CHAPTER 111

LEVELS AND TRENDS IN FERTILITY OF THE MAJOR RELIGIOUS GROUPS IN INDIA AND KERALA

3.1 Introduction

The twentieth century witnessed an unprecedented rapid

improvement in health carc technologies and peoples' easy access to health

care all over the world that caused a steep fall in the mortality and an

increase in longevity. The world population controlling agencies realised

these changes and took steps to make use of it reducing, but the decline in

fertility was not sufficiently steep. As a result the global population

underwent a fourfold increase in the last hundred years.

Demographers refer to the changes from a stable population with

high fertilityt and inortality?o a new stability in population with low

fertility and mortality patterns as demographic transition3. Different

countries in the world entered the demographic transition at different

periods of time. Also, there were substantial differences in the rate of

demographic transition and time taken to achieve population stabilization.

In this chapter an attempt has been made to understand the levels of

population and trends of change in population in terms of the major

I Fertility means the actual reproductive performance of an individual, a couple, a group or population, which is the same as gcneral fertility rate, i.e. the number of live births per IMO wamen in the age group 15-49 ycars in a given year.

2 Deaths as a corriponcnl of population change. 1 Demographic transition occurs in four phases; of these thc first three phases are characterired

by population growth. In the first phase there is a fall in death rate and impro\,ernenl in longevity; this lends to population growth. In the second phase there is a fall in birth rate hul fall is less steep lhan fall in death rates and consequently there is population growth. In thc third phase death rates plateau and replacement level of fertility is attained but the population growth eontinucs because of the large size of population in reproductive aze group. 'The fourth phase is characterized by fall in birth rate to below replacement level and reduction in tllc proportion of the population in reproductive age group; as a result of these changes population growth ceases and population stabilizes. Expcrience in some of the developed countries suggest that in some socicdes even after attainment of stable population thcrc rnay be a further decline in fertility so that there is a further rcduclion in the population- so callcd negative population growth phase of ihr demographic transilion

religious groups in India and especially in the State of Kerala, using the

relevant data from various census records and from the two Nalional

Family Health Surveys, NFHS-1992-93 and NFHS-1998-99.

3.2 Population of India: 1901-2001

India, a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual country, is

only one of the two regions of the world where we have records of

uninterrupted human civilization from several millennia to the present day.

The other such nation is China. In the Far East the Chinese Civilisation was

a counter part of the Indian civilisation. In the Middle East and Central

Europe the Babylonian, Mesopotamian, Jewish and Arabic civilizations

flourished before the Greek and Roman civilizations. The Americas had

their own ancient civilizations until they were overpowered by the

European invaders. The ancient African civilization also was disrupted by

other intruders. The Arab and West Asian regions have come up with the

relatively new major Islamic and Christian civilizations, both extending

their hold on Major parts of Europe, Asia, Africa and Americas (Joshi,

Srinivas and Bajaj, 2003).

India and China together accounted for more than half the

population of the world at least from the beginning of the Christian era to

1850. In the earlier centuries of the Christian era, the combined share of

India and China was considerably more than half of the world population

and Indians outnumbered the Chinese up to at least 1500. The first

comprehensive census of India in 1881 recorded thc country's population

as 210.9 million which went up to 1028.6 million by 2001.It is indeed

alarming that more than 800 million people were added to India's

population in a century just 100 years after 1901. It has led to serious

repercussions in the socio-economic, political and religious set up of the

country.

The prevalence of high birth rates and death rates' during the early

years of the demographic history of India restricted the growth rate and the

size of population. This phenomenon was at the peak in 1921, the average

growth rate per year remained about 4.4 per 1000 persons as only 40.4

million people were added during this period.

Table 3.1

Population Growth and Decadal Variation in India, 1901-2001

Annual Growth I (Millions) (in 9%) Rate per 1000

252.1 5.7 I

Source: Census India. Hand Book of Population Statislics (1988), Census India, 1991 and 2001.

India experienced four broad phases of population growth during

1901 to 2001. The first phase of slow growth was experienced during

1901-1921. This was a state of great upsets in the demographic history of

- -

I Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1OOO population in a pivcn ycar and Death Kale is the number of dealhs per 1OOO population in a zivcn year.

India. This resulted in a net decrease of 0.3 pcrccnt during the decade

1911-1921 for the country as a whole. The main reason for this was a high

death rate caused by the epidemics like influenza during 1918-191 9.

The second phase startcd after 1921 and continued till 195 1. During

this period the annual growth rate increased by three times. Thus, 1921 is

termed as a great divide in the demographic history of India. During this

period the population increased from 251.3 million in 1921 to 361.1

million in 195 1. The Crude Death Rate (CDR)~ decreased by 19.8 points to

24.4 per 1000, whereas the Crude Birth Rate (CBR)' decreased only by 8.1

points to 40 per 1000.

Table 3.2

Crude Birth Rate (CBR) and Crude Death Rate (CDR) in India, 1901-2001

1 Year I CBR I CDR 1

Source: Census India, Hand Book of Population Statistics (1988), Census India, 1991 and 200 1.

' Same as rootnolc 5 6 Same as footnote 4

The year 1951 is considered as another great divide that accelerated

the decline in the CDR until 1971. The year 1971 took India into the fourth

phase of population growth and, therefore it is treated as the third great

divide in the demographic history of India.

3.3 Nature and Background of Population Growth in Kerala

The performance of Kerala on the demographic front received

worldwide attention and admiration. Demographic transition of Kerula

State began earlier than that of the other States of India, but i t was later

than that of several East Asinn developing countrics. "Kerala model of

demographic transition" was different from that of the developed countries.

It was also different from the demographic transition in the East Asian

regions such as Taiwan, Korca, Singapore, Hong Kong, etc. There are

significant differences in the experience Kerala's of demographic transition

from that of the other States in India such as Tamil Nadu, or Andhra

Pradesh, which experienced fertility transition to near replacement level a

few years after Kerala had reached that stage. Thus, Kerala's experience of

demographic transition and the factors that contributed to the transition

were characteristically different (Zachariah, 1998).

At the time of Indian Independence, Kerala's population was about

12.5 million and it was growing at a rate of about 2.2 percent per year.

; Fifty years later, in 1997, the population of Kerala grew to a little under 3 1 I

million. At present i t is now growing at a very much-reduced rate of under

0.9 per cent per year. In the mean time, the growth rate reached its peak

level of 2.3 per cent per year during 1961-71. Until 1971, the rate of

population growth in Kerala was higher than that of the country as a whole,

but from 1971 onwards, Kerala's growth became progressively slower.

Many authors who have written on India's population growth have

made a note of Kerala's high female literacy, its custom of matrilineal

116

inheritancc, political leadership co~ninitted to social welfdre, a scttlcnleilt

pattern that promoted individualism, communicalion and greatcr utilization

of social services, etc. as probable reasons for the low 1cve.l~ of fertility and

mortality in the State (Nair, 1974, 1986; Krishnan, 1976; Ratcliffe, 1978;

Nag, 1983). Literacy and education reflect the social development of a

community. Kerala had the highest literacy rate7 in India. The literacy rate

that was 47.18 percent in 195 1 almost doubled in 200 1 census. Accordong

to 2001 Census, literacy for the population aged seven and above was

90.92 percent as against 89.81 in 1991.The male literacy rate was 94.20

percent and the fernale literacy rate was 87.86 in 2001. The corresponding

figures in 199 1 census were 93.62 percent and 86.17 percent respectively.

The difference between male and female literacy declined from 20 points

in 1961 to 6 points in 2001. The all India level for the male and female

literacy rates were 75.85 and 54.16 respectively in 200 1

3.4 Population Profile According to Religious Affiliation in India

Among the various socio-cultural fixtors influencing fertility ,

religion was considered as an important one. Several researches

undertaken for studying the fertility within multi-religious populations

found variations in fertility hehaviours among different religious groups.

Studies conducted in the United States clearly revealed higher fertility

among Roman Catholics and lower among the Jews, (Jones and Nortman,

1969). Similarly, i n many studies the existence of fertility differentials

among religious groups was observed (Davis, 1968; Zachriah 1994 and

Rajan, 2005).

1 The percentagc of people aged 15 and nbovc who, can, with understanding, bolh read and write a short, ~irnple statement on their cvcryday life. The literacy rate was calculated for total population excluding population of 0-h years.

