gonna used by

first person singular.

2.1.3.15 Specialized auxiliaries

There are some other auxiliaries that are used to fill the usual auxiliaries in

the AAVE sentence. Come, finna, steady, and fixin’ are the examples of the special

auxiliaries used in AAVE. Come is used to indicate a stage of indignation. Steady is

used to mark a continuative intensifying activity. Finna is used to indicate a near

future or planned event. Finna according to Wolfram (2004: 121), is derived from

fixin’ to which is spread in the Southern area.

2.1.3.16 Nominals

The nominals explain about noun phrases. As it is summarized below from

Wolfram (2004: 124-126).

1. Associative plural an ‘em. In the AAVE sentence, the word and and them,

when put together will be devoiced and reduced becoming an ‘em. This

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feature becomes a replacement for and friends.

2. Second person plural y’all, youse, young’uns, youns. The second person

plural is usually replaced with y’all , which is shortened form from you all,

or there is also young’uns, a phonological characteristic uns from ones also

a shortened form from young ones.

3. Possessive pronoun. The possessive form of a thing in an AAVE sentence

usually use they instead of their. The use of mines is also regularized.

4. Reflexive pronoun. AAVE also has the regularization of the reflexive

hisself as in He washed hisself. The extension of the objective form them

used for attributive demonstratives such as She likes them apples.

5. Benefactive datives as in I got me a new car. This feature involves the use

of object pronoun after verb as personal datives. It will be I got myself a

new car in SE. (Rickford, 1999: 8)

6. Pronoun case. In addition, the undifferentiated pronoun; nominative,

objective, and demonstrative pronouns are used in AAVE sentences.

Example: him did boxing, us got yelled. (Washington & Craig: 224)

2.1.4 Lexical features

From the word, lexical, means something related with the certain words that

only used in AAVE. Being a vernacular, AAVE also has some different words that

used by its speakers. From Green (2002: 14) in her journal, she explained that in

AAVE, certain words shared the same characteristics as Standard English. However,

the meaning is different. Here are some the examples of lexical features in AAVE;

Bread ‘money’, Crib ‘house’, Mojo ‘personal magic’ Fula moco’o ‘medicine man’,

Wigga or wigger---white youth who identify with AA culture, Mickey D’s

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‘McDonald’s’.

As their own dialect, AAVE speakers also have words that are different to

standard words. They are often influenced by the words from West Africa, blended

with English words until combine distinct words. Green also added that the lexical of

AAVE is seen from three points of view; general words that are used to have

different meaning from original meaning if used in AAVE, verbal markers (like

been, and another verbs that are used differently), and current slang used by the

speakers and the environment. Although the words themselves are not very different

from English, but the meaning is different. AAVE speakers usually replace the words

they do not know with words they know but not necessarily have the same meaning

with the supposed words. That is why there are many familiar English words but the

functions or the meanings are not the same with our interpreting. They use the words

to represent something else.

2.2 Social Class Dialect

Every society has different dialects. Dialect is the language difference

according to place and social group people are living in. Dialect is not standing

alone, according to Finegan (1999: 15) ethnic, socioeconomic, and gender and age

groups also determine dialect. Looking at those determiners, dialect can be

influenced by social groups and also ethnicity. On the side of social, we have social

class, ‘Social class here is a term coined for the differences people have according to

social prestige, wealth, and education‘ (Holmes, 2008: 140). If we are talking about a

lecturer and a merchant in a traditional market, it definitely has different language. It

is impossible if a lecturer speak with the language of a merchant in a traditional

market to the students. Thus, when talking about social class, we are talking about

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language that is influenced by social status, wealth, and education. As in every

language, dialect also can be differentiate based on their vocabulary, pronunciation,

and grammar.

2.2.1 Vocabulary

As in the ethnicity characteristics, vocabulary also is a factor in the social

dialect. This is the distinct characteristics, as the vocabulary of each social dialect is

different. On Holmes (2008: 141), she explained that vocabulary is the most obvious

difference. Holmes gave example by mentioning ‘lavatory’ that is used more often

by prestigious people of England than ‘toilet’ that is used rarely and mostly used by

the non prestigious people. She called it ‘U-speakers’ for upper class English people

and ‘non U-speakers’ for the other.

