ce 073 417 falk, ian, ed.; penson, margaret, ed. … · philosophical enquiry" (fay forbes);...

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CE 073 417

Falk, Ian, Ed.; Penson, Margaret, Ed.Literacy, Adults and Diversity. Literacy & LearningSeries, No. 1.National Languages and Literacy Inst., Melbourne(Australia).ISBN-1-875578-61-796252p.

NLLIA Publications, Level 9, 300 Flinders Street,Melbourne, Victoria 3000, Australia.Viewpoints (Opinion/Position Papers, Essays, etc.)(120) Books (010)

MFO1 /PC11 Plus Postage.Adult Basic Education; Adult Learning; *AdultLiteracy; Adult Programs; Community Education;*Educational Needs; Educational Philosophy;*Educational Practices; Educational Research; ForeignCountries; *Functional Literacy; Government Role;Government School Relationship; InstitutionalCharacteristics; Knowledge Representation; LanguageAcquisition; *Literacy Education; Mathematics Skills;Power Structure; Program Development; ReadingDiagnosis; Student Evaluation; Unemployment;Workplace Literacy

IDENTIFIERS *Australia (Tasmania); Educational Kinesiology

ABSTRACTThis book contains eight papers reporting research

projects that were conducted by adult language, literacy, andnumeracy practitioners with funding provided through one-timescholarships to Tasmanian students in the field of adult language andliteracy. The following papers are included: "Foreword" (Ian Falk);"Preface" (Margaret Penson); "How Do Power Relationships, within anAdult Literacy Initial Assessment for CES (Commonwealth EmploymentService)-Referred Clients, Influence the Assessment Discourse?"(Maree Watts); "Which Agenda? The Dilemma for ALBE (Adult Literacyand Basic Education) Program Planners" (Ann Brooks); "InstitutionalLanguage and Power: A Critical Analysis of Hospital Language" (SteveHolden); "Does Educational Kinesiology Provide CognitiveOutcomes--And Is It Accepted by Adult Literacy and Basic EducationStudents?" (Rees Campbell); "How Does the Government's SpecialIntervention Program for the Unemployed Differ from What TutorsConsider 'Best Practice' within Adult Literacy and Basic Education? APhilosophical Enquiry" (Fay Forbes); "What Are the CriticalComponents of a Workplace Literacy Program in a Community and HealthSetting?" (Patsy Hall); "How Can Language Reshape the MathematicalKnowledge of the Adult Learning from the Informal to the Formal?"(Toni-Anne Carroll); and "Diagrams and Text: Report on RecentResearch, 1994-1995" (Stephen Coull). Most papers include substantialbibliographies. (MN)

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Literacy,Adults

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Margaret Penson

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ning Series, no. 1

Literacy, Adults andDiversity

Edited by Ian Falk and Margaret Penson

Literacy and Learning Series, no. 1

THE NATIONALLANGUAGESAND LITERACY

- i i INSTITUTE, OF AUSTRALIA

Published by the National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia

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National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry:

Literacy, adults and diversity

Bibliography.ISBN 1 875578 61 7.

1. Functional Literacy Australia. 2. Adult Education Australia. 3. Literacyprograms Australia. I. Falk, Ian. II. Penson, Margaret. Ill. NationalLanguages and Literacy Institute of Australia. (Series: Literacy and Learning(National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia)).

374.0120994

Copyright © 1996 National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia Limited

ACN 051 438 825

NLLIA Directorate, level 1, Northpoint Plaza8 Chandler Street, Belconnen ACT 2617, Australia

NLLIA Publications, level 9, 300 Flinders StMelbourne VIC 3000, Australia

4

Literacy, Adults and Diversity

ForewordAll too often an aura of mystery surrounds the activity of research. During the WinterSchool which laid the foundations for the eight pieces of research reported in this book,James Gee, Jean Searle and I tried to de-mystify the word to take it out of the perceivedrarefied 'university' culture where research is seen as 'academic', too hard, specialised,remote, not for 'ordinary folk'. It was our aim to re-position research as a tool usefuland integral to all areas of professional endeavour; to demonstrate that practitionerswere, and could not avoid being, researchers on a moment-by-moment basis. Theprocess of research is, we argued, as much an embedded part of our daily lives as is lan-guage and literacy itself.

`Research' is, after all, simply about 'searching' or 'looking again'.

The eight people who undertook the research projects are adult language, literacy andnumeracy practitioners of various kinds. During the course of the research activities,and in the times we all came together to discuss progress, the participants were struckby two fundamental principles: in learning about language and literacy in their variousfields of endeavour, they were also learning through language and literacy.

In the eight pieces of research reported in this book, the diversity produced is a realstrength. The richness resulting from learning about and learning through language andliteracy can be seen in the topics with which the researchers have chosen to engage. AnnBrooks, Rees Campbell and Fay Forbes investigate an area of adult literacy practice,though from different perspectives and in different ways. Some of the researcherslooked again at how research is integrated with their language and literacy practicethrough using discourse analysis in their methodology: Maree Watts, Stephen Holden,and Toni-Anne Carroll adopt this approach. Patsy Hall and Stephen Coull analyse spe-cific work situations to fmd out what the language, literacy and numeracy aspects arethat 'make them tick'.

This is the first title in our series called 'Literacy and Learning'. In the research report-ed here, the theme of diversity in learning about and through language and literacy isparamount. What never ceases to amaze me is that these diverse research projects allarose from a quite homogeneous group of people brought together under a single uni-versity course. To me, this is a demonstration of the strength, practicality, imaginationand experience of all those who undertook what became an arduous yet rewardingprocess, and to all of those folk, a big pat on the back.

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Ian Falk

Adult Literacy Research Network

Acknowledgements

All those involved in the production of this book would like to thank the NLLIA fortheir financial support which made the project possible. Special thanks to MargaretPenson for her efforts in coordinating this book.

Copy editor's notes

1. The bibliographic conventions, while internally consistent, vary from report toreport. This decision was made out of respect for each author's preferred format.

2. Where participant students or institutions have been named, pseudonyms have beenused.

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ContentsForeword iii

Preface vi

How do Power Relationships, Within an Adult Literacy Initial Assessment forCES-Referred Clients, Influence the Assessment Discourse?by Maree Watts 1

Which Agenda? The Dilemma for ALBE Program Plannersby Ann Brooks 38

Institutional Language and Power: A Critical Analysis of Hospital Languageby Steve Holden 66

Does Educational Kinesiology Provide Cognitive Outcomes And is it Acceptedby Adult Literacy and Basic Education Students?by Rees Campbell 85

How Does the Government's Special Intervention Program for the UnemployedDiffer from what Tutors Consider 'Best Practice' within Adult Literacy and BasicEducation? A Philosophical Enquiryby Fay Forbes 128

What are the Critical Components of a Workplace Literacy Program in aCommunity and Health Setting?by Patsy Hall

How Can Language Reshape the Mathematical Knowledge of the Adult Learnerfrom the Informal to the Formal?by Toni-Anne Carroll

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Diagrams and Text: Report on Recent Research, 1994 - 1995by Stephen Coull 214

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Preface

In 1994 the National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia ( NLLIA) and theUniversity of Tasmania's Department of Education worked collaboratively on aresearch project where eight 'once-only' scholarships were offered to Tasmanian stu-dents to engage in and write up a piece of research in the field of adult language andliteracy.

Each of the students was able to credit this research against the Department's GraduateCertificate in Adult Language and Literacy. This book contains the eight researchreports which resulted from this collaborative exercise.

It is the first publication in the 'Literacy and Learning' series which will be publishedby the NLLIA over the next six months. Other titles in this series include:

Adult Learning: An Analysis of Cultural Variations by Megan Lee

Literacy Informing Learning: Aboriginal Perspectives This publication will includework by Stewart McKinney and Warren Hancock.

Adult Learning and Specific Disabilities: Aphasia by Sue Brown.

Margaret Penson

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HOW DO POWER RELATIONSHIPS, WITHIN ANADULT LITERACY INITIAL ASSESSMENT FORCES-REFERRED CLIENTS, INFLUENCE THEASSESSMENT DISCOURSE?Maree Watts

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTIONMy research is about power and its effect on an Adult Literacy initial assessment forunemployed clients referred by the CES. I wanted to raise both my and others' con-sciousness of what was occurring in literacy assessments because so much further train-ing depends on the outcome of observations and recommendations from this initialassessment.

I decided to enrol in a formal university course, the Graduate Certificate in AdultLiteracy at the University of Tasmania, to enable me to approach my research in a dis-ciplined and supported way. I had tried to undertake my own reading before I enrolledin the course, but the day-to-day commitments at work and at home always seemed toprevent any real development in my theoretical understanding of the changing literacyfield.

The concept of power interested me because it seemed to be raised informally atmy workplace, at home and in the media on a very regular basis. At work we talked gen-erally of empowering students and used the term in a largely automatic way and at homeand in the media there seemed to be constant references to people being disadvantagedby other people - numerous current affairs programs focus on these issues on a dailybasis.

I began to examine power by reading widely. I could not readily locate specificinformation on power in literacy assessments and had to read other texts which exam-ined power more generally. Defining power was not an easy task but I began with abasic definition from the Oxford Dictionary (1993). Power, in relation to assessment, isthe ability to do or act and includes concepts such as government, influence, authorityand personal ascendance over someone or something. The definition mentions many ofthe concepts and institutions that I believed impacted on my literacy assessments. I thenbegan to read Fairclough (1989) and further developed my understanding so that it incor-porated the idea that power is

the capacity to impose and maintain particular structuring of some domain orother - a particular way of dividing it into parts, of keeping the parts demar-cated from each other, and a particular ordering of those parts in terms of hier-archical relations of domination and subordination. (p. 13)

Fairclough's concept of power seemed particularly apt because when I examinedmy assessments, I could see ordering and structuring and changing roles of dominationand subordination. I had constructed this order in a purely subconscious way, yet thepeople that I assessed seemed to unconsciously accept this order. I began to wonder why

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we were all so compliant about this power division. I decided that power relationshipsand how they impact on my assessments would be the pivotal focus for my research.

I could not look at power in isolation and began to read widely. Gee's (1990)thoughts on literacy and context seemed particularly apt. From the day we are born webegin to learn how to relate to each other and unconsciously learn the correct way tobehave and speak in different situations or Discourses. Gee argues that in order to beable to appreciate language in its social context we need to focus on Discourse (with acapital D) and not just on language. "Discourses include much more than language."(Gee, 1990, p. xv). We become adept in certain situations by learning the acceptableways of "behaving, interacting, valuing, thinking, believing, speaking, and often read-ing and writing that are accepted as instantiations of particular roles by specific groupsof people... "(Gee, 1990, p. xix).