Table 3.3

Growth Rate of Different Religious Communities in India, 1901-2001

At the beginning of the 2oth century, the growth rate of Muslim

11991-01 1 1.9

was slightly lower than that of Hindus. After that the Muslims in India

Christian

2.6

1.9

2.9

registered higher growth rates in comparison with the other two religious

communities. Even during the influenza decade of 191 1-21, when India's

growth rate of population was zero and the Hindus registered negative

1951-61 2.0 1.9

I 2.8 3 1961-71 2.2 2.1 2.7

1971-81 2.2 2.2 2.7

1981-91 2.1 2.0 , 1.2 1

.

Year I

Total

1901-1 1 1 0.6

Source: Con~plied from S.1 Rajan (2005), Figures for 1981 include Assam and figures for 1991 include Jammu and Kashmir, where the census could not be conducted.

1.8

growth rate, Muslims registered a minimal growth rate of 0.1 percent and

Hindu

0.5

-0.1

1 .O

0.6

2.4 I

-

191 1-21

1021-31 I- 1931-41

1941-51

2.6 1 2.0 1

Christians registered 1.9 percent growth rate per annum.

Muslim

0.3 -

0.1

1.4

-1.8

0.0

1 .O

1.1

1.5

The turning point of Hindu, Muslim and Christian population growth

rate was the Independence of India. Muslims registered a negative growth rate

of -1.8 percent per annum during 1941-51 resulting from the large-scale

about fertility. Even if we could state what was the net content of the

teaching of the sacred scriptures of thc religion to procreation we might not

know how influential they were in determining the number of children. The

observed differences in fertility were rno s tly due to socio-economic

differences among the people even in between the religious groups

(Chaudhury, 197 1 and 1 984).

The Muslim population was growing faster in the poorer parls of

Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh than in the comparativcly

developed States of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh or Karnataka. I1i

fact, in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the Muslim

population growth was lower than the national average. That suggested that

socio-economic backwardness led to higher fertility. That the socio-

economic condition of Muslims was worse than that of Hindus, particularly

in the urban areas, was borne out by all available facts. About 59 per cent of

Muslim women did not attend school; 60 per cent of then1 were married by

the age of 17 and hardly 14 per cent of them were registered for work

participation, (Asha, 2004).

According to census 200 1, Hindu religion was the major religious

group in the country. They made up 80.5 percent of the population, (827.57

million). The other significant religions of the country were the Muslims

with 13.4 percent; (138.18 million) followed by Christians 2.34 percent,

(240.80 nill lion) . Sikhs, 1.94 percent, (19.21 million) and the

Buddhists, with 7.95 million population accounting for 0.8 pcrccnt of the

total population. Similarly, during 2001 the total population of Jains in

India was 4.2 million, which was almost 0.4 percent of the total population.

Table 3.4

Population by Religious Communities in India, 1961-2001 (in 000's)

Source: A snapshot of population size, distribution, growth and socio cconomic characteristics of religious communities from Census 2001.Note: 1. Figures for 2001 exclude Mao Maram, Paomata and Puml sub-divisions of Senapati district of Manipur; 2. All India figures for 1981 and 1991 exclude Assam and Jammu & Kashmir respectively as no census was conducted there.

Chart 3.3

Populations by Religious Communities, India- 1961-2001

1200000 m 1000000 -

800000 -

600000 -

400000

200000

0

1955 1960 ' 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 - ------

AU -m- Hindus t Muslims + Christians 1 -- - - - - - - - -

Table 3.5

When lndia became independent in 1947, part of it became a

sovereign independent country, Pakistan. A large number of Muslims left

lndia and moved to Pakistan. Still in 195 1 (first census after independence)

there were 35 million Muslims living in Tndia, who formed the largest

minority (Shariff, 1993). According to this census there were 304 million

Hindus and about 8.3 million Christians. The Hindu population grew at a

rate of 21.3, 25.1 and 20.3 percent respectively during the past three

decades and in 1991-2001 they were 827.57 millions. Table 3.6 shows the

decadal growth rates of religious communities in Inclia during 1961-2001 .

The Muslim population grew at the rate of about 22.9, 34.5, and 36.8

percent each decade during the same period and by 2001 there were 138.18

million Muslims living in Tndia. The growth of Christians was 22.6, 21.5,

and 13.7 during the corresponding periods. The decadal growth rate of

Christians during 199 1-200 1 was higher than that of the previous decades.

In the I5 major States of India, the Hindu population was the

majority except in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab. Jaminu and Kashrnir

were the only State where Muslims were the majority, Sikhs wcrc the

majority in Punjab and Christian population was mostly concentrated in

Kerala, (about 19 percent of the total population). In Kerala and West

Bengal the Hindu population was bclow the all India average, (Census,

2001).

Muslims

Christians

Table 3.6

Decadal Growth Rates of Religious Communities in India, 1961-2001

1991.01

22.7

20.3 ~

Religion

All

Hindus

Sikhs

Source: A snapshot of population size, distribution, growth and socio ccor~orl~ic characteristics of religious communities from Census 200 1.

32.3 1 26.0 1 24.3 1 18.2 1 Buddhists

Jains

Others

3.5 Demographic Profile of Kerala

1961-71

24.8

23.7

According to the Census records, India had a population of 548

million in 1971, 683 million in 1981, and 846 million in 1991 .The

population of India as of lSt March 2001 stood at 1,027 million. The

corresponding figure for Kerala was 32 million of which 15.5 million were

males and 16.4 million females. The rate of natural increase, computed

from subtracting the rate of net migration from the intercensal growth rate,

revealed some interesting features of' the demographic transition in Kerala

and that of India. Table: 3.7 shows the demographic characteristics of India

and Kerala over the last 100 years. Even though India had a negative

growth rate during 19 1 1 - 192 1, the growth rate of Kerala remained positive.

As in the case with the rest of India, the increase of Kerala's population

accelerated from the influenza decade of 191 1-1921. It is also clear that

19.1

28.5

45.9

1971-81

21.4

21.3

1981-91

26.0

25.1

23.8

23.1

26.6

35.3

4.6

18.2

24.5

26.0

103.1

there was another spurt in the growth that began in 1941-5 1. Kerala

registered a growth of more than 2 per cent during 194 1- 197 1 . Until 197 1,

Kerala's growth rate was always higher than India's general growth rate

and India overtook Kerala in terms of growth rate only during 197 1-198 1.

Table 3.7

Demographic Profile of Kerala, 1901-2001

Source: Compiled from various censuses: Bhat and Rajm, 1990; I Rajan and Zachariah, 1998: Zachariah, 2003.

Growth Rate

India Kerala

1901 6,396,232 0.81 972 1004

1931 9,507,050 1 .Ol 1.98 950 1022 90

Over the last century there was a five-fold increase in Kerala's

1951

1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

population (6 million in 1901 to 32 million in 2001.), whcreas India's

population growth was slightly more than three-fold (238 nlillion in 1901

13,549,i 18

16,903,715

21,347,325

25,453,650

29,098,518

31,838,619

1.25

1.96

2.22

2.20

2.14

1.93

2.06

2.21

2.33

1.76

1.34

0.91

946

941

930

934

927

933

1028

1022

1016

1032

1036

1058

117

142

177

216

167

324

---- 349

435

549

655

749

819

-0.11

-0.20

-0.16

-0.22

-0.31

-0.27

to 1.027 million in 2001). However, Lhe growth rate of Kerala during the

previous decade was only 0.9 1 per cent, thc lowest after the Sonnation 01

the State in 1956. Also, among a11 the Statcs and Union Territorics of India,

eral la registered the lowest growth rate during 1991-2001. Among the 14 ?

districts of Kerala, the lowest growth rate was observed in Pathanamthitta,

whereas the highest growth rate was registered in Malapurarn. Generally,

the northern districts of Kerala exhibited a higher growth pattern and the

southern districts follow the lower population growth rate, (for more details

see chapter V).

3.5.1 Birth Rate in Kerala

Kerala's birth rate was 45 per 1000 population in 1947. The rate of

decline gained momentum in the late 60s and the decline continued till the

early 1990s. By 1993, the birth rate reached an all time low of about 17

births per 1000 population and al'ter that the rate did not show any

tendency to decline. In 1997, the birth rate rernaincd at a level of about 17-

18. As this trend persists, the population of the State is supposed to

stabilize after about 30-40 years and decline eventually. In this case, the

total population of Kerala may not exceed 35-36 million at any time.

3 5 2 Density of Population

One of [he distinguishing features of Kerala's population is its high

densityL0. Keraln is one of the most densely populated regions in India. 1

Even~at the beginning of this century, the dcnsity of population in Kerala

was higher than the all India level. Despite significant out-migration (to

other niltio~ls from Kerala), the density of populalion in Kerala in 199 1 was

nearly 750 persons per square kilometer, nearly three times the all India

average of 267 persons, which increased to 8 19 (Kerala) and to 324 in India

in 2001. Among the major States, Kcrala had the highest density of

population until 1981. But by 199 1 West Bengal took the lead position.