2.2.2 Pronunciation

For pronunciation, it has to be seen frequently than vocabulary difference, as

pronunciation needs to be looked at carefully. Holmes on her book (2008: 142)

mentioned ‘groups are often distinguished by the frequency with which they use

particular features, rather than by their use of completely different forms.’. From this,

the writer can conclude that the speaker is likely to become a member of a group not just by

their use of a completely different form, but also their frequency of those particular forms.

The more often they use the form, then they are likely to be one group.

There was a study from William Labov, in which he studied the way of

different pronunciation in New York that reflects the social class of their speakers.

He found out that the lower social class tend to speak the feature like /in/ instead of

/ing/, while the upper social class tend to be more standardized in speaking (Holmes,

2008: 144). Thus, from here, the social class can be determined through the

pronunciation.

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2.2.3 Grammar

Every dialect has grammar structure. However, the grammar is still different

from Standard English. It is perceived as minority and inferior due to lack of

grammar that is not conform to Standard English. Holmes (2008: 149) added that

‘the higher social groups use more of the standard grammatical form and fewer

instances of the vernacular or non-standard form.’ This brings the idea of the

differences between social groups reflect their language of use. Where people from

lower social group usually use more vernacular grammar than people from upper

social group. Moreover, Holmes also gave the notion that people are more aware of

social stigma when using vernacular grammatical forms.

2.3 Ethnicity

Discussing the African American, we can have a point of view from the

ethnicity matter. Ethnic groups mostly use their distinctive language associating with

their ethnic identity the african americans actually do not need something distinct to

differentiate them with other americans. From the visual appearance, they are already

visibly different. Nevertheless, they still have one distinct characteristic with other

Americans, which is their vernacular language or African American Vernacular

Language (AAVE forward). As in Holmes (2008: 186) stated, this AAVE acts as a

symbol of ethnicity which express the sense of cultural distinctiveness of many

African Americans.

2.4 Social Network

In Sociolinguistics study, each language is determined by the social network.

When people speak to particular group of people and also another group of people,

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they shared different language characteristics. Hence, the language will be varied and

even can be changed through the social network influences. Below is the summary of

how social relation in one’s network from Holmes (2008: 193-197).

2.4.1 Plexity

The term refers to a measure of the range of different types of transaction

people are involved in with different individuals. For example; one can be in touch

with other as a workmate and also as a friend from the former high school

1. Uniplex

The link with other person is in only one area

2. Multiplex

Involve interactions with others in several dimensions. A workmate can

also be a college mate, etc.

2.4.2 Density

The term refers to whether members of a person’s network are in touch with

each other. For example; Harry’s friend, Tony also know Harry’s cousin. This means

Tony has a dense relation. ‘When adults belong to more than one network, they may

signal this by unconsciously altering their speech forms as they move from one

context to another.’ (Holmes, 2008: 195). From this, we can say that the speech can

change through the interaction between people in different social network.

2.5 Language Change

Similar to people who can change throughout time, caused by certain issues,

language can also change. If people read some novels from Shakespeare’s or in

Austen’s time, they will encounter some words that have different meaning from

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today’s usage. For example, the word ‘entertain’, today the word is used to refer to

the effort of singers and comedians to keep us entertained. However, in past time, the

word is intended to be ‘keep occupied’. These differentiations show that the language

can change from meaning. There are also languages that become extinct since the

speakers of the particular language are not survived in preserving the language. This

is also a kind of language change. Moreover, Holmes (2008: 204-227) also defines

and classifies the language change as it is summarized below:

2.5.1 Variation over time

The language change has classification regarding how the language changes.

Here, the variation over time is the only one discussed since the variation is

appropriate to the research.

1. Spatial or Regional

According to Holmes, people from monolingual society tend to use the same

language. Meanwhile those who travel from one region to another have tendency to

change the use of their language to conform to the new varieties of language. Hence,

the language can change.

2. Social

In some society, if people interact with each other and in different social

factor, it will change them, not only in behavior but also in term of languages. There

are some social factors like social status, class, race, ethnicity, etc. and all these

social factors can influence people when they interact. It is due to the feeling of the

sameness. People when interact with each other want to feel the same with the person

they speak to. This is why the language can change.

These are factors influencing people to change their language. However,

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eventually there are still some features that they cannot change. These highly because

are because the ethnicity and social network case which has been introduced on the

previous part. People are resistant to the changes because they have the strong bond

to the ethnicity and also the community where they live is a monolingual community.

That is why the people can resist the change.