This unconscious acceptance of roles creates an opening for dehumanised rela-tionships. Many people perform tasks in an unthinking manner, accepting everythingunquestioningly. Such attitudes to tasks can lead to a dehumanised society. If con-sciousness about society is not raised, bureaucracies can dominate and pigeonhole peo-ple into numbers, ignoring character and personality, because when the power relation-ship is unconsciously in operation, it is easy for the dominant power group to manipu-late others in society. Historically, Australian society has been structured around mid-dle-class schools, teaching middle-class values and enabling middle-class students tosucceed. In the classroom students learn when to respond, when to ask questions andeven what questions to ask. Those who do not wish to accept this relationship or areunable to understand it/master it/make sense out of it are soon labelled as difficult stu-dents and often drop out of school.

Power underlies all our accepted conventions: who has the right to ask questionsin a discourse, who talks, who replies. I went to a specialist doctor while undertakingthis research. Fortunately my consciousness about relationships was beginning to devel-op and enabled me to realise how the doctor was building up his power base. The doc-tor asked me to complete a form which required me to state my husband's occupation.I was puzzled about the relevance of this question when I was the one being treated. Idecided to ask why this question was on the form. The reply was that it would enableinformal conversation to occur. I stated that I considered this question as unnecessarilyinvasive and did not answer it. It was extremely difficult for me to do this because I nor-mally answered questions asked without really considering the unstated assumptionsunderlying them. I then had to relate to the doctor as a person and not be deferential tohim when I really wanted to just do what he asked. The doctor too had accepted his rolein this Discourse and his right to ask anything that he thought he wanted to know. Howdifficult it was for me to challenge the accepted Discourse pattern: Even taking the sim-ple step of calling the doctor by his first name had to be a conscious effort. I am stilltrying to accept that it is difficult for me to raise my consciousness and to become`actively' involved in any Discourse.

Identifying the power relationship in any Discourse is not easy but I wanted to

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identify power within an adult literacy assessment. After reading the university litera-ture I decided that examining the conversations that occurred in literacy assessmentswould enable me to gain some understanding of what was occurring in the assessment.I at first wanted to examine many assessments by different assessors, but the sheer vol-ume of dialogue in one assessment prevented this. Instead I have had to record my ownassessments and have examined three assessments in detail with the hope that some pat-terns in power relations would become evident. After playing the first recording of `D'I became aware of some of the techniques I was using. I then became much more awareof what I was saying in the assessment and whenever I remembered I did attempt tobreak my usual pattern of behaviour and used language which enabled more input fromthe client being assessed.

The research was having a positive impact on my delivery, even before I analysedthe data. I believe that recording the assessment was an effective way to examine powerrelationships. I have to admit that only verbal language has been recorded; all the otherelements of communication have had to be excluded. I realise that this will place limitson the interpretation of my results but I think it would have been too intrusive to usevideo recordings of the assessments. I did not record all assessments because someclients were far too nervous and upset, not knowing what to expect. If I had asked theseclients for permission to record their assessment I think I would not have been able tocontinue the assessment.

The rest of this paper is set out in chapters:Chapter two anchors the research theoretically with the emphasis on power, dis-course, literacy and assessment.Chapter three explains the methodology that was used to examine the assessments.Chapter four gives the transcripts of the assessments with a brief description of whatoccurred, locating the data around the main themes of institutional power, the clientassessor relationship and the assessment interview Discourse.Chapter five analyses the data, identifying the main participants in the initial AdultLiteracy assessment of unemployed clients.Chapter six arrives at conclusions which could be followed up by further research ormay simply give rise to further thought.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEWWhen I began my research I needed to clarify and further develop my thoughts on manytheoretical issues so that I could attempt to describe and analyse what was occurring inan assessment interview. The major areas that I decided to read about were power, dis-course, assessment and literacy. I quickly discovered that this was a huge task and thatnot a lot of information had been published in relation to power and the Adult Literacyassessment discourse. As already stated in chapter one, the major topic and theme thatI became interested in was one revolving around power. The rest of this chapter exam-ines the literature on this main area of interest and also associated literature on assess-ment and literacy.

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Power and DiscoursePower is not a concept which can be examined in isolation and theorised about, insteadit is important to examine it in operation in everyday communication because it has apervasive effect on Discourse. As Fairclough (1979, p. 13) says, "one aspect of poweris the capacity to impose and maintain a particular structuring of some domain orother". We all unconsciously acquire and consciously learn this structuring as we com-municate with each other. The distinction between acquisition and learning is importantto differentiate because when we later examine the assessment Discourse we will seethat the assessment attempts to measure both processes. Gee (1990, p. 146) makes avery clear distinction between the two. He states,

Acquisition is a process of acquiring something subconsciously by exposure tomodels, a process of trial and error, and practice within social groups, withoutformal teaching. It happens in natural settings which are meaningful and func-tional in the sense that acquirers know that they need to acquire the thing theyare exposed to in order to function and they in fact want to so function...Learning is a process that involves conscious knowledge gained through teach-ing (though not necessarily from someone officially designated a teacher) orthrough certain life-experiences that trigger conscious reflection. This teach-ing or reflection involves explanation and analysis, that is, breaking down thething to be learned into its analytic parts...

Acquisition and learning enable an individual to fit into particular Discourseswithin society (because he or she knows the structure) and there is one particularDiscourse that is easy to slot into because it is very closely identified with. This partic-ular discourse is called by Gee (1990) the "primary Discourse". This primary Discoursethen provides a framework for the acquisition and learning of other Discourses that thenenable more (secondary) Discourses to be learned and acquired. Thus, an elaborateinteraction of Discourses is built up within an individual and all these are going to influ-ence communication even when only one dominant Discourse is thought to be operat-ing. An assessment Discourse will therefore not be a simple straightforward communi-cation process. Communication between people depends on the knowledge and valuesystems that have been acquired and learned over time and how these operate within theDiscourse. All the experiences of an individual will be present. Gee (1995, unpub-lished) calls these experiences "situated assemblies" and they will determine the com-munication process in the assessment interview.

Power becomes important in Discourse because if the unstated rules of theDiscourse are mastered by only one individual, that individual has a big advantage.When the rules are not fully understood the non-dominant participant only has partialcontrol of the Discourse and will not be in a situation of power because as Fairclough(1989, p. 31) says, power is "the capacity to control orders of discourse". Usually, themore powerful individual will determine which Discourse type(s) is/are the most appro-priate and this then will position the individuals within the Discourse and will also thendetermine which unstated rules dictate the order of the Discourse.

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As well as the individuals within the Discourse imposing constraints there are alsoexternal constraints imposed by society and its institutions. Access to the Discourse islimited, only trained assessors are able to undertake interviews and there are constraintson who can acquire the qualifications required to do them. The following extract, takenfrom a set of guidelines implemented by the Department of Employment, Education andTraining (DEET) in Tasmania (1992, pp. 17-18) to maintain quality assessment provi-sion, illustrates this:

The quality assessor must be able to demonstratea rigorous staff selection process and professional development strategy relat-ed to ALBE assessment and provision.that staff must have appropriate qualifications and/or experience in the adultliteracy fieldthat staff have at least three years experience, this should be in teaching liter-acy as a specialist area of skills or equivalent...

Fairclough (1989, pp. 66-67) clarifies these constraints and states that the exerciseof power introduces three main constraints within a Discourse: constraints on content,subjects and relations. If we examine each in turn we can see the subtle influence ofpower.ContentDuring a literacy assessment only topics relevant to determining literacy needs andlearning styles are discussed at length and in a certain format.SubjectsThe positions of the assessor and client are very clearly defined. The assessor is the`expert' who has formal qualifications and an educational background and the client isa long-term unemployed person, referred by the CES because there is a perception thatthe client may benefit from upgrading literacy skills.RelationsDuring the assessment there is a strong tendency towards politeness from both the asses-sor and the client. This is a true indication that there is a recognition of differences ofpower and degrees of social distance that are oriented to reproducing them withoutchange.

The varying combinations of these three constraints then impact on the assess-ment. Questions such as:

Who asks the questions?Is there a pattern of turns in the conversation?Who interrupts?What type of questions are asked?How are questions answered?What personalisation techniques are used?How are the questions and answers worded?Who does the empathising?

need to be raised so that we can more closely examine the power relationship and its

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influence on the structure and outcome of the assessment Discourse.

LiteracyThe main purpose of the assessment Discourse is to determine the literacy skills of aclient, but defining and identifying literacy skills is extremely controversial today. Adultliteracy means many things to many people. In the community at large when I state thatI work in the area of adult literacy the immediate response is "Oh, you teach people whocan't read and write". This general community deficit view of literacy is also prevalentin government departments and publications. In Working Nation: Policies andPrograms (1994), the government policy writers view literacy as a quality that peopleeither have or lack. They assume that lack of literacy is a major barrier to employment.Literacy and numeracy support are viewed as "remedial" as stated in the followingextract:

This will be supported by access to programs, including remedial courses for lit-eracy, numeracy and English as a second language, vocational training, com-munity based work experience or subsidised employment. (p. 111)

The newspapers continue this negative stereotyping of people with literacy needs andusually portray adults who cannot read and write well as "confused, in crisis, lost souls,or carriers of some disease" (King, 1993).

Lankshear (1987) and Graff (1987) documented these perceptions of literacy in the1980s but they are still current in 1995. Because many people believe that literacy is anattribute that people have or do not have, they tend to view literacy as separate from itssocial context; the ability to read and write can be taught after which people will be ableto read and write anything required. The logical outcome of this belief is that if peoplecannot read and write there must be a reason probably a cognitive reason - giving riseto implications about intellectual competence. Thus the "literacy myth" that writers suchas Graff (1987) have documented still continues. It follows that if people can be taughtliteracy skills they will become literate, and this will have both social and economic ben-efits, in particular these newly literate people will be able to obtain employment becauselack of literacy is perceived to be a major employment barrier. Many millions of dollarsof taxpayers' money are currently being spent because of the still widespread belief inthis "literacy myth". I do not espouse this rather simplistic view of literacy and do notbelieve that increasing literacy skills is the panacea for unemployment. The followingextract from the Age newspaper of 20/1/95, really exemplifies that increased literacy isnot the answer to all social problems:

Momma Mia!Giuseppe the cleaner couldn't read or write and they fired him. In desperationhe opened a delicatessen in Carlton which was an immediate success. Soon heowned a thriving chain of stores."Imagine," they said, "what would you have been if you could read andwrite?"