Now Kerala is in the ~hird position and the second position having been

taken up hy Bihar. The differcnce between Kerala and West Bengal was

only 17 persons in 1991 and it increased to 85 pcrsons in 2001. Among the

14 districts the density of six districts was lower than the State average. Tn

2001 the highest density of population was recorded in Alappuxha and the

lowest in Idukki (Census 2002).

- "' Population per unil of land area, i,e., persons pcr quare mile or persons pcr square kilometer

of arahle land. Since the area is in squarc kilometers, the densily of population is also rncasured in squarc kilometers.

1

Source: Census 200 1

Ranking of Districts by the Density of Population in Kerala, 1991-2001

Rank in 2001

I

1

2

3

4

5

b

7

8

9

I 0

1 1

12

13

13

- L I

Districts

Alappuzha

Thiruvananthapuram

Kozhikode

Ernaku lam

Kol lam

Malappuram

Trissur

Kottayam

Kannur

Kasaragod

Palakkad

Pathana~nthitta

Wayanad

Idukkr

Kerala

Rank in 1991

1

2

3

5

4

7

h

8

9

1 0 -

11

12

13

13

-

Population

200 1

1488

1476

1228

1050 --

I037 -

1022

98 1

884

813

604

584

467 ppppp-

369

252

819

Density

1991

1415

1343

1118

963

967

872

903

828

759

538

532

450

315

236

749

Table: 3.10

Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio in Kerala, 1991-2001

Rank in 2001

1 2 1 Trissur 1 1092 1 1085 I 1 1

I I I I

1

Districts

Pathanamthitta 1 1094 1062

3

4

5

6

A

8 Kozhikode -58 1027 9

Sex Ratio

2001 1 1991

7

Rank in 1991

Kamur

Alappuzha

Kollam

Palakkad

Malappuram

9

1090

1079

1070

1068

I

8 1 Thiruvanamthapurarn

11

12

Source: Census 2001

1063

Kasargod

13 -

-

1049

1051

1035

1031

1053

I058

10 1 Kottayam 1 1025 1 1003

Ernakulam

6

5

8 -

I

1036 'i- 1047 --

I I

Idukki

Kerala

1026

1017 I

Wayanad I 1000

993

1058

966 14

1000

975

1036

12

3.5.3 Sex Ratio

Sex ratio" is the proportion bctween the number of males and

females in the population at a given place, Kerala has a unique position in I

regard to sex ratio. It is the only State with an excess llurnber of females

and the only one where the numbcr of females grew in excess consistently

during the past century. The scx ratio of Kerala gradl~ally increased from

1004 in 1901 to 1028 in 1951 and then showed a slight declining trend in

1961 and 1971. After that a steady increasing trend. According to 2001

census Kerala was the only State in India where sex ratio was above the

equality ratio and broke the records of 100 years with 1058 females per

1000 males. Although part of the reason for the higher sex ratio was the

out- migration of males, studies showed that female mortality rate improved

considerably over the years unlike the o ther States in India. The pattern of

sex ratio was uniform in all the districts and the overall scx ratio was

favourable to females in all the districts in Kerala. In the 2001 Census the

highest sex ratio was observed in Pathanamthi tta, Thrissur and Kannur

districts and the lowest in the Idukki, Wayanad and Ernakulam districts,

Table: 3.10.

3.5.4. Literacy

Kerala is the rnost literate State in the country. There had been an

increase in the literacy rate from 47.18 in 195 1 to 90.92 in 2001. The

literacy rate, which was calculated for total population excluding

population of 0-6 years, was 90.92 percent with a break up of 94.20 percent

for rnales and 87.86 percent for females. The corresponding figures at the

199 1 census were 89.8 1, 93.62 and 86.17 percent respectively, Table 3.1 1.

Among all the districts of the State the highest literacy rate was in

Kottayam (95.90 percent) and the lowest rate in Palakkad (84.3 1 percent).

I I The nu~ilhcr of females per 1000 males i n a population

A discernible feature of literacy rate in Kerala was that the belt of

Kottayam, Alappuzha, and Pathanamthitta districts had very high lit-9 rate with 95.90, 93.66 and 95.09 percent respectively.

Table 3.11

Literacy Rate in Kerala, 1951-2001

Source: Coniplird from various Census Reports. Note: In 1951. 1961. 1971, literacy rate is the percentage of literates to total population aged 5 years and above. In 1981, 1991 and 2001 it is the percentage of literates to population aged 7 years and above.

I Year

Tn almost all the studies related to the determinants of fertility

decline in Kerala, the State's high educational level and low mortality rates

were found to be the key factors. All the studies on fertility decline and

lower mortality level observed the impact of the increase in women

education in Kerala. Pursuit of education delayed the traditional age of

marriage of women. Age of marriage of women moved to the age of

completing high school and college education. Education also gave them

better understanding of marriage, family and family planning methods. All

these resulted in fertility declined. This is the diffusion point of view.

Persons Males Females

Table 3.12

Literacy Rate by Sex and Districts in Kerala, 1991-2001

I T i t

I ) Ernakulam 1 92.301 93.421 95.40 95.95 89.22 90.961

ldukki 1 86.97 1 88.58 1 90.891 92.1 1 1 82.971 85.04 1

Kollam

Source: Census1991 and 2001; Note: * Literacy rate is the percentage of literates to population aged 7 years and above.

3.5.5 Family Planning

Family planning'2 is considered to be an important intcrrnediate

variable al'f'ecting fertility. According to the Ministry of Health and Family

Welf&e, almost half of the couples in Kerala are protected by some family

planning lncthods to postpone or stop births. However, the data from the

Directorate of Health Services (DHS) reveal that the Couple Protection

Rate (CPR), which was 37 percent in 1981, almost doubled in 1992 (72.2

percent) and that the current rate is 64 percent. Among the districts in

Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram reported the highest CPR with 8 1 pcrcent and

Palakkad the lowest with 43.1 1 percent. The relative contribution of the

two principal proximate determinants also underwent a major change. In

the beginning, much of the fertility decline was caused by the increase in

age of marriage, but in the 1980s and 1990s fertility declines were caused

more (80-90 per cent of the total decline) by the family planning

programmes than through the irlcrcasc in the age of marriage.

In the beginning family planning in Kerala was virtually a

sterilization programme with vasectomy, but after 1973 tubectomy became

more common. In recent years, there has been a slight upward trend in the

proportion of couples who resort to temporary methods of family planning.

More than 30 per cent of the sterilization operations in Kerala were done in

private hospitals, indicating that in Kerala, private hospitals and clinics

played an important role in the implementation of family planning

programme.

I ? The conscious effort of couples to regulalc Ihe nu~rlher ni~d spacing of birlhs Ihroupli artificial natural methods of contraception. Family planning connotes conception conlrol to avoid pregnancy abortion, but i t also includcs crrorts of couples to induce pregnancy.

Table: 3.13

Couple Protection Ratio by District in Kerala, 1981-1999

Districts 1981 2990 1992 1999

Kassaragod

Kannur

Wayanad

Kozhikode

Malappuram

Palakkad

Trissur

Enlakulam

ldukki

Kottayam

Alappuzha

Pathanamthi tta

Kollr-lm

Thiruvananthapurnm

Kerala 36.8 60.9

Source: Direclorate of Health Services, Thiruvanan~hapura~n.

3.5.6 Nuptiality

~ u ~ t i a l i t ~ " plays an important role in determining fertility.

Nuptialily is the ratio of the number of married wolncn to Ihe total number

of population. It is a major determinant of fertility. Evcn Mslthus (1798),

recommended lhal delayed marriage as a preventive measure for

I i The [nost basic rare4 cuprc\s thc nurnber uf ~nnrriages per lhou\and ~,opulatinn, or lhc nullher of people per thousand rrlarrying in n p b e n year.

137

controlling the growth of population. The age of marriage was not uniform

across different regions. It varied even within societies in the same area

(Zachariah and Ra.jan, 1997). If measures are taken to raise the age of

marriage among all sections of the society in Kerala, Zero Population

Growth (ZPG) can easily be achieved before 2020. However, this is not to

be achieved by the imposition of any coercive policies but through the

creation of awareness among people belong to the lower strata of the

society where the age of marriage still remains comparatively low

(Krishnakumari and Moli, 1997).

Kerala has always maintained a relatively higher age of marriage.

Even though. the age for marriage of girls in Kerala was about 15-16 years

In 1947, it was higher compared to that in the other States of India. By

1997, the mean age of marriage for girls increased to about 22-23 ycars,

which affected the fertility rate of women in the 15-24 age group very

significantly. According to the 1991 cenqus, the proportion of ~narried

women in thc 15-24 age group was 34 per cent compared to 51 percent in

1951. Other things being equal, this 17 percentage point dccline in the

number of married women in the 15-25 age group made a similar

contribution to the fertility decline during the period. Age of maniage of

women differed very significantly according to the socio-economic

characteristics of the woman and her husband. Education was the principal

differentiating factor. The more a woman was educated the higher was her

age at marriage. At present, the interval between the age of puberty and the

age of marriage is about 10 years in Kerala. Thirty years ago, the intcrval

was only about 3 years. As marriages began to be delayed more and more,

the interval also got extended. Such extension had its positive effect on

fertility reduction and the girl's educational attainments. But in many

families in Kerala, the waiting period tended to be too long, bringing with

it many social and psychological problems (Zachariah, 1998).

factors like literacy, family income, religion, work participation,

, percentage of population residing at rural or urban areas labour force in . .

y-iculture and sex ratio of the general population. Any change in the

above said factors changed the age of marriage. Workrrlg women with a

higher educational level usually had higher mean age at marriage while the

uneducated employed women had a low age at m'miage. A study carried

out by Goyal (1988) among the various districts of western India

substantiated these points.

Table 3.14

Mean Age at Marriage Among Females in Kerala, 1901-2001

Source: Con~plied from Zachariah and lrudya Rajan (1997) and Census 200 1

I

Year

1901

' 1911

1921

1931

194 1

1951

196 1

1971

198 1

199 1

200 1

Male

23.2

23.8

23.3

25.6

25.6

26.3

26.6

27 .O

27.5

27,9

28.7

Female

17.1

17.3

17.8

19.6

19.3

19.8

20.2

21.3

22.1

22.6

22.7

Difference

6.1

6.5

5.5

6.0

6.3

6.5

6.4

5.7

5.4

5.3

6.0

Table 3.14 reveals that the age of marriage of women in Kerala was

always higher than that of India even at the turn of this century. Between

1901 and 1951, the increase in the age of marriage for males and females

was 3.1 and 2.7 years respectively. However, over the last 40 years, the

increase in the age of marriage was not impressive for males (1.6 years),

but it continued to increase for females (2.5 years). The increase in the age

of marriage among males and females during 1901-1 99 1 was 4.7 and 5.2

years respectively.

Among the districts in Kerala, the highest female age of m.arriage

for females was found in Ernakulam, Kottayam and Alappuzha districts,

and the lowest in Malappuram as per the 1991 census. According to the

1991 census, only 0.28 percent of males and 3.23 percent of females

married before they complete 20 years of age. However, there were some

variations among districts. The highest proportion of married females

below 20 years of age was found in the district of Malappuram (7.23

percent) and the lowest was observed in the district of Kottayam (0.88

percent). During the last 40 years the proportion of females marrying

below 20 years was on the decline (Zachariah and Rajan1997).

Chart 3.6 Mean Age at Marriage for Kerala

districts. This trend is shown in Table 3.15. The highest increase during

1931-1981 was noticed in Kvttayam whereas in 198 1-1991 the highest

/ increase was in Ernnkularn. Thc higllcst age of marriage for females was

found in the district of Ernakulanl (23.73) and the lowest in the district of

Malappuram (20.49). From the trends in the agc of nlrtrriage, i t can be said

that age of marriage of males and females in all the districts of Kerala was

higher than the minimum level prescribed by the Indian law.

Source: Complied fro~n Zachariah and Raji:m ( 1 997); and WHS-I1

Table 3.15 Trends in Age at Marriage in Kerala, 1971-1991

According to Zichariah and Rajan, who based their study on other

r

District

Kerala

Kassorgod

Kannur

Wayanad

Kozhikode -

Malappuram

Palakkad

surveys including the Kerala Fertility Survey and the NFHS-I and NFHS-

Male I Female

1971 -~

26.30

27.43

-

26.51

24.85

21.14

22.13

2 1.87

23.07 --

23.09

-

22.35

22.59

1981

27.20

-

25.87

25.05

27.01

25.3 1

28.39

28.68

26.87

28-13

28.21

27-42

27.90

27.75

27.49

27.84

25.90

27.43

27.83

-

27.37

27.84

Trissur

Ernakul am

Idu kki

22.70

23.78

22.80

21.68

23.40

22.90

22.72

22.76

1981

21.90

-

21.03

20.37

20.62

19.34

27.19

27.09

-

22.4

23.7

23.0

24.4

22.9

23.2

22.2

22.6 --

29.67

1391

27.90

28.41

28 78

26.33

27 91

25.78

26 08 ---

29.1

28.5

25.8

28.2

28.1

27.6 -

25.2

28.0

1991 -

22.30

21.68

22.43

2 1.48

21.42

20.49

27.50 26.71

21.87

22.08

-

21.88

22.15

-

22.47

21 $5

Kottayam I 26.31 I

NE'HS-XI

22.7

20.6

20.8

20.5

20.6

.- 18.7

21.77

L

NFWS-U

Alappu~ ha

20.9 P

1971

27.3

27.24

20.31

l~athanamthilta 1 26.36 CII--

Kol lam -

27.81

Trivandrum 26.30 -

28.7 20,80

27.6

28.4

25.6

26.7

24.7

i - -

19.98

-

19.61

18.7 1

11, though the age at first marriage among Kerala females was high

compared to that among the females al l over Indin, the differentials were

large. There was a five-year difference in the age of rnarriagc between

illiterate women and those who completed high school education. Also the

difference between Muslin1 and Christian women was five years.

A major reason for fertility decline since 1970s was the high mean

age of marriage. According to Kerala Fc.rtility Survey, an increase in age at

marriage contributed 20 per cent to the total fertility reduction in

Ernak~llam, whereas in Palakkad and Malappuram, the increase of the age

of marriage contributed only 10 per cent for the fertility decline. While

explaining the differentials on the klge of female nlarriage, it is found that

fcmale literacy influenced the age uf female marriage to a substantial

extent (.Zachariah, 1 984).

Table 3,16 Median Age at Marriage among Females by Socio-economic

- Differentials in Kexala, 1992-93 - and 1998-99 Age at Marriage

Urban 1 20.3 I 21.7

Socioeconomic Charaeteristies 1 1992-93

Residence

1998-99

Literate and below middle complete 1 18.6 1 18.8

Rural

Education Illiterate

Middle school complete 1 20.5 1 20.2

19.6

18.2

19.9

18.1

High school and above - Religion and Caste Hindu Muslim

ST 1 18.7

23.6 - .

20.4 16.7

-

22.7

21.2 17.7

Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11

Thc results of the First National Family Health Survey. (NFHS-

1992-93), indicate that fertility control programmes were successful in the

case of all socio-economic groups in Kerala. Differentials by religion were

[he largest and narrowed the least. Muslims had the highest current and

cohort fertility of any group. Muslim fertility was higher than that of

Hindus and Christians by more than one child per family Table 3.17. The

Second NFHS also revealed that the total fertility rate (TFR) for Kerala

was 1.96 in 1998-99 and the sane differentials existed among different

socio-economic characteristics of the population. (International Institute for

Population Sciences, 2000)

Table 3.17

Source: NFHS, 1992-93: 1998-99

Fertility by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-I, NFHS-I1

According to the Second NFHS-11, fifty-five percent of household

heads in Kcrala were Hindus, 26 percent were Muslims, and 19 percent

Religion

were Christians. Muslims constituted only 16 percent of the urban

households and 29 percent of rural households.

TFR

The number of children that a woman will have in her lifetime is

Mean Number of Children Ever Born to Women

Aged 40-49

Hindu

Muslim

Christian

dependent on the age at which marriage is consummated. NFHS-I1

1.66

2.97

1.78

1.64

2.46

1.88

3.19

5.33

3.28

2.58

4.26

2.64

measured the age of the first cohabitation as a proxy for the age of

consummation of marriage. Although in some States (in India) cohabitation

usually did not follow the formal marriage, in Kerala, there was only a

negligible difference between the age of the first marriagc and age at the

first cohabitation with husband for all age groups. Ages of marriage,

cohabitation, and consumn~ation of marriage were all likely to coincidc for

the vast majorily of womcn in Kerala. In Kerala, the mcdian age of first

cohabitation with the husband was 20.3 years for women age 25 - 49. The

median age was highcr by about one year (21 years) for womcn age 25 - 29

than for the women of older age group (20 years).