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"A cleaner," said GiuseppeKim Taylor, South Yarra

Instead of limiting literacy to a narrow definition where a person either possessesor does not possess literacy it should be extended in definition to relate it to the wholeof society. As stated in Gee (1990, p. xviii),

There is no such thing as 'reading' or 'writing', only reading or writing some-thing (a text of a certain type) in a certain way with certain values, while atleast appearing to think and feel in certain ways. We read and write only with-in a Discourse, never outside all of them. One doesn't read a comic book thesame way as a newspaper, nor a physics book the same way as a legal brief...Literacy is always multiple: there are many literacies, each of which involvescontrol of Discourses involving print.

Society does not consist of just one group but of many sub-groups all functioningfor many specific purposes and needs. If we consider one group such as the 'Education'group it can be seen to consist of many sub-groups including primary, secondary and ter-tiary groups which can be broken into further sub-groups. Each of these sub-groupsrequires very different literacy skills. A person might be literate in the secondary schoolsub-group yet might not be able to write in an acceptable style for the university groupand would not pass a literacy test if it was based on university requirements. Thus, thereare a whole range of literacies that exist in any society: Each section of the communityhas its own discourse; its own jargon and rules that have to be mastered if a person is tobe considered literate in that discourse.

Defining literacy thus becomes very political: On whose Discourse is the defini-tion to be based? Which group will win? Which group is the strongest; has the mostinfluence; is the most powerful? The definition becomes very important, because asWickert (1993) says, "Literacy is socially constructed and is thus a descriptive catego-ry available for the categorisation and normalisation of differing groups within the pop-ulace. "(p. 30) .

If literacy practitioners are not aware of this broader perspective of literacy thenthere is a danger of collusion with those who use literacy ratings as a gatekeepingprocess in society. To obtain funding for literacy programs certain government require-ments must be fulfilled. It is important that the practitioner's philosophical view of lit-eracy is very clear because it may conflict with that of the funding body. The needs anddesires of ALBE clients must not be neglected while fulfilling the government goal ofsuggesting pathways and providing training.

The philosophical view of literacy that I hold is meshed within these ideas ofDiscourse and social context. When asked for a definition of literacy, I prefer to givethe following definition that Wickert (1989, p. 4) uses. Literacy is "using printed andwritten information to function in society, to achieve one's goals, and to develop one'sknowledge and potential". A definition of literacy is not something which is just writtenand pigeonholed to be forgotten. It becomes part of the philosophy of an Adult Literacypractitioner and influences how adult literacy is assessed and taught. My task is to use

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assessment in context wherever possible so that a 'portrait' showing a range of literaciesbecomes evident for each person that I assess. I am attempting to know that person(Rowntree, 1991, p. 4). It is important that I now clarify what I mean by assessmentbecause the word conjures up many different meanings within Australian society.

AssessmentAssessment according to the Oxford Dictionary involves an estimation of value. Clientscome to the Adult Literacy initial assessment interview with a perception that I will ratethem in some way. I do attempt to obtain and interpret information "about the knowl-edge and understanding or abilities and attitudes of that other person" (Rowntree,1991, p. 4).

Rowntree (1991, p. 11) furthers this discussion on assessment by suggesting thatthere are five different mental activities among people who undertake assessment, andthe activities relate to the following five questions:1. Why assess? What are the effects or outcomes assessment is expected to produce?2. What to assess? How to decide, realise or otherwise come to an awareness of what

we are looking for or remarking upon in the people being assessed.3. How to assess? To select, from among all the means we have at our disposal for learn-

ing about people, those we regard as being most truthful and fair for various sorts ofvalued knowledge.

4. How to interpret? When we have the outcome of the assessment what does it mean?5. How to respond? What are we going to do with the assessment outcome?

In an Adult Literacy initial assessment, all of the above questions are pertinent tome as an assessor and it is important for me to remember my philosophical view of lit-eracy, in particular, how it cannot be divorced from social context, if I am to provideaccess to meaningful assessment. Because the initial assessment involves a formativecomponent (it is used to develop a learning program for the client) and a summativecomponent (it is used to report and rank which course a client is able to complete) it isextremely important to know from the outset what is the purpose of assessment.

Why assess? The purpose of an initial Adult Literacy assessmentThe purpose of the initial assessment that I facilitate has both a formative and summa-tive component because of the funded nature of the literacy program in which I work.The program is funded by DEET through the Special Intervention Program (SIP)administered through the Commonwealth Employment Service (CES). Because the pro-gram is funded externally the use of funding must be justified according to parametersprescribed by DEET. One parameter that must be referred to in the written assessmentreport is the placement of the client on the Interim Literacy Course Matrix (ILCM). TheILCM was devised as a temporary rating scale for courses. Courses are assumed torequire certain literacy competencies, known to the assessor, which are rated on a scalefrom one to four; and at the completion of the assessment a client's position on the scalemust be entered on a form provided by the CES. (Adult Education, 1992) This sum-

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mative component is important for the CES because the client's placement on the ILCMis often used by individual CES officers to denote progress. If a client does not moveacross or up the ILCM within a training course a CES officer will sometimes refuse fur-ther training and may have to have the ILCM explained in great detail before acceptingthat the client has really made tremendous progress, even though there has been nochange in position on the ILCM. The new National Reporting System, which is stillbeing finalised before implementation in 1995, should overcome these disadvantagesapparent in the ILCM.

The assessment is also important for the client, as a source of feedback on justwhat he/she can actually do. It "bring(s) into awareness uses of literacy in everyday lifethat the adult herself had discounted" (Lytle & Schultz, 1990, p. 375). A CES officertelephoned me and stated that her 16-year-old client had believed that he could not doanything because during his whole schooling career his reports had concentrated on whathe could not do. For the first time someone had written down all the skills that he hadactually developed and he was amazed and proud that he could do something after all.Many clients tell me at the beginning of the assessment that they cannot read or writeanything at all, but when I present tasks relating to their social contexts they are able tosucceed at them. They leave the assessment interview with new insights about their abil-ities which often enable them to contemplate further training in a positive light. Whenthis positive atmosphere is created, training pathways can be discussed and articulationto other training is often investigated.

The initial assessment also provides information on the learning situation pre-ferred by the client, for example, whether he or she prefers to work on an individual basisor in a small group. This is extremely important if "we are to foster adult learning inmore informed ways" (Lytle & Schultz, 1990, p. 369).

What to assess?As well as the summative component, the initial SIP assessment has a formative com-ponent and I regard this as the most valuable component of the assessment. I begin eachliteracy assessment informally to enable me to develop a portrait of the client as a wholeperson. As suggested by Lytle and Schultz (1990) and other writers, if, in collaborationwith the client, I can discover the client's interests, experiences with previous learningsituations, reading and writing habits, perceptions of possible future learning situationsand goals for the future, I have a wealth of knowledge. I am able to plan, with the client,future training pathways and possible articulation into other training programs. Thisinformation should enables the first training situation with Adult Literacy to proceedmore smoothly because the tutor will be able to come to the first training session withmaterial relating to the client's interests and goals. The information should enable theplanning of a program which will enable the client to succeed and will encourage theclient to persist with training.

The information that I am obtaining in the assessment thus relates to what the stu-dent knows and feels about literacy. I am interested "not only in what the student knows

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about reading and writing, but how they feel about it and how they feel about themselvesas learners" (Osmond, Barin & Partlin, 1990, p. 2).

The two macro skills of reading and writing relate to the client's knowledge.When I attempt to determine the client's stage of reading development, I try to selecttasks from the client's social context so that the tasks become authentic. The readingtasks I have range in complexity from supermarket catalogues and signs to newspaperand journal articles. The client can then choose what task to read and is able to succeedusually with only minimal assistance. I am able to observe the reading strategies used,the types of text that the client is familiar with and how the client obtains meaning fromthe text (ALBE, 1992).

Writing skills are also assessed in the interview if the client is willing to put pento paper (some are not). Again the client is presented with a broad range of tasks andselects something from his/her social context that will enable a successful writing out-come. The skills and strategies that I observe include fluency of script and appropriate-ness to the task, knowledge of conventions of punctuation, spelling strategies used,knowledge and use of a range of text forms or genres and knowledge of the commu-nicative purpose of writing (ALBE, 1992).

Numeracy skills are not always assessed during the interview. Many clients arereluctant to discuss their numeracy skills but when it is possible to include numeracy Itry to discover with the client what daily numeracy activities they are involved with andwhether they have a broader understanding and application of numeracy.

The affective aspects that become apparent in the assessment interview include thetwo macro skills of speaking and listening, and other areas such as confidence whenasked to undertake a task, perceptions of self as a learner, perceptions of self as a read-er/writer, perceptions of numeracy, and goals that the client may have. All of theseaspects are going to influence how the client will approach training and will enable moreeffective program planning to occur.

How to assess?If an Adult Literacy assessment is to portray what it is that a client can do, and is usedto place a client in further training, it is important that the assessment procedure will pro-duce the knowledge that we have judged to be most relevant. It must be rememberedthat most CES clients coming to Adult Literacy have experienced many assessments inthe form of traditional testing situations and may not have been made aware by the CESofficer of the process of assessment as it occurs at Adult Literacy. If the assessment isnot conducted in a manner to reduce nerves and tension it will not be possible to obtaina fair portrait of what the client can do. Thus, the 'how' of assessing becomes extreme-ly important.

The assessment consists of both informal and formal situations. During the initialstages the informal mode consists of talking with the client in a participatory role to dis-cover the social contexts that are important to the client. Through discussion it is possi-ble to clarify with the client his/her reading habits, uses of writing, uses of numeracy

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through shopping, budgeting, gardening etc., educational background, interests, fears offailure in front of a group, situation at home which will impact on training, etc.(Osmond, Barin & Part lin, 1990, p. 6).

Throughout the interview in both the informal and formal stage it is really impor-tant that the client is respected as an adult and that the assessment proceeds on a collab-orative basis. As Lytle and Schultz (1990, p. 371) state, "Adult learner participation andownership are considered central to the learning process so that learner-centeredassessment is participatory, with adults necessarily taking an active role in designingtheir own assessment". The client should also be consulted whenever anything is writ-ten down to check if there is agreement, because the written comments will eventuallybe placed in a file for officials to read whenever they wish.