The median age at first cohabitation rose sharply with women's

level of education from 18 years among illiterate women to 23 years

among women who completed at least the high school cducation. 'The

median was higher for Christian women (23 years) than for Muslim (18

years) or Hindu (21 years) women. It was lower by about one year for

women from the scheduled castes and other backward classes. The median

age at first cohabitation was also higher among the womcn from

households with a higher standard of living, compared with the women

from households with a low or medium standard of living.

3.5.7 Marriage squeeze

Rapidly declining fertility rate had its effect on the parity between

the number of femalcs and the number of males in the marriage-age

groups. As females married at relatively younger ages than males, the

number of females in the marriage market usually exceedcd the number of

eligible males. However, the situation changed considerably when fertility

declined rapidly as it occurred.in Kerala during the last two decades. The

effect of such a fertility decline was felt initially in the number of females

in the usual ages of marriagc. As males normally got married at highcr

ages, the effect of a fertility decline on the size of their age group was felt

only 5-6 years later. In Kerala, most females got irlarried when they wcre in

the age group 20-24 years and most males got married when they were in the

25-29 age group. The difference betwcen the number of fenlales and males

in these age groups was the measure of the marriage squceze in the State

Table 3.18

Population of Marriageable Age in Kerala, 1961-2001

Females in the age group 20-24 years always outnumbered the

1961

t 197 1

C

1 198 1

199 1

200 1

males in the age group 25-29 years. The excess was as much as 20 per cent

in 1961 which increased to 34 per ccnt in 1971, greatly increasing the

marriage squeeze. Froin that time on it declined with the result that the

Source: Complied frcltn Zachariah and Rajan (1997); Census 2001 . . . . .

755,227 -

1,012,032

1,364,026

1,634,240

1,448,101

females in Kerala had a much wider choice in finding suitable grooms than

they ever had in the past. The number of females in lhe 20-24 year age

group became more or less the same as the number of males in the 25-29

604,244

year age group in 200 1. This was a welcome consequence of the fertility

decline during the last two decades (Rajan and Zachariah, 1998).

150,983 19.99 1 347,667 34.35

1,005,88 1 358,145 26.26

1,263,540 1 370,700

1,377,9 10 70,191 4.85 1

3.5.8 Migration

As already pointed out, the educational development created an

imbalance of educatcd people and eniploynient opportunities. Migration to

the other parts of India, where thcre wcre more employment opportunities

and to other countries, where therc were better job opportunities, was one

of the necessary solutions for the crisis.

The oil boom of the 1970s in the Gulf Countries brought about a

new chapter in the history of migration from the State. Large number of

migrants from India and especially from Kcrala began to move to the Gulf

countries. Around 1975, the estimated number of migrants from India in

the Gulf countries was 150,000, majority of whom were from Kerala. A

study conducted by the Kerala Government placed the total emigrants and

out-migrants from Kerala at 680,000 of whom 301,000 were in Gr~lf

countries. According to Zachariah and others, about 10 per ccnt of the

Kerala families had one or more migrants in the Gulf countries by 1990s

(Zachariah et al. 1994). Migration from Kerala was never a very significant

component of population growth in the State. The ~naximum effect was in

the decade 1981-91 when net migration rate was 0.30 per cent compared

with a natural increase rate of 1.63 per cent per year. In Kerala, migration

must have contributed more to the alleviation poverty than to any other

socio-economic factor including agrarian reforms, trade union activities

and social welfare legislation (Zachariah, Mathew and Inldaya Raj an,

2003)

3.6 Fertility Trend

The fertility showed a significant declining trend in Kerala

particularly after the 1970s. According to the surveys the Total Fertility

Rate declined from 5.8 to I .7 by 199 1 and then stabilized at that point.

However, at the all India level the TFR was still higher than the

replacement level of 2 children per womcn. There was a decline in thc

crude birth rate (CBR) from 29.3 in 197 1-75 to 17.8 in 1990-93.The

fertility rate declined continuously in both in thc rural and urban areas.

Reliable data on fertility trends of Kerala are available only since the

in~roduc tion of SRS . However, several authors made estinlates on fertiliiy

using available census data of the different periods. Table 3.19 gives the

estimates of some fertility incasures for Kerala and India from 195 1-2001

Table: 3.19

Estimates of CBR and TFR in Kerala and India, 1951-2001

Source: Bhat, 1987, 1996; Guli~noto and Rajan (2005); SRS: NFHS-11.

Decade

195 1-61

1961-7 1

1971-81

1981-91

1991-01

SRS (1998-99)

NFHS (1998-1999)

According to the figures presented in the table, the Crude Birth

Rate, (CBR) in Kerala came down from 44 per 1000 in 195 1-6 1 to 17.1 per

1000 in 199 1-2001. Thc Total Fertility ate'^, (TFR) declined from 5.6

I4 The average nuinber of children that would ht: horn LO a woman (or group OF women), during hcr lire time if she were to pass through her chiidhcuring years conforming to the age specific rcrlility ralcs of a giben year. This rare is son~t: statcd us the numbers of childrcn wornen are having today.

Crude Birth Rate Total Fertility Rate

Kerala

43.9

37.1

28.1

20.3

17.1

18.3

18.6

Kerala

5.6

5 .0

3.4

2.0

1.7

1.8

2.0

India

47.1

33.0

37.2

3 1.6

25.9

26.5

24.8

India

6.3

6.0

5.2

4.6

3.3

3.2

2.9

births in 1951-61 to 2.3 in 1986 and 1.7 in 1991-2001. Even in 1951-61,

Kerala had a lower fertility rate than the all-India average. The difference

.was about 3 per 1000 in the CBR and 0.7 births per woman in the TFR. As

'fertility declined faster in Kerala, the gap between the two (CBR and TFR)

increased, and in 197 1-8 1 it was as much as 1 1 per 1000 in the CBR and 2

births per woman in the TFR. The sinall difference in fertility between

Kerala and the all India average during 195 1-61 was due to the higher age

of marriage among Kerala women. However, the large difference in

fertility levels seen in the table came about mainly because of the greater

use of contraception in Kerala. There was some decline in fertility in

Kerala between 195 1-6 1 and 196 1-7 I , and it was falling very rapidly after

196 1 -7 1 (Guilmoto and Rajan, 2005).

Chart 3.7

Crude Birth Rate, Kerala and India, 1951-2001

Chart 3.8

Total Fertility Rate, Kerala and India, 1951-2001

The Child-Woman ~ a t i o ' ~ , (CWR), computable from age

pstribution in the census was helpful to understand the time of the onset of

apid fall in fertility. The CWR calculated from the censuses for Kerala as

whole (for the Southern and Northern parts of Kerala) is shown in Table

.20. Two kinds of ratios are presented, one obtained by dividing the

population of ages 0-4 by the number of women in the age interval 15-49

FCWRI), and the other by dividing the population of ages 5-9 by the

bumber of women in the age interval 20-55 (CWk). The former ratio

brovided information on the level of fertility in the last 5 years preceding

the census, while the latter ratio gave the same information for the 5-9

years preceding the census.

IS 'Tl~e number of children urlder age 5 per 1000 women in the agc groups 15-44 or 15-49 in a population in given year. This cnlde fertility measure, based on basic census data, is some times used when more basic fertility information is not available.

I

Table 3.20

Changes in CWRs in Kerala, 1951-2001

Source: Gulirnoto and Rajan 2005. Note: Southern Kerala comprising Thiruvanmthapuram. Kollnrn Alnppuzba. Kottayam, Idukki, Emakulam and Trissur districts in 188 1 and Pathananthit ta, in 1991 .Nourthem Kenla comprising Kannu r, Waymiid, Kozhikode, Malappuram and Palakkad districts in 198 1

Year

Kerala had one of the highest inaritaI fertility in the country before

family planning became popular in the State. However, because of the

higher age of marriage and the relatively low proportion of married women

in the young reproductive ages, the actual fertility rate (TFR) of women in

Kerala was not very high, between 5.6 and 6.0 in 1947. Fertility transition

in Kerala took almost a generation to reach a level significantly below the

Southern Kerala*

CI'R, 1-4

CWR

1951

1961

197 1

198 1

1991

200 1

% Change

Northern Kerala** Kerala

CWR

559

638

550

406

330

276

CWK % Change

CWR, 5-9

% Change

- -

14

- 14

-26

- 19

- 16

- -

37

4

-1 I

-44

-49

195 1

1961

1971

1981

199 1

2001

590

647

526

360

252

180

544

698

666

524

403

3 10

- -

10

-19

-32

-30

-28

--

2 8

-5

-2 1

-23

-24

50 1

622

59 1

482

290

200

- -

24

-5

-1 8

-40

-45

576

722

656

475

270

150

- -

2 5

- 9

-28

-43

-44

48 1

657

682

605

339

1 69

replacement level. This made the fertility transition in Kerala a unique

event in the demographic history of the sub-continent.

An important feature of the demographic transition in Kerala is that

the rate of decline in fertility was relatively constant after 1970. According

to the two studies conducted by Zachariah at an interval of ten years, the

rate of fertility decline in the districts under survey had remained more or

less constant over time and across the regions (Zachariah, 1984 and

Zachariah et al. 1993). The official State level data indicated a 25 per cent

decline in both the decades; 1971-80 and 1981-90 confirming the

constancy of the decline. This is perhaps an indication that a major factor

in the fertility decline was the family planning programme, which was

implemented uniformly across the State during 1970s and 1980s.

Kerala's land reform and other redistribution policies played a major

role in peoples making an option for a small family. Cohort of women who

got married after the implementation of land reform and intensification of

the family planning programme in Kerala had a distinctly lower fertility

level than women who were married before that period, (Zachaiah, 1984).

This could be taken as an indication of the major role which land reforms

and family planning programmes played in the fertility transition in the

State. In an analysis of the impact of land reforms on fertility using the

World Bank Fertility Study data Zachariah (1983) concluded that the

amount of land owned hy a household or the amount of land a household

gained or lost through the land reforms had very little association with the

fertility level of women in the household. Nevertheless, Zachariah

maintained that it was premature at that time to conclude that the land

reforms had no effect on fertility decline in Kerala. According to him, land

reforms had indirect influence on fertility by shaping family habits, the

value system, etc.",

In the beginning, when fertility rates were determined by biological

factors, the significance of socio-economic differentials was not seriously

taken; the fertility rate differences were explained by health related factors.

Considerable differentials emerged not in the fertility level and in the rate

of decline in fertility. The large decline arxlong the iniddle level socio-

economic groups was a reflection of' the differentials in the acceptance of

sterilization as a family planning method, By early 1990s, when fertility

level had reached near replacement level, socio-economic differentials in

most of the southern districts of Kerala had practically disappeared. This

might be taken as an indication of the universal acceptance of family

planning in these districts.

3.7 Trends in Mortality

Kerala's advantage in mortality position over India is not a recent

phenomenon. Because of the favorable climatic conditions, food

availability, settlement pattern, etc., living conditions in Kerala were

always better than those in the other parts of India. Death rate of Kerala

declined from about 25 deaths per 1 000 persons in 1947 to abo~it 6 deaths

per 1000 persons in 1997.The infant mortality rate (IMR) decreased from

over 150 in 1947 to about 13 infant deaths per 1000 births in 2001

compared to 72 for the whole of India. Reliable data on nlortality and

fertility trends of Kerala were available only after the introduction of the

Sample Registration S ys tem (SRS) in the late 1960s. Available estimates

16 People who gained a small plot of land under the land reform schemes modified thcir ramily building habits. A more fundamental change i n the desircd family sizc has come about through a change in the value system of the society. The place of land as cconomic asset was rcplaccd by acquired attributes such as education and heallh. This basic change in [he value system has had a deeper and more lasting impact on the demand Ibr rcrtilily control than has the physical redistribution of land brought about by the land reforms. In [his rcspect, land reform played a. significant role in the diffusion of birth control ideas nmonp Lhe population of Kerala.

show that, the crude death rate (CDR) in Kerala hovered around six during

the last decade and the infant mortality rate (IMR) declined marginally

from 16 per thousand live births in 1991 to 10 per thousand in 2002. In

2002 the life expectancy at birth in Kerala was 68 years for males and 74

years for females with a gender gap of six years in favour of females. One

of the strongest determinants of infant and child mortality in Kerala was

the educational level above four years of schooling of the mother.

3.8 District-wise Population Profile in Kerala According tu Religious Affiliation

In Kerala, fertility was higher among the Muslims compared to the

Hindus and the Christians and it remained so in spite of an overall low

fertility in the State. There was an increase in the growth rate of the three

religious groups during 1960s. Thereafter the growth rate showed a

declining trend for all the three groups, though the growth rate was

comparatively higher for the Muslims than for the Hindus and the

Christians, Tables3.21 - 3.25.

Table 3.21 Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1961

Source: census India, 196 1 .

Districts

Kerala

Kannur

Kozhikode

Palakkad

Trissur

Ernakulain

Koltayam

Alappuzha

Kollam

Trivandru m

Hindu

6037

69.5 3

63.60

75.55

62.89

46.15

48.93

65.40

64.16

7 1 -49

Muslim

17.91

23.5 3

30.52

22.55

12.64

1 1.26

03.83

06.08

1 1.57

10.79

Chris tian

21.22

06.94

05.88

01.90

24.47

42.66

47.24

28.52

24.27

17.72

According to the 197 1 census, Malappuram had the highest number

of Muslims among the districts, and the lowest number of Hindus and

Christians. The other district with a special demographic characteristic was

Kottayam, with the lowest number of Muslims and the highest number of

Christians. The largest and lowest of Hindu population was recorded in

Palakkad and Malappuram districts respectively

Table 3.22

Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1971

Districts

Kerala

Kannur

Kozhikode

Malappuram

1 Ernakulam 1 46.12 I 12.34 1 41.54 (

Hindu 1 Muslim

59.45 1 19.50 2 1.05 pp

I Christian 1

66.26

62.22

34.07

02.70

25.18

While there was an increase in Muslim population from 19.50

percent to 21.25 percent during 1981-91, Hindu and Christian population

had decreased from 59.45 to 58.18 and 21.05 to 20.56 respectively. The

highest percentage of Hindus was in Palakkad district (73.12), Christians in

24.34 09.40

2 1.27 --

13.69

Palakkad 76.03

I

Trissur

46.94

27.63

- 7

Kottayam

Alappuzha

30.63

61.13

Kollam

Thiruvananthapuralr

Source: census India, 197 1

07.16

- -

48.64 1 04.42

63.94 1 01.99

65.51 06.85

Kottayam (47.50) and Muslims in Malappuram (65.50). Persons belonging

lo other religions and persuasions are negligible

Table 3.23

Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1981

1 Districts I Hindu I Muslim I Christian

1 Kerala

Kozhikode 61.25 33.95 04.80

Malappuram 32.12 65.50 02.38

Kannur

Wayanad

1 Kottayam 1 47.54 1 04.96 47.50 1

64.76

50.97

Palakkad

Trissur

1 Alappuzha 1 65.52 1 07.45 1 27.03 1 1 Kollam 1 63.33 1 14.02 1 22.65 1

25.69

24.57

73.12

60.02

09.55

24.46

As per the census 1981, among Lhe Lhree major religions, Hinduism

is the most dominant religion in h e State that claims 58.18 percent of the

total population. Hindus are dominant in all the districts expect

Malappuram. In ~ a l a ~ p u r a m district Muslims take the first place with

65.50 percent. Numhcr of Muslims in Kannur, Wayanad. Kozhikode and

23.13

14.89

Trivandrum

03.75

25.10

Source: census India, 1981

69.80 12.50 17.70 1

Palakkad comes next to that of the Hindus while Christianity has the

second place in population i n all southern districts from Trissur to

Thiruvananthapuram.

Table 3.24

Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1991

Source: census India, 1991

Kottayam

Pathanamthitta

Alappuzha

Kollam

Trivandnlm

48.81

55.60

69.03

65.36

69.92

05.35

04.03

09.27

17.65

12.82

45.84

40.36

21.70

17.00

17.27

According to 1991 census, Hindus accounted for 57.35 percent of

the total population of the State. Muslims were the second largest religious

community with 23.37 percent and the Christians the third important

religious community with 19,32 percent. Palakkad recorded the highest

percentage of Hindus (70.36 percent), followed by Thimvananthapurnm

169.92) and Alappuzha (69.03). Among the 14 districts, the highest

proportion of Muslims was recorded in Malappuraiu with 67.38 percent.

Christians, the third important religious community, accounted for 19.32

percent of the State's population. Their percentage share was the highest in

Kottayam district (45.84 perccnt), followed by Ernakulam district (42.24

percent). The lowest percentage share of Christian population was noticed

in Malappuram with 2.33 percent, which is below the national average of

2.34 percent.

3,9 Religious Fertility Differentials in Kernla

Religious differentials in fertility have been empirically docunlented

in 14 districts of Kerala. According to 2001 census there was a decrease in

the proportion of Hindu and Christian population from 57.35 percent and

19.32 percent to 56.1 1 and to 19.02 percent respectively. At the same time

Muslim population increased by 1.36 point, that is, from 23.33 percent to

24.69 percent. Muslim population increased in all districts of Kerala during

1991-2001. W i l e the other two religious communities showed a declining

trend in their growth. Malappuram district had a population that was 68.53

percent Muslims as against 24.69 percent Muslim popualion for Kerala

State. Similarly, in 2001 Kerala had a population of 56.1 1 percent Hindus

as against 24.69 percent Muslims and 19.02 percent Christians.