The informal discussion process enables me to obtain a mental checklist of tasksthat would seem appropriate for the client to attempt during the more formal skills sam-pling stage. The client is then presented with tasks to choose to read, write or problemsolve and if the first informal stage of the assessment has been successful it will be pos-sible for the client to complete almost all of the tasks so that he/she feels successful. Ifthe client asks for assistance with spelling or hesitates completing a section of the task Iusually become involved in a teaching situation so that the client is able to succeed atthis section with minimal assistance. One client recently asked how to spell a word andI suggested that she use the dictionary on the table. She stated that she couldn't use adictionary but what she should have said was that she hadn't used a dictionary for a verylong time. After minimal explanation she was able to correctly locate the word shewanted to correct, and left the interview with the belief that she would be able to learnin future situations because she had so much forgotten knowledge just waiting to beaccessed. A variety of tasks are presented to the client which relate to his/her social con-texts. From them it is possible to form a portrait of the client's capabilities and alsoestablish what skill areas are important for the client to develop in order to achievehis/her goals.

How to interpret?Interpretation of the initial assessment will depend on the information obtained in boththe informal and formal processes of the assessment interview and will occur through-out these processes. It is important to remember that

the results obtained are really only current for a particular time on a particular daysometimes clients do not indicate their true skill level because of nervousness or otherreasons. It is only when they become comfortable in a training situation after a fewsessions that their real skill development is apparent.

The discussion process is interactive, one question or statement will lead to another, anda series of interpretations will occur continuously. The outcomes that are obtained aredependent on the various conditions which occur during the assessment. They alsodepend on the interaction between the client and the assessor.

The conditions that impinge on the assessment and the outcomes of the assessment

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thus bring us back to the concepts with which the chapter began: that is, the concepts ofpower, Discourse, literacy and assessment and how these concepts all interrelate. All willarise repeatedly in the following chapters and have propelled my research.

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGYThe central ideas of 'power', 'Discourse', 'assessment' and 'literacy' presented in the previ-ous chapter continue to be the underlying principles of this and the following chapters. Theyhelp to locate the results of the research and contribute to an understanding of the processesthat occur in the assessment Discourse. This chapter gives a general picture of what actual-ly occurred in the three assessments that I recorded and presents the procedure for critical dis-course analysis that I will use as the foundation for the analysis that occurs in later chapters.

Client backgroundThe three transcripts included in this research are the results of literacy assessment interviewswith three long-term unemployed clients referred to Adult Literacy because 'they' - either theCES case manager or the client - wished to assess the client's literacy skills. The funding forthe assessment and further literacy training is provided by DEET through the SpecialIntervention Program (SIP).

Client 'D' was a 43-year-old female, wanting to re-enter the workforce after raising afamily. She was completing the last week of a short, intensive SkillShare training coursewhich introduced her to possible employment pathways and missed one session to attend theinterview. During the assessment she spoke very quickly and was anxious to be assessed atabout a Year 10 schooling level. The recommendation at the completion of the assessmentwas that 'D' undertake two courses at ILCM level 4.2: individual tuition for mathematics torevise her skills and a small group computing course.

Client 'W' was a long-term unemployed 35-year-old male. He had been employed for17 years in a semi-skilled job but became redundant when computers were introduced tomaintain production line schedules. 'W' could not adapt to using computers because his lit-eracy skills were not sufficient to enable him to read and input data. It was recommendedthat he undertake a literacy course at ILCM level 2.2.

Client 'X' was a male 24-years-old, long-term unemployed and undertaking a trainingcourse as a bricklayer. He was very reluctant to be assessed and only arrived at the interviewbecause he had been sent a letter that stated his unemployment benefits would cease if he didnot attend the assessment interview. He was assessed as being at ILCM level 3.2 and therewas no recommendation for training.

Data collection processThe data were collected from transcripts of recordings of the literacy assessments. Clientswere asked before the interview began if they would agree to have the interview recorded.They were advised that their name would be deleted and that confidentiality would be pre-served. Many interviews were recorded but the sound quality was not of high enough stan-dardto make transcripts of the early interviews. The cassette recorder was placed in many

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positions until the most satisfactory position was arrived at, on a chair at the end of atable near both the interviewer and the client. Initially, both the client and myself (inter-viewer) were very aware of the tape-recorder but after only a few minutes we forgot thetape-recorder was on and only noticed it when the tape stopped.

I attempted to interview each client using the assessment procedure (mentioned indetail in chapter 2) that I use in all my SIP interviews. I started each interview with gen-eral questions to enable the client to begin to talk and to feel more comfortable beforethey were asked to demonstrate their skills in some way. The early questions alsoenabled me to complete the administrative details required to enrol the client, to find anyparticular interests and training needs to enable the tutor to plan a program relevant tothe client's needs, to elicit information about the client's learning style and to later reportthe outcome to the CES. The introductory stages of the interview were also valuablebecause the client indicated the type of text that he/she often read and also the type ofwriting activities with which he/she was familiar. This information was pivotal inenabling the client to succeed in the reading and writing tasks that occurred later in theinterview. I had a wide selection of reading material and tried to find a task that theclient had already mentioned he/she could read. Reading texts included catalogues ofsupermarket specials, bottle shop specials, logos, newspaper articles, postcards, tele-phone messages, medicine labels, letters, more complex magazine articles and other textthat the client might be able to read. The result of the reading task(s) gave an indicationof the client's LLCM reading level.

The client also attempted a writing task or tasks in the interview. There was no setorder of presenting either the reading or writing tasks in the interview. It depended onwhat the client stated he/she preferred to do fast. I attempted to find a writing activitywith which the client was familiar, and my file included tasks such as shopping lists,telephone messages, notes, postcards, letters, retelling stories that had been read andmany other activities that ranged from the very simple to the very complex. Again, theoutcome of these tasks enabled me to determine the client's ILCM writing level.

Once the client had completed reading and writing tasks, I then looked at the read-ing and writing ILCM levels, took into account the affective information that I hadobtained and then placed the client at a level on the ILCM. If the two ILCM levelsobtained for reading and writing were different I put the client on the LLCM at the lowerlevel. For example, if the client had a reading level of LLCM 4.2 and a writing level ofILCM 2.2 I said a course at ILCM level 2.2 would be most suitable.

The interviews varied in length but usually lasted from three-quarters of an hourto one hour. (The interview with client 'X' was much shorter and lasted only about twen-ty minutes.) After the interviews with the three clients I transcribed the data and tried towrite it verbatim wherever possible. Full stops and commas were not used. Instead, "were used to indicate pauses in the conversation.

Data analysis methodsI have used many of the techniques that Fairclough (1989) uses to analyse data and have

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used the three states or dimensions that he suggests to use in critical discourse analysis,namely description, interpretation and explanation. "Description is the stage which isconcerned with formal properties of the text. Interpretation is concerned with the rela-tionship between text and interaction ....Explanation is concerned with the relationshipbetween interaction and social context" (p. 26).

The first dimension that I examined was "description". I grouped the data intothree themes which kept occurring as I examined the transcripts, that is, the themes ofinstitutional power, the client-assessor relationship and the SIP assessment interviewDiscourse. I then described the data in each theme by examining some of the elementssuggested by Fairclough (p. 111). I made no attempt to analyse what was happening; Ijust described the activities.

The first element examined was vocabulary. I looked at whether the words usedwere largely formal or informal. For example, in transcript 1 the conversation can beseen to be largely informal:248. I: Right okay so I'll tell them that you're happy with your reading

and your writing you're happy with your maths You're still confident withyour maths?

249. X: Yeah250. I: All right and that uhm you're not really interested in doing anything

at Adult Literacy251. X: No I'm pretty right

After examining the vocabulary in all the transcripts I then examined the gram-matical structure. In particular, I looked at who asked the questions, how they wereasked and the type of pronouns that were used. The use of particular wording indicatedthe attitude of the participants to each other and to outside influences.

The third element then examined in detail was the textual structure. I tried to dis-cover how the conversation turns occurred and who was controlling the direction of theDiscourse. I looked at the feedback techniques used, for example, "right", "that's good","okay" and how they positioned the interviewer and client in their respective roles.

Identifying and describing the various elements then enabled me to begin to inter-pret and attempt to explain the effect of power relationships in the assessment discourse.

CHAPTER 4: DESCRIPTION OF DATAIn this chapter I describe the major themes that I have observed occurring throughout thetranscript data. The concepts of power, Discourse, literacy and assessment continue tobe examined but are all considered around the central concept of power. I have groupedthe data into three themes:

institutional powerthe client-assessor relationshipthe SIP assessment interview Discourse

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Theme 1: Institutional powerTranscript 1: Client "X"1. I: Why did you decide to come along X?2. X: When I went into CES they said assessment something like that3. I: Yes4. X: They said come into here5. I: Come into here6. X: But I didn't (unclear speech) come in7. I: So you didn't really want to come in?8. X: No[Break in sequence]159. I: Is that a confidential letter or just a (client holding letter up)160. X: It's just a letter that came to me161. I: Right162. X: Cause I didn't turn up to the last one (previous interview) cause I was at

the (bricklaying) course163. I: Yeah164. X: So they said you'd better go to this one or your money is going to be stopped

and all this[Break in sequence]221. I: I'm writing this down so I can I've got to send in some sort of report

based on what you've been telling me[Twenty seven turns later]248. I: Right okay so I'll tell them that you're happy with your reading

and your writing you're happy with your maths You're still confident withyour maths?

249. X: Yeah250. I: All right and that uhm you're not really interested in doing anything.

....at Adult Literacy251. X: No I'm pretty right

The above extract from the interview with "X" and the following extract from theinterview with "W" show evidence of the influence of institutional power in the assess-ment discourse. The use of particular wording indicates the attitude the participants inthe interview have towards external powers or institutions and how institutions influencebehaviour in the assessment discourse. Very necessary words such as pronouns, forexample, the word 'they', reveal a great deal.

"X" uses the pronoun "they" in turns 2, 4 and 164 to refer to the government insti-tution, the CES. "X" has given the CES an identity as a person. No one person at theCES is referred to; instead, all the people working for the CES have become the corpo-rate identity "the CES", "them" and "they". No one individual is responsible for anyaction; instead it is "they" who are responsible; very evident in the perceived threat stat-ed in turn 164.

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"W" continues this association of an institution or corporate identity being a per-son, as shown in the following extract:

Transcript 2: Client 'W'122. I: No no .. so uhm...why did you decide to come along ..here?123. W: Well I've got to come through youse124. I: Uhm125. W: to get on to ...Jobstart or something126. I: Oh right127. W: first..128. I: right129. W: because they pay me130. I: Yeah131. W: to be at like if I get that job they pay me for the next six months or something132. I: Yeah133. W: so I had to come through youse134. I: right

"W" indicates that he is only at the assessment because "they" pay him, evident inturns 129 and 131, and perceives that his attendance at the assessment interview is relat-ed to his Newstart allowance. The interviewer also unconsciously has accepted this cor-porate CES personality which is evident in turn 248 with "X". "I'll tell them that ...."The interviewer is not going to send a report to an individual, it is going to be written for"them".