Table 3.25

Population of Kerala by Religion, 2001

Source: Census Tndia 200 1

Table: 3.26

Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 2001

Hindu

Muslim

Christian

Tolnl

1 Districts 1 Hindu I Muslim I Christian I

All religions

17883449

7863842

6057427

31841374

Male

8690473

377637 1

298 1 790

15468614

1 Kerala 1 56.1 1 I 24.69 1 19.02 1

Female

9 192976

408747 1

3075637

16372760

1 Kannur I 61.46 1 27.63 ~ 10.08 1 Kasargod

I Wayanad I 50.23 1 26.87 1 22.48 1 I Kozhikode I 57.97 1 37.46 1 04.42 1

58.85

I Malappuram I 29.16 1 68.53 1 02.24 1

34.30

Idukki I 50.18 1 07.19 1 42.57 I

07.05

Palakkad

Tris sur

Kottayarn I 49.31 1 05.97 1 44.60 1 Pathanarnthitta I 56.28 1 04.57 1 39.02 1

68.87

59.42

KO 1 lam 1 65.18 I 18.33 1 16.39 1

26.88

16.43

Alappuzha

04.17

24.21

69.08

Trivandrum

09.86

Source: census India, 2001

68.08

20.93

13.34 I

18.4 1

I

[ Table: 3. 27

Decadal Change in Population by Religion in Kerala, 1961-2001

i

Hindu 60.87

Muslim 17.91

Source: Joshi, Census India 2001

Christian

Chart: 3.9

Decadal Change in Population by Religion, KeraIa, 1961-2001

Year

59.45

19.50

l o b 0 C L 1950 1960 t 970 1980 1990 2000 2010

-- -- -

Muslim Christian 1 -- --

2 1.22

2001 1981 1961

58.18

21.25

1991 1971

21.05

57.35

23.33

56.1 1

24.69

20.56 19.32 19.02

Table: 3.28

Estimates Fertility by Religion in Kerala from Selected Sourccs

~ Source

SRS 1979 TFR

TMFR

Rural

Urban GFR

Reference Period

1981 Census TFR

TMFR

Rural

Urban

GFR

Religion

Hindu I Muslim I Christian

SRS 1984 TFR

TMFR Rural

Urban

GFR

1991 Census TFR

TMFR

Rural

Urban

GFR

NFHS-I TFR

NFHS-I1 TFR

Source: Alagarajan, (2000), NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1

I, Fertility es lilnates from different sources show that Muslim fertility

was a'ways been higher than Hindu fertility in India. In Kerala Muslin

fertility was substantially higher than thc Hindu and Christian fertility,

Table 3.28. The TFR shows a difference of more than one child between

Hindus and Muslims, while Christian fertility is nearly the same as Hindu

fertility. SRS 1979 data shows that Muslim fertility in Kerala was

substantially highcr, by 65 per cent more than Hindus fertility, whereas

fcrtility diffcrentials wcrc negligible between Hindus and Christians.

Estimates of 1981 Ccnsus showed that the Muslin1 fertility was over 60

percent higher than that of the Hindu\

TFR for both Hindus and Chr-istinns was just above 2, whereas this

was well above 3 among Muslims. 'l'he I984 SRS also shawecl higher

fertility Sor ~ u s l i n ~ s . Estirnales from 199 1 and 2001 Census showed hiyhcr

fertility for hluslims. NFHS-I and NFHS- I1 estimated Muslim fertility to

be higher than Hindu ancl Christian I'ei-tility. Thus, it can be said that, all

the estilnates confirrlled [hat Muslim lkrtility was substantially highcr than

the Hindu nr~d Christian Sertili ty in Kerala-

3.10 Determinants of Regional Differences in Fertility

Regional differences in fertilily wilhin the State were not providecl

by SRS or NFHS, Howevcr, some other exlensive surveys did provide

regional differences in fertility within the State. The Kerala Fertility

Survey, (1992) showed that within the districts there were regional

differentials in fertility among the difl'eretit religious groups in Kerala,

(Zachxiah et al, 1994). It is clear from thc survey analysis that Musliin

fertility was high in each sa~uple districts of Ernakulam, Palakkad and

Malappuran~. Table 3.29.

There arc various factors that caused thc differeniials in fertility

among the religious groups in Kcrala. Naiional Family Hcalth Surveys

I

provided the data regarding the proxiinate determinants of fertilit)

differentials. These included mean age of marriage, mean number ol

children ever born to women 40-49, median age at the first birth, ideal tota

pumber of children, percentage of women who wanted to st01

childbearir~g. the length of postpartum arnmenorrhoea and the use o-

contraceptives.

Table: 3.29

Fertility Differentials by Religion in Kerala 1991 I

I

I Districts

i Ernakulam Palakkad Malappuram

Mean Children Ever Born to Women age 45-49

Nairs 2.91 3.92 3.40

Ezhavas 3.76 4.10 3 -22

Scheduled Castes 3 -22 5.92 4.24

Christians 4.15 2.50 4.00

Muslims 5.29 6.3 1 6.30

Others 3.70 4.50 4.73

General Fertility Rate (1986-91)

Nairs 90 109 139

Ezhavas 96 112 77

Scheduled Castes 99 136 133

Christians 102 67 120

Muslilns 115 15 3 16 1

0 thers 93 107 93

Source: Zachariah et a]., (1994).

Both surveys NFHS-I and NFHS-IT showed that the age at rnarriagc

was higher for Christian women compared to Hindu and Muslim. Howeve

the Christian Hindu difference was negligible and the Hindu Muslim

difference is large, Table 3.30. The desired family size was an indicator of

the future expected fertility. The proportion of women who wanted to stop

childbearing was the lowest for Muslims compared to other religious

groups. While NFHS-11 showed an increase in the proportion women who

wanted to stop childbearing among all the religious communities and the

highest percentage increase was among the Muslims.

The data from NFHS-I showed that the mean number of children

ever born for women of age 40-44 was highest among Muslims (5.33)

followed by Hindus (3.19) and Christians (3.25). During 1998-99 the

mean number of children ever born decreased for Muslims (4.26) Hindus

(2.58) and Christians (2.64). At the time of the survey the responrlents

were asked to state the ideal number of children for a family. A birth was

considered unwanted if the number of living children at the time of

conception was greater than or equal to the ideal number of children

reported by the respondent at the time of the survey. The intensity of

unwanted fertility can he measured by comparing the total wanted fertility

rate with the total fertility rate (TFR)'~. The total wanted fertility rate of

1.81 in Kerala was lower by 0.15 children compared to the total fertility

rate of 1.96 (NFHS-11).

Both surveys NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1 showed that the use of

contraceptive was more prevalent among Hindus and Christians than

among Muslims in Kerala, Table 3.31. The use of most contraceptive

methods was lower among Muslims than among women of the other

~ l ig ions . Muslim woinen particularly did not use sterilization as the

Hindu or Christian women. Muslim women had higher unmet need for

'' The total wanlcd Fertility rate teprcscnls the level of fertility [hat lheoreticnlly would resull if all unwanted birlhs were prevented.

family planning than Christian and Hindu women. The pcrcentage of total

demands satisfied was higher for the Hirldu and Christian women than fbr

the Muslim women.

Table: 3.31)

Determinants of Fertility Differentials by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1

Religion

NFHS Hindu Muslim Christian -

Total Wanted Fertility

Mean Children Ever Born Age (40-49)

Median Age at Marriage Women Age (25-49)

2 1.2 (20.4) 17.7 (16.7) 22.6 (2 1 .X)

Median Age at First Birth Women Age (25-49)

Percentage of Women Who Want No More Children (currently

married women)

Mean Ideal Number of Children (ever married women)

Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11. Data from NFHS-I*- Bracketed Figures

Table: 3.31

Percent of Currently Married Women Using Contraception, Clnmet need and Need Satisfaction by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-I and NFHS-I1

Religion

NFHS-I

Any Any Modern

Method Method

Hindu / 72.5 1 63.6 1 57.2

Muslitn

Christian

1 89.9

All

Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11.