Other evidence of institutional power becomes obvious if we now examine the`obligations' that influence behaviour. These are indicated by the use of modal auxil-iaries such as have to, have got to, should, etc. These types of modality place the CESin an authoritative position with respect to what must be done. "W" says in turn 123"Well I've got to come through youse", and "I" says when speaking with "X" in turn221, "I'm writing this down so I can .... I've got to send in some sort of report basedon what you've been telling me". "X" too feels this obligation to behave in a certainway, as evident in turn 164, "so they said you'd better go to this one or your money isgoing to be stopped and all this".

The interviewer acknowledges the unseen influence of institutional power at thebeginning of each interview or early in the interview when she asks the question; "Whydid you decide to come along?". This is an open ended question and could elicit anyresponse, but for both "W" and "X" the response indicated that "they" had a very biginfluence on attendance and participation in the assessment interview.

The above example statements are not made as opinions in the interview but arestated as facts, and imply that there are certain institution rules which must be followedor there will be certain consequences. There is a general tone of resignation whichimplies that there is no point in arguing; everyone will do what is expected.

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Theme 2: The client-assessor relationshipThe power relationship between the assessor and the client becomes evident if we exam-ine the following in the assessment:(a) the relational values of vocabulary - the use of "we", "you" and "they"; are these

used to control the direction of the interview(b) the turn-taking system - who asks the questions, and the response if any(c) feedback techniques responses that enable the power relationship to develop

(a) The relational values of vocabularyThe assessment interview with "X" is a very difficult one because of his reluctance to beinterviewed. He perceives that there is an obligation to attend and to participate toensure that he continues to receive his Newstart payment. To overcome this reluctancethe interviewer uses very specific vocabulary in the following extract.

Transcript 3: Client "X"7. I: So you didn't really want to come in8. X: No9. I: Right, right .... So ah ..Did they tell you what to expect?10. X: No11. I: Well maybe if I tell you what happens. We have a chat... and then...

uhm...while we're talking I try to fmd out...what you're interested in12. X: right13. I: and...uhm....iLif you think...you would like any...any tuition in improving

your writing or your reading or your numeracy14. X: Yes15. I: if you want to have any improvement in those areas .... or.. you might think

....that ... you're okay in those areas16. X: Yes17. I: and that's the thing that's uhm .. usually .. uhm .. some of them anyway

explain...why ..you come. It's not a test18. X: Yeah19. I: It's ... If you, if you want to you don't have to do anything if you don't want

to20. X: No21. I: uhm.. but if you, if you would like to ...uhm...do some of the things that I sug-

gest, I might ask you ... you know .. if you were comfortable reading the news-paper .. read something from the newspaper ...

22. X: Yeah23. I: Just to fmd out where you're at with your reading and writing24. X: Where I'm atThe use of pronounsIn turn 5 the interviewer attempts to develop rapport with "X" and does this by using

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very inclusive language that aligns her and "X" on the same side. She says "We" havea chat, not "you and I", uses "we're" and attempts to show that "X" has a very largeinput in what will happen. She returns ownership back to "X" and attempts to empow-er him by using terms such as "your" and "you're" in turns 11, 13 and 15 to indicate thatit is "X's" skills that will be discussed, if he wants to. She is attempting to make theinterview appear worthwhile and of value to "X". Client "X" begins to show some pos-itive response and changes from his very short, one-syllable responses to one in whichhe includes himself and uses the very personal pronoun "I", in turn 24. This indicatesthat he is beginning to see that the interview is for him as well as for the CES, and thatit could be of some possible use to him.

The interviewer uses a similar technique in her discussion with client "W", whichcan be seen in the following transcript:

Transcript 4: Client "W"81. W: but ah....apart from that everything's all right I'll work anywhere82. I: Right83. W: anywhere if it's not paperwork84. I: Right85. W: I'll work anywhere86. I: Okay87. W: but the trouble is everything's book work88. I: Well there's a minimum amount of writing that you've got to do now isn't

there89. W: Yeah90. I: in everything

The interviewer is attempting to maintain equality between the client and herselfand is using a counselling technique to maintain agreement and show she understandsthe client's dilemma because it is also a universal dilemma. In turn 88 "you've" indi-cates that everyone is having the same problem, including the interviewer. As well, sheis keeping her responses short and supportive throughout this exchange to enable "W"to state what he thinks he may require in the area of skills development.

(b) The turn-taking systemWho asks the questions?At the beginning of each interview, the interviewer uses a similar opening questionwhich is open-ended and allows discussion and information gathering to commence. Itis a very directive question and enables the interviewer to set the focus of the interviewand to begin to determine the client's needs. If we now examine the following tran-scripts the pattern will become obvious:

Transcript 5: Client "D"[There is some untranscribable conversation in which the interviewer asks the opening

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directive question and "D" responds that her friend mentioned Adult Literacy.]1. I: So did she tell you what to expect?2. D: No (unclear speech) Then I did go with her she had to go and do it on her own.3. I: So what sort of things are you expecting to happen now?4. D: Well practically I want to do an English and Maths course I want to get

assessed on where I'm at with my Maths and English5. I: Right6. D: For future studies or whether I actually need to brush up on them for getting a

job7. I: Right So what sort of uhm...jobs are you looking for8. D: I haven't gone into that at the moment9. I: M'm m'm10. D: I'd like waitress sort of work11. I: M'm M'm12. D: or things like that but .. uhm...13. I: Have you ever had any..any sort of work? What sort of work have you done?14. D: Waitress work when I, 24 years ago15. I: So you've been having a family16. D: Them, they've got married and17. I: Yeah18. D: but then now I'm going back into the workforce or trying to because I've

uhm..all my children's grown up19. I: Yeah20. D: And my youngest son's 1821. I: Yeah22. D: and I've been doing a uhm..a course out at Bridgewater SkillShare23. I: Oh right24. D: I'm still on that course25. I: So what are you doing there?26. D: I've just got the day off, the afternoon off27. I: M'm28. D: I'm doing a work options course29. I: Oh right

In these 29 turns of conversation the interviewer has allowed "D" to make thelargest contributions to the conversation and only intervenes in the conversation in turns1, 3, 7 and 13 with very direct questions. In turns 1 and 3, "D" responds willingly butin turn 8, "D" indicates reluctance and unwillingness to answer the question but seemsto reconsider and answer in turn 10. She appears to be wanting to maintain her priva-cy/control in the situation but decides to accept the assessment format with "I" in con-trol by finally answering in line 10. The interview technique that "I" is using enables"D" to develop confidence in the interview situation and she gradually begins to relax.Throughout the one hour interview with "D" all the questions are asked by the inter-

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viewer and the closest that "D" comes to asking a question is in the statement "And I'dlike to also see what sort of avenues you can offer me here like say to go out to what sortof things might be available". However, the interviewer is unable to answer this state-ment/question because "D" does not allow the interviewer to speak because she is toobusy talking and elaborating.

The interviewer continues this pattern of questioning with client "X". In transcript1 turn 1, the interviewer asks the usual opening question and "X" immediately responds.Again, throughout the much shorter interview with "X" all the questions are asked bythe interviewer except for "X" questioning why the CES sent him for an assessment: forexample, in

"and they just said .... oh come around that's all why?"and towards the end of the interview"Now they send me out another one (CES letter) what's going on?"

Client "W" begins to speak almost as soon as he begins the assessment and relaysa large volume of information without any specific questioning. It transpires very latein the interview that he has already been assessed by Adult Literacy and was hence morecomfortable in revealing his wants. The specific opening question that was asked in theother interviews was only asked after "W" gave a great deal of information on his pre-vious employment background.

The interviewer continues to ask these very specific direct questions as the inter-views progress to obtain information about reading and writing habits. These questionsare always asked in many different ways and are never asked only once:

Transcript 6: Client "X"25. I: I don't know what sort of training you ... you've done? elsewhere. Have

you done any with SkillShares or anything like that?26. X: Yeah We've done ....ah....doing resumes and all that kind of stuff[27 turns later]53. I: So what sort of courses have you done with SkillShare?54. X: Ahh...We done a small papers course55. I: Yeah small papers?56. X: Yeah.... Just like we made up a like just doing it for ads editing

and all that kind of stuff57. I: Oh yeah, oh yeahTurns 25, 53 and 55 are all specifically trying to discover what type of training "X" hascompleted and what type of literacy skills the training may have involved.

Again the direct questioning continues during the interview with "D". The inter-viewer has to keep repeating the intent of questions to try to maintain direction in theinterview with "D".

Transcript 7: Client "D"[relating to SkillShare course]

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39. I: Oh right and so how are you going with all that Can you?40. D: I've managed it all right41. I: Right[another attempt later]53. I: Yeah and so what sort of do you have to do much reading and writing for

that course?54. D: Oh55. I: that you're doing56. D: Its 50/50 but we go out to a lot of like TAFE centres[55 turns later]111. I: Yeah Yeah right So what sort of What I'm trying to work out is what sort of

reading do you do. What sort of things do you read?112. D: I don't read at all much113. I: No Do you read the newspaper would you look at that?114. D: Yes I don't buy newspapers but I read like those papers you get in the let-

terbox.The interviewer keeps trying to discover the reading and writing habits of "D" by con-tinuing to ask direct questions in turns 39, 53, I 1 1 and 113. She discovers that "D" saysshe can read newspapers and reads material placed in the letterbox. The interviewer isfmally beginning to obtain a portrait of "D's" literacy skills.

(c) Feedback techniquesAnother aspect to examine in the client-assessor relationship is the use of feedback tech-niques to build confidence and rapport, whereby the interviewer responds in such a wayas to encourage assessment information from the client. These techniques are similar tothose used in counselling sessions which simulate egalitarianism and help to personalisethe interview but always have the underlying motive of gathering information. Theinterviewer no longer uses obvious power tactics to retain control but the discourse isstill proceeding according to a formula unconsciously determined beforehand.

The interviewer uses common techniques in all the three interviews. To maintainthe flow of information and to indicate interest she replies with "right", "okay" quite fre-quently in all three interviews. This is evident in transcript 1 turn 248, and in transcript3 she is agreeing with the client and attempting to mollify "X" who had not wanted tobe interviewed. In transcripts 2 and 4 she uses "right" frequently to indicate she is lis-tening and understanding what is being said.Transcript 8: Client "D"68. D: we go out to lunch in the after the morning session of training and uhm get our

certificates cause we get a first aid St John Ambulance certificate69. I: Oh right, and did you get that?70. D: Yeah...h71. I: Oh that's great isn't it72. D: I passed that Yeah

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73. I: Oh that's good And so uhm did you have to do writing and reading for that orwas

74. D: Examination lots of questions but the morning before we did them the officerwent over it again

75. I: Oh good76. D: And then we had to do a a prac on a dummy77. I: Yeah78. D: and then we had to do some own personal bandaging on another human being79. I: Oh right Oh that's good that's useful to have if you're going for a job or some-

thing80. D: Yeah

In the above transcript the power relationship between the interviewer and client"D" is very apparent as being unequal. When a conversation between equals occurs, theuse of evaluative terms and judgements is kept to a minimum; the dialogue developsthrough interaction and if one participant begins to evaluate what the other is saying, theflow changes and soon becomes one-sided, particularly if the statement made is evalu-ated in a negative matter.

The interviewer is being positive and encouraging in turns 71, 73, 75 and 79, yetthe exchange highlights the unequal sharing of power. The interviewer assumes theright to make evaluative statements, "Oh that's great", "Oh good" and "Oh that's goodthat's useful to have". The evaluation has definitely been made in the last phrase andthe interviewer has indicated her approval; it's good to have because it will be useful."D" accepts the judgmental aspect of the responses and the right of the interviewer toevaluate and indicates her acceptance of the approval by saying "Yeah". The stress ofthe word is not captured in black and white, however, if the tone and stress of the spo-ken word could be captured in print it would indicate that "D" is basking in the approvalof the interviewer. The interviewer attempts to use the same technique with client "X"but it is not so successful because "X" is much more concerned about why the CES hasdecided to send him to ALBE. "X" states that he likes doing crosswords and the inter-viewer attempts to build rapport:

Transcript 9: Client X84. I: I'm hopeless at crosswords..85. X: Oh they're pretty easy86. I: particularly those cryptic ones87. X: Yeah88. I: You know .... do you do those?89. X: I've done a few of them90. I: a few so you must have a good knowledge of words to be able to do

those91. X: Yeah probably the only reason I think they've done this is because I missed

a bit of school when I was younger cause I had leukaemia

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"X" indicates that he is really not interested in developing rapport or anything else,he is very abstracted and only interested in determining why he is there. He is not at allinterested in the power relationship between him and the interviewer. In turn 91 hisreply is one of disinterest, "Yeah", and dismissal, he changes the topic and immediatelyreturns to the question of why he is at the interview.

Transcript 10: Client "W"1. W: I used to work out at (XXX) about three years ago..I got redundant..2. I: Oh right3. W: technology took over4. I: Oh right5. W: I was up there nearly ....17 years6. I: That was a long time wasn't it7. W: Yeah... I've been lucky in some ways....more than other poor buggers some

people can't get jobs I've just been lucky in jobs here and there8. I: Yeah9. W: type of thing10. I: Yeah but they're only short11. W: Yeah about five months ..12. I: Yeah13. W: three and a half months a cleaning job just relief work it was14. I: Yeah .. so what were you doing for the 17 years15. W: A grinder attendant at XXXX16. I: Right17. W: A boring old job but it paid well18. I: Yeah19. W: Before I left I was on about .... $3600020. I: Oh really21. W: before I left that was about three years ago now they're on about $40000 now22. I: Gee

The interviewer is able to develop rapport with Client "W" from the very begin-ning of the interview, with "W" accepting the unstated roles without question. Heresponds and develops the conversation and accepts her evaluative statements. He com-mences the interview with statements to indicate that he is someone of importance, onceof perhaps equal status, because he was earning large amounts of money in a job heldfor a long period. The interviewer values his statements by replying appropriately inturns 20 and 22 to reinforce his belief. However, the interviewer unconsciously beginsto undervalue "W" by stressing that his employment since his last well-paid job has beenfor "only short" periods, in turn 10. She has kept her power and position by judging hisemployment as wanting; "only" is used as a qualifier to give a negative response to hispositive statement in turn 7.

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Theme 3: The SIP assessment interview DiscourseThe literacy interview is occurring for a specific purpose: to fulfil institutional, assessorand client needs. It becomes an entity in itself, directing the structure of the discourse.In all interviews the structure proceeds from the very general to the specific. In the gen-eral discussion the pattern of questioning and answering is based on the interviewer ask-ing a general statement and then the client answering with 'wordy' answers which canbe structured to enable the client to be portrayed in a very positive light. In transcript 5,"D" is given the opportunity to speak at length about what she is doing and what she hasdone in the past, with this pattern continuing for many turns of conversation. "D"reveals her work interests and training, enabling the interviewer to begin to build up aportrait of her interests, skills, learning styles and possible pathways for future training.This pattern is again apparent in the initial stage of the interview with client "W". Intranscript 10, the client reveals his past job experience, his feelings towards technology- "I got redundant" then "technology took over" - and his current aspirations towardsemployment, so that the interviewer is again able to begin developing a portrait.

In the interview with client "X", the process is much more difficult for the inter-viewer because the interview is not quite moving in the accepted format. The outsideinstitutional power is interfering with the internal power of the interview structure. Theinterview structure of moving from the general to specific with the client speaking freelyis not really occurring because the client is unsure of why he should be at the interview.The interviewer is uncomfortable with the situation and uses lots of pauses, uhms andahs in attempting to follow the usual format. This is particularly evident in transcript 3in every response that the interviewer makes to any statement that "X" makes. The inter-viewer is unable to begin the process of developing a portrait of the client's interests andskills. It is not until turn 25 in transcript 6 that the interviewer is able to begin to followthe usual pattern. The hesitancy disappears and the information gathering commences.

The interviewer is not the only one who uses the interview discourse for specificpurposes. The client also comes to the interview with stated and unstated needs. Client"D" begins the interview stating "I want to get assessed on where I'm at with my Mathsand English", which if taken literally indicates that she would like to know her ability inthese areas. If we examine the transcript below we can discern some unstated needs of

Transcript 11: Client "D"397. D: I've got, I've got don't know if we're supposed to have them but .

. . the man who's doing community . . . personal development brought themin , XXXX gave them to him to bring in we sought of snuck them and tookthem . . . don't know if he's supposed to hand them out but he stuck themunder the bench so we took them

398. I: Oh right399. D: that's what we did for our our our exam last wee400. I: Oh right401. D: last week

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402. I: oh it looks like you can do uhm403. D: see they're percentages see I got the right answer but the decimal point was in

the wrong place404. I: Yeah405. D: I don't know if that one's wrong what I put the answer there I don't know how

it went406. I: No because that was that's 3% and that's 1 and. a bit . . . and another

whole % which is 4407. D: well I just added the 3 and the 25 automatically408. I: Yeah cause that's 1 and a bit409. D: and fractions and all that410. I: well your fractions are pretty good aren't they411. D: XXX helped me with that one412. I: look at this one changing the denominator

you might almost be better doing one-to-one instead of going into a group413. D: that's where I was doing all the adding up and then I found out I

was supposed to be subtracting them414. I: Yeah Oh sub oh look at the well no wonder you

couldn't see it it's a pretty hard sign to see isn't it I automatically added it uptoo cause you can't see the sign

415. D: It's got at the top subtraction and the rest416. I: Yeah417. D: she said at the beginning all the rest except for those are418. I: subtraction but I can see how you'd forget you'd be doing them then you'd

forget419. D: cause all the rest of the other page was all addition420. I: Yeah well I it looks like you can do most uhm. . .

421. D: see you've got hours and minutes and you've got to convert them into theright. . . . hours and minutes

422. I: uhm423. D: It wasn't I got that right424. I: Yeah Can I take a copy of it to put in the file and I'll show the tutor .

. . . or do you want to bring it yourself425. D: I can bring it back it doesn't matter426. I: Yeah . . . . well I'll put that down because that shows you can

really do an incredible amount I mean look at this how complicated these are.and you can do all of those the long multiplication and that and

multiplying hours and minutes by nine and then427. D: and then we three minute speed tests and you've got to do . . .

. . . this card writing how many you've got at least sixty is it sixtywords in three minutes

428. I: Right

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429. D: to be on the average of normal average intelligence430. I: Wow431. D: I think that's432. I: and what's average normal intelligence that's a . . pretty . sort of

subjective433. D: 30434. I: thing isn't it435. D: that's right you've got to have 60 words in three minutes well we went up to

you know we've got this graph and you went up there and I wasabout up here in 70 or something they said you're too good for that. . . . so you have a second on the same day

436. I: Uhm437. D: and that was even better so . . . . she said you've got to do the . .

. the B one the B one was harder . . . than the A one and Iwas up here with that one and I was way down here a lot more com-plicated

438. I: cause I suspect you could probably do a lot of the Year 10stuff too. . . .

439. D: cause I have a lot of trouble with . . . . uhm say 6 x Os or 0 x 6s440. I: yeah most people would441. D: and that's where I went wrong because442. I: Uhm443. D: I remembered . . . . when I looked at it today . . I forgot the one .

This section of transcript occurs as the interview nears completion. "D" revealsthat she would like the interviewer to confirm that she is better than average at her maths.She brings from her bag the results of the test she did at SkillShare and also states that"they said you're too good for that". "D" is attempting to ensure that the interviewerreports that she is at a high level of numeracy. She wants the interviewer to be able toanswer her original question of where she's at but is making sure that the answer is onethat will be acceptable to her. "D" wants to be able to say that she is at a Year 10 levelof skills. Thus, the assessment Discourse is enabling "D" to try to achieve some of hergoals as well as enabling the assessor to obtain the relevant information that is required.

The grouping of the data into these three broad themes enables us to look at whatis really occurring and the next chapter will continue this analysis in much more detail.

CHAPTER 5: DATA INTERPRETATIONIt is extremely important as I begin this chapter to reiterate that I agree with authors suchas Gee (1990), Fairclough (1989), Friere (1970) and Wickert (1993) that literacy cannotbe looked at in an isolated situation, divorced from social relationships and social prac-tices. The "situated assemblies" (Gee) or "member's resources" (Fairclough) that boththe assessor and client bring to the assessment have a profound effect in determiningpower relationships and hence the ALBE and SIP assessment Discourse. Thus, the tran-

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script data alone are not sufficient to explain how the power relationships influence theassessment Discourse. However, the transcripts do indicate that there are changes inpower relations throughout the assessment and that the power relationships then affectthe progress of the assessment.

The main participants that I have identified in the assessment Discourse are:the assessorthe clientthe corporate client, the CESthe Adult Literacy culture including theory and practice.

The following diagram indicates the relationship between the four participants andbegins with the power relationships balanced.

BALANCED POWER RELATIONSHIPS

The arrows indicate that there is a balance of power between all participants and that thisbalance also influences the assessment. If the situation was ideal each participant wouldhave the same degree of influence as the other. The assessor, who brings along to theassessment a variety of situated assemblies which include the influence of family, edu-cation, work culture and society, would be relating equally to the client who is alsobringing along many different situated assemblies also determined by family, education,work and society. The invisible impact of the CES and the literacy culture would alsoimpact on the assessor and client but would not dominate what was occurring in theassessment. Such a balance of power is an ideal situation and I did not find any evidenceto indicate that it occurs. Instead, throughout the assessment interviews the balance of

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power constantly changed so that one participant temporarily became more influentialthan the others.

In the interviews when the corporate, invisible client, the CES, was the predomi-nant power influence, the assessment information gathering process became stilted. Thefollowing diagram indicates this relationship.

POWER IMBALANCE IN FAVOUR OF CES

In the interview with Client "X" this was the power relationship. Client "X" very clear-ly came to the interview with a variety of situated assemblies. He believed that his lit-eracy skills were adequate for his specific purposes and that he was being forced toattend the assessment. This is very clear in transcript 1: "So they said you'd better go tothis one or your money is going to be stopped and all this". Both the interviewer and theclient seem to believe this threat because the assessment continues even though the clientdoes not want to be assessed, the interviewer stating, "I've got to send in some sort of .. . report based on what you've been telling me". They both believe that the corporateclient requires a written outcome from this assessment and seem to believe that if thereisn't one there could be a fmancial disadvantage. It is also very difficult for the inter-viewer to obtain an accurate portrait of "X's" skills because he is unwilling, and unin-terested in revealing his literacy skills because he believes that they are sufficient for hisneeds. The threat to cut off "X's" payments by the powerful corporate institution over-rides everything: he barely listens to questions and keeps wondering why "they" sent

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him. For example, in transcript 9, ". . . . probably the only reason I think they've donethis is because I missed a bit of school when I was younger . . . . cause I hadleukaemia".

The progression of the assessment discourse is stilted, with the interviewer uncer-tain how to continue; note the pauses and uhms and ahs in transcripts 1, 3 and 9. Thewritten outcome of the assessment is thus based on only the very limited informationthat "X" is willing to reveal about his literacy skills. The extreme power imbalance hasworked to disadvantage client "X", the assessor and the written report that the CESrequires from each assessment. The corporate client is perceived as a threatening insti-tution influencing the outcome in a very negative way.

Clients "W" and "D" also had been advised that there is some link between theirunemployment payments and literacy training but they do not seem to have the samenegative reaction to this display of corporate power. They merely allude to the CESpower in their general conversation. For example, "W" says in transcript 2, "Well I'vegot to come through youse". He then continues with the assessment and very clearlyidentifies that he believes that he could improve his literacy skills and says in transcript4, "the trouble is everything's book work". The negative effect and influence of the CESis very minimal for him. He perceives from his previous employment experience thatthere is a clear link between literacy skills and employment. "D" too minimises theinfluence of the CES power and believes in this link between employment and literacy,stating in transcript 5 when she is referring to her level of English and Maths," . . . .

whether I actually need to brush up on them for getting a job". Both "D" and "W" arewanting to participate in the assessment because they can see a positive benefit for them-selves and thus the power balance changes for them. The diagram changes: (see pagefollowing) with "D" and "W" wanting to have some direction and influence in theassessment Discourse. "D" states at both the beginning and end of the assessment thatshe wants to know "where I'm at" (transcript 5) in ability but also that she wants to haveit confirmed that she is above average (transcript 11), and brings along test results toshow this. "W" states that he wants to improve his spelling and writing because that iswhat he perceives that he requires to obtain employment. Both clients are willing par-ticipants and because they believe that they will obtain something to their advantage,they effectively change the power balance to advantage themselves in different situa-tions in the Discourse. In collaboration with the assessor they decide what they aregoing to reveal in the assessment and whether they will permit the assessment to con-tinue. We see evidence of "D's" power when she indicates that "I haven't gone intothat at the moment" (transcript 5) when she at first decides that she doesn't want toanswer the assessor, but then later reconsiders.

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POWER IMBALANCE IN FAVOUR OF CLIENT

"D" has a big influence on the progression of the Discourse because even thoughshe is answering the questions of the assessor she is also deciding on how to answerthem. She has the choice of answering with very short or very wordy statements orrefusing to answer the question. "W" has occasions during the assessment when thepower balance is in his favour, particularly in the early stages of the assessment. Theinterviewer does not really ask any questions initially, "W" decides to speak and directthe information that he deems relevant for the interviewer to know. He reveals his pastemployment history and his beliefs on the importance of literacy (see transcript 10).

The power balance does change in favour of the assessor and it would be naive tobelieve that the assessor did not have any power in the interview and that she did notinfluence the Discourse process. The assessor has brought to the assessment her varioussituated assemblies and what she believes is the purpose of the assessment. Her situat-ed assemblies have positioned her to follow certain procedures. The influence of herfamily, schooling, tertiary training, work practices and knowledge of literacy theory andpractice ensure that she assesses the client to obtain the required outcomes. Sheassumes the asymmetrical right "to ask questions, request action" and that the clientshave the "asymmetrical obligations to answer, act and explain" (Fairclough, 1989, p.157) when she asks questions. The next diagram now shows this imbalance (see pageopposite):

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POWER IMBALANCE IN FAVOUR OF ASSESSOR

This assumption of power enables the assessor to ask all the questions asked in allthe interviews and enables her to then direct the assessment Discourse to fulfil the pur-poses she requires. These assumptions that she makes are accepted by all participantsand indicate that they typify the unspoken ideology current in society. Unconsciouslyshe uses "synthetic personalization" (Fairclough, 1989, p. 217) to establish rapportbetween herself and the client. This technique applies social scientific knowledge forpurposes of obtaining bureaucratic information (Fairclough, p. 211). The statementsand comments she makes in the transcripts are generally supportive and positive, suchas "right", "uhm", "that's great", and enable the information gathering process to con-tinue. They would not be used in the same manner if the participants were of equal sta-tus. She continues to control the Discourse by directing the questioning so that itchanges from open-ended questions such as "Why did you come along today", which areasked at the beginning of the assessment, to the very closed questions, such as in tran-script 7, "what I'm trying to work out is what sort of reading do you do. What sort ofthings do you read?" The closed questions occur in the later stages of the assessmentafter the client is more comfortable and confident and when the client appears more will-ing to reveal his/her literacy skills. The assessor is very much in control. If the ques-tion is unanswered she persists and asks the question again and again to enable her toobtain the assessment information she requires. In transcript 7 she asks "D" in four

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different ways about her reading habits until she actually discovers what "D" reads: "butI read like . . . . those papers you get in the letterbox". If the power relationships wereequal the assessor would have changed the topic when "D" stated "I don't read at allmuch" but she ignored "D's" reply and kept persisting with the literacy question untilshe had an acceptable answer.

The Adult Literacy culture (ALC) is also a participant in the power balance (seethe following diagram).

POWER IMBALANCE IN FAVOUR OF LITERACY FIELD

The three other participants - the assessor, the client and the corporate client - all believein the assessment process and that it will rate skills in some way (Rowntree, 1991). Thissocial belief then predisposes the power balance in favour of the ALC Discourse. Theliteracy assessor and the CES staff have been trained to become familiar with literacytheory and practice in relation to the assessment Discourse. ALBE academics and prac-titioners have published numerous texts to ensure that there is wide-spread knowledgeof how to conduct an ALBE assessment. As noted earlier, however, not many texts dis-cuss power in assessments. The practical journal Good Practice, which is read widelyin the Adult Literacy field, has devoted two issues to the topic issues 7 and 17. DEET(Osmond, Barin & Partlin, 1990) and AMES (Navara, 1992) have published large man-uals with assessment tasks, questions and answers to ensure that the accepted Discoursestructure is followed and most in the field follow this structure. It is important to reflecton this structure and not to accept it unquestioningly because as Fairclough says it is

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using a technique of "synthetic personalization" which has been grasped by manybureaucracies to obtain selective information. The technique enables one person to bethe 'expert' and to have an asymmetrical balance of power resulting in the participants,because of their previous learning experiences at school and in the wider community,deferring to the expert.

The ALC structures the assessment Discourse with the clear purpose of obtainingliteracy knowledge. Even when a person does not want to collaborate in the assessment,for example client "X", the discourse structure still enables the assessor to obtain infor-mation about literacy skills. The assessor knows the general type of material that "X"says he reads and also the type of writing genre with which "X" says he is familiar.When the process becomes collaborative, as in the cases of "D" and "W", the Discoursestructure enables very detailed information to be collected. As the assessment proceedswith client "D", the assessor discovers "D"'s vocational interests, her past school learn-ing experiences and her current level of literacy and numeracy development. All thisoccurs as the pattern of Discourse is followed from general to very direct questioning.Client "W" also participates collaboratively and follows the ALC assessment Discoursestructure. The assessor obtains very detailed knowledge about "W"'s work experienceand the role literacy had and is likely to have in his workplace.

This changing balance of power is occurring continually within the literacy assess-ment and is therefore going to influence how the actual individual assessment Discourseoperates and progresses. In turn, the assessment Discourse is going to become a majorparticipant in this interaction. Each participant knows that there is a specific purpose formeeting; thus, the very act of meeting for an assessment will then position all partici-pants to behave in certain ways. An assessment will occur, but how it occurs will bedependent on the changing power balance. As the participants interact new situationsdevelop, the assessment continues and becomes the catalyst for further interaction. Thisinteraction in turn again influences the assessment Discourse. The information gather-ing process will be influenced by which participant is the predominant power. When theCES is predominant, less assessment information is gathered but more is gleaned aboutclient frustration with the system. When the client is predominant the information ismore general and sometimes very personal ("D" gives information about her family) butstill enables the assessment to continue. It is when the assessor becomes the dominantpower that very specific information is obtained about literacy skills because the ques-tioning becomes more direct and specific. Yet throughout the whole process the assess-ment Discourse is operating unseen and is pushing all participants forward in this infor-mation gathering process.

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CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION

Research conclusions

Literature ReviewAssessment Observations

Assessor Experience

Assessment(procedure

and analysis)

Conclusionsfrom review

Report andRecommendations

Overallconclusions

The above diagram illustrates the process that I undertook for this research project. Ibegan the research process because of observations that I had made when undertakingSIP assessments. I wanted to understand what was occurring in the assessment becausemy experiences and observations indicated that some assessments were much easier toundertake than others, and that the recommendations from these 'easier' assessmentswere readily accepted by all involved in the process.

The literature review enabled me to read widely and to clarify my thoughts so thatI had a better understanding of concepts of power and language, assessment and litera-cy. I was then able to examine my assessments with a heightened awareness so that myunconscious actions became conscious. I studied the transcripts of the three conversa-tions and saw patterns that were not obvious to me before I began the literature review.

It is very clear from the transcripts that the use of language and the situated assem-blies that each participant brings to the assessment positions the participants in the inter-view and causes changes in the power balance. I identified the participants as the asses-sor, the client, the CES/DEET, the literacy field and the assessment itself.

The effects of the power imbalance were varied and were both positive and nega-tive. The fact that the assessor, myself, asked most of the questions did have some pos-itive outcomes: The assessment process flowed, a portrait of what the client could dowas obtained and training pathways were planned (for two of the clients). The analysisindicates that the language used by the assessor helps to determine the relationshipbetween the assessor and the client. Questioning techniques need to be examined so thatthe client has more input in determining the direction of the information gatheringprocess. Questions need to be open rather than closed so that the client says what he/shemight want to say rather than says what he/she expects the assessor wants to hear. Thepositive responses that the assessor makes throughout the interview, "that's great","good", etc. , are now evident as part of the power positioning procedure. Each posi-tive response ensures that the client knows what the assessor approves of and encouragesthe client to say what he/she believes the assessor would like to hear.

The power imbalance was also in favour of the CES/DEET and again it was bothpositive and negative. The three clients interviewed were encouraged by the CES to

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undertake literacy interviews and two of the three decided to access literacy trainingafter the assessment interview. The process was positive for two of the clients, becausethe clients became aware of training opportunities and knew they would be supportedfinancially if they decided to undertake training. Before the Special InterventionProgram many clients were not able to access literacy training as readily because the lit-eracy program delivery was supported on a very narrow funding base. The negativeeffect of the CES power imbalance does need to be addressed. Client "X" did feeltremendous pressure to attend an interview even though he perceived that his skills wereadequate for his vocational requirements. All CES/DEET staff should be encouraged toundertake training on how to identify the literacy needs of clients and how to use lan-guage which is encouraging but not threatening so that clients are able to be part of thedecision making process when the decision is made to access a literacy assessment.Some CES officers do have an awareness of the power of language: Two of the threeclients interviewed did decide that they would participate in the assessment processbecause of the encouragement they received from their CES officer. However, theresponses from client "X" indicate that there is room for further awareness raising forsome officers.

The literacy culture (publications, training institutions and literacy employers) hasalso been shown to be a major participant in the interview. It is the major source ofinformation for practitioners and should encourage practitioners to raise their awarenessof what is occurring in literacy assessments. There should be more publications andtraining on the effect of language in positioning participants in power relationships.

If literacy practitioners become more aware of the effects of language and priorexperiences and their relationship to power, they will be able to meet clients in a moreequal relationship, even though one person is more "expert" than the other in the litera-cy interview.

RecommendationsThe recommendations from my research are:

a larger sample size should be selected to further investigate these power relation-ships

further research should examine how power relationships impact on the quality of theassessment outcomes

the literacy field, through training and publications, should raise practitioners' aware-ness of how power impacts on literacy assessments

the unseen corporate participants in the assessment need to be trained so that theybecome more aware of the impact of language use to empower/disempower clients

further research should examine and try to determine appropriate questioning tech-niques to use in a literacy assessment.

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REFERENCES

Adult Education, Department of Employment Industrial Relations and Training andDepartment of Employment Education and Training (1992) A Guide to the InterimLiteracy Course Matrix. Hobart: Adult Education Tasmania

Adult Education, Department of Employment Industrial Relations and Training andDepartment of Employment Education and Training (1992) Quality Provision for theSpecial Intervention Program: An Investigation. Hobart: Adult Education Tasmania

Assessment and Evaluation (1990) Good Practice. Number 7. Hobart: AdultEducation Tasmania

Assessment, Referral and Placement (1992) Good Practice. Number 17. Hobart:Adult Education Tasmania

Australia. Prime Minister. Working Nation presented by the Prime Minister theHonourable P. J. Keating, M. P. 4 May 1994, Canberra: Australian GovernmentPublishing Service

Fairclough, N. (1989) Language and Power. UK: Longman

Falk, I. (1995a) Critical Theory and Practice in Adult Education: TowardsImplementation of Critical Education: Australian and New Zealand Journal ofVocation Education Research (3), 1

Freire, Paulo (1992) Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum PublishingCompany

Gee, J. (1990) Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourses. London:Falmer Press

Gee J. (1995) Learning and Reading: the Situated Socio-cultural Mind. In D.Kirshner and A. Witson, Situated Cognition. N. J.: Laurence Erlbaum Associates(in press)

Graff, H. (1987) The Labyrinths of Literacy: Reflections on Literacy Past andPresent. London: Falmer Press

Hall, W. & Saunders, J. (1990)What is Assessment? Getting to Grips withAssessment. Adelaide: National Centre for Vocational Education Research

King, J. (1993) Beyond Stereotypes: Real Images of Adult Learners. In Vision, (2).Volume 5, Fall 1993 pp. 3-5

Lankshear, C. (1987) Literacy, Schooling and Revolution. London: Falmer Press.

Lytle, S. & Schultz, K. (1990) Assessing Literacy Learning with Adults: AnIdeological Approach, in P. Beach & S. Hynds. (Eds. ) Developing Discourse

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Practices in Adolescence and Adulthood, . Norwood, N. J. : Ablex

Murray, J. (1992) Judge and Jury or Guide and Co-traveller? The Changing Face ofAssessment. Literacy Learning: Secondary Thoughts, (1). Vol 1 pp. 44-55

Navara, D. (1992) Literacy Assessment Tasks for Placement and Referral. , NSW:AMES

Osmond, P. , Barth, L. & Partlin, J. (1990) Adult Basic Education AssessmentResources Literacy and Numeracy. Canberra: DEET

Rowntree, D. (1991) Assessing Students: How Shall We Know Them. New York:Nichols

Wickert, R. (1989) No Single Measure: A Survey of Australian Adult Literacy.Sydney: Institute of Technical and Adult Teacher Education

Wehmeir, S. (Ed. ) (1993) Oxford Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Wickert, R. (1993) Constructing Adult Literacy: Mythologies and Identities. InLuke & Gilbert (Eds. ). Literacy in Contexts: Australian Perspectives and Issues.Sydney: Allen and Unwin

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WHICH AGENDA? THE DILEMMA FOR ALBEPROGRAM PLANNERSAnn Brooks

INTRODUCTIONFor some understanding of the positioning of Adult Literacy and Basic Education pro-vision it seems necessary to consider the varied discourses that fuel the programs direct-ly or overtly. What are the various stakeholders' expectations of participation in anALBE program? To provide an effective response to the demands of these players, aprogram planner needs awareness of many facets. This paper examines some of theinfluences impacting on program planning.

To find answers to queries about structuring provision, desirable learning out-comes and what are the most effective programs in ALBE, a preliminary step could beto consider the varying agendas to which a program manager or curriculum writer needsto respond. This study considers some of the issues involved in the determination of aprogram's process and content, at the stage where the learning objectives are determinedand the planning or recommendations for the student will begin. No attempt is made tosuggest a 'best possible scenario'; in fact it is my personal view that each programshould result from awareness of many of the issues involved and that a specific responsewill be needed for each program determination, once the background knowledge isweighed against the specific needs and goals of the student. Any one of those factorsmay determine the whole program or may result in the emphases that are included orbecome dominant through the choice of the most appropriate learning option.

The agendas that are considered are not explored fully. So once program plannersare aware of the varying discourses, they would explore in depth the concepts identifiedas keys to their programs. Whilst a mixture of numerous influences, with constantlychanging guidelines and relationships, will be responsible for any specific provision,four major areas of influence seem dominant: past and current ALBE theories, the polit-ical framework, the prospective clients' demands, and the existing provision structures.However, within any one aspect there will be many complexities, as demonstrated byconsidering just one of those: 'Existing provision' when considered from theAustralian viewpoint - demonstrates the radically different contexts existing. Largelydeveloping from a state basis, the nature of adult literacy provision is significantly dif-ferent in each of the states as a result of different histories, funding and ownership ofprograms.

Reasons for the formulation of diverse provision can be demonstrated by the rea-sons given for seven large-scale studies carried out in the USA between 1970 and 1985(Newman & Beverstock, 1990:47):

To establish a national estimate of literacy levels,funding agencies wanted to evaluate progress of learners in their programs,researchers and practitioners wanted to compare the effectiveness of various

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approaches to literacy learning,instructors and learners needed dependable ways to measure literacy gains,to gather information that would influence the course of instruction,employers wanted to know whether prospective employees had the literacy skillsneeded for advertised positions.

This diversity gives an indication of the scope of any investigation. It is interest-ing to note that the relative value and the implications of the different agendas were notrecorded, neither is there an identified link between the reason, the results and any futuredirections. These are further issues that a program planner has to consider.

In addition to the 'broad' agendas noted there is the need to consider specific con-siderations. Such a mixture of influences is demonstrated through the DEET(Department of Employment, Education and Training) TV advertisement run in1994/95. It informed the public of the assistance available for "Over 1 millionAustralians who can't read and write effectively". The advert gave the impression offreely available, unrestricted access in one-to-one learning partnerships in the student'shome. The advertisement appeared at a time of disenfranchising community programs- the main providers of such services. The pattern for assistance seems to be structuredcourses for specific groups with time restrictions being promoted through the increaseduse of the tender system, where cost effectiveness would probably favour the systemprovider. Seddon (1993:12) underlines the impact of this approach with her comment;"In Working Nation (Keating: 1994) this (change) is brought to its height: redefininglanguage and literacy programs with recurrent funds as labour market programs fundedon an accordingly short-term basis".

Additional influences and relevant information arise from the consideration thatmany of the issues affecting debates about 'literacy' derive from or impinge on other dis-courses: The wider agenda of adult learning, and in particular the present link betweentraining and the economic agenda are examples.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKWhich literacy?For a program planner there needs to be some personal acceptance of what constitutes`literacy'. But to find such a standpoint it is necessary to consider some of the discours-es that have provided fierce and invigorating debate about 'What is literacy'? A start-ing point could be the view that literacy takes place everywhere.

It might be useful to keep in mind a comment by Graff (