Female

Sterilisation

37.8

7 1.7

Hindu

Muslim

Christian

All

Fertility differentials among the religious groups in India, especially

between the Hindus and the Muslims, were well recognized. This could be

explained in terms of both differentials by religion and dil'lerentials in

spatial distribution. In Kerala, where there has been substantial population

of the three religions, namely, Hindu, Muslim and Christian religions, the

estimates of religious fertility differentials indicate that the Muslin fertility

was always higher than the Hindu and Christian fertility. SRS and NFHS

data also showed the same. The all lndia picture showed that Christian

fertility was much lower than Hindu fertility. But, in Kerala fertility

differentials between the.Hindus and the Christians is nominal.

NFHS-I1

63.3

Unmet Need

32.0

58.6

71.6

47.2

7 1.5

63.7

Need Satisfaction

54.4

27.6

51.0

48.3

64.5

41.1

59.2

56.1

63.5

89.7

55.3

36.2

51.6

48.5

9.2

16.6

10.3

11.7

88.8

74.0

87.4

84.4

3.11 Conclusion

This chapter presents the levels and trends of fertility according

to religious affiliation in India and in the State of Kerala in particular.

The data from various census reports and the two National Family

Health Surveys showed that IIindus were the significant majority in all

the States except in Jarnmu and Kashmir and Punjab, where Muslims

and Sikhs outnumbered the Hindus. Among the 14 major States, the

Christians wcre found in considerable percentage only in Kerala.

India, with a population of 1028.6 million in 2001 and TFR of

3.3, was one of the 13 countries in the core stage of the fertility

transition. In 1952, India became the Iirst country to launch a family

planning progratnme aimed at rcducing populalion growth, since then it

has provided direct support to family planning activities. In 1950s the

total fertility rate was 6.3 in India. After the onset of fertility decline in

1970, TFR declined from 5.4 births per woman during the period of

1970-1 975 to 3.3 in 1991-2001, about two children fewer per woman in

thrce decades.

There was a clear divide between the northern States and the

Southern States of India. Some States in the south, such as Kerala and

Tamil Nadu, already had TFRs below the replacement level, whereas

Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh in the North had

TFRs above 4 children per woman. This diversity could be a reason why

India's overall TFR was declining at a relatively slow pace. The

demographic information made available by the Indian Census of 1981,

1991, and 2001 showed that the Muslims had higher fertility than the

Hindus. Such differences persisted, mainly because the process of

demographic transition started earlicr for Hindus (Goyal, 1990).

Kerala has made a remarkable achievement in the demographic

transition within a short period of time after Independence. The crude

birth rate (CBR) was 44 per 1,000 population in 1951-61 and declined to

18 per 1,000 population in 1995-2000. Similarly, the crude death rate

(CDR) was 20 per 1,000 population in 1951-61, which declined to

around 6 per 1,000 population in 1995-2000. The total fertility rate

(TFR), which was 5.6 per wornan in the1950s, declined to 3.7 in the

1970s, and achieved the replacement level of fertility at the beginning of

the 1990s. But against the predictions of rrlany demographers in India

and abroad, Keraia's total fertility rare declined further to 1.7 by Lhe

year 1993, and remained the same for the last one decade.

Several factors were responsible for the unique demographic

transition in Kerala. Policies and programmes formulated at the national

as well as the State level played a major role in the demographic

transition in the State. Some of these policies and programmes,

especially those formulated at the national level, were implemented with

the specific objective of moderating fertility and mortality rates. Thcy

include the family planning programme, the maternal and child health

care programmes, the universal immunization programme, etc. Kerala

succeeded in imp1 ernenting these programmes effectively in the State.

In addition to the national level programmes many State level

programmes were formulated and implemented with social, economic and

pol; tical objectives. Their demographic effect was indirect and

unintentional. Nevertheless, their long-term demographic consequences

were far-reaching. Foremost among these programmes were Keralafs land

reform, other redistribution programmes and the universal literacy

programme. The socio-economic changes, especially the historic

achievements in the field of education and health, helped Kcrala to reduce

its fertility through the increase of marriage agc.

Religious differentials in fertility have been empirically

documented in k4 districts of Kerala. According to 2001 census, among

the three major religions Hinduism was the predominant religion with

56.11 percent of the total population of the State. Muslims were the

second larger religious community after the Hindus wilh 24.69 percent

of the total population and Christians the third large religious

comn~unity with 19.02 percent of the population. Among the three major

religions, Hindus were dominant in all the districts expect Malappuram

district. In Malappuram district Muslims had the first place with 68.53

percent of its population. In Kannur, Wayanad, Kozhikode and Palakkad

Muslims had the second place after the Hindus while Christianity had

the second place in all southem districts from Trissur to

Thiruvananthapuram.

According to the recent surveys, ihe highest percentage of Hindus

is in Palakkad district (68.87). the highest percentage of Christians in

Kottayam (44.60) and the highest percentage of Muslims in Malappuram

(68.53). The lowest percentage of Hindu, Muslim and Christian

populations was in Malappuram, (29.16), Pathanamthitta, (04.57), and

Malappuram (02.24) districts respectively. Persons belonging to other

religious persuasions are negligible.

Thus, there exist religious differentials in fertility in India as well

as in Kerala. But the pattern of Lhe religious differentials in fertility in

Kerala is different from that of India in general. Religious affiliation is

found to have a significant effect on fertility. The effect of religion on

fertility is generally con~plicated because of the simultaneous effects of

other variables that are difficult lo control adequately. In order to

ascertain properly the effect of religious affiliation on fertility

behaviour, a considerable body of data is required. The present study is

an attempt to analyse the various determinants of fertility dillerentials

among the religious groups in Kerala.

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174

INDEX

Age at Marriage: 138, 139, 139, 141,

142, 143, 165, 166, 173

Asha Krishnakumar: 173

Bajaj,J.K: 172

Bhat, P.N Mari: 125, 142, 172

Biological Factors: 153

Birth rate: 113, 114, 126, 136, 146,

147, 169

Buddhists: 119, 120, 123

Chaudhury, R.H:119, 171

Christian: 117, 118, 119, 120, 121,

122, 140, 141, 142, 153, 136, 163,

170

Cohabitation: 142, 143

Cohort: 141, 151

Contraception: 147, 151, 156, 166

Couple Protection Rate (CPR): 126,

134

Crude Birth Rate: 113, 145, 146, 152,

157

Crude Death Rate: 113, 114, 1563,

168

Death Rate: 113, 116, 126, 153, 156,

169

Demographic Transition: 169, 172, 174

Density of Population: 127, 128

Diffusion: 131

Dorothy Nortman: 171

Education: 115, 131, 135, 136, 141,

146, 169, 171, 172

Family Planning: 131, 133, 134, 151,

162, 165, 168, 171

Female Literacy: 114, 115, 140

Fertility: 141, 142, 144, 145, 146,

147, 148, 149, 451, 152, 154, 158,

163-173

Fertility Differentials: 115, 153, 163,

164, 166, 167, 176

Fertility Trend: 145, 146, 451

Gavin Jones: 171

Gopinathan Nair P.S: 173

Goyal, R.P: 137, 468, 171,

Hindu: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 142,

143, 153, 154, 156-172

James K. S: 172

Joshi, A.P: 154, 171

Kannan, K.P: 173

Kerala Model: 114

Kingsely Davis: 171

Krishnakumari, K: 136, 171

175

Krishnan, T.N: 151, 171

Land Reform: 151, 152, 161, 172

Levels: 109, 110, 115, 151, 165, 167,

171

Literacy Rate: 115, 130, 131, 133

Marriage Squeeze: 143, 144

Mathew E T: 145, 173

Mean age at Marriage: 136, 137, 138,

139, 140, 171

Median Age at Marriage: 140, 166

Migration: 123, 124, 126, 127, 130,

132, 134, 144, 145

Misra U.S: 173

Moli, G.K: 171

Muslim: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122,

141, 142, 154, 155-172

Nag, M: 115, 172

Nair, P.R.G: 115, 164, 171

Navaneethan K: 173

Need Satisfaction: 166, 167

NFHS: 139, 141, 142, 144, 146, 162-

167

Nuptiality: 112, 135

Oil Boom: 145

Population Growth: 168

Ractliffe, J: 172

Rajan S I: 115, 117, 124, 135,

137, 138, 139, 142, 144, 145, 146,

151, 156, 172, 174

Religion: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122,

142, 155, 156, 158

Sarma P.S: 172, 174

Sex ratio: 112 129, 130, 136

Shariff, Abusaleh: 122, 173

Sikhs: 168

Socio-Cultural Factors: 115

Srinivas, M.D: 171

Sterilisation: 167

Trends: 112 136, 139, 142, 152, 167,

171

Universal Literacy: 132, 169

Unmet Need: 165, 166, 167

Zachariah, K.C: 115, 124, 126,

135-139, 140, 144, 145, 149, 151,

164, 173

ZPG: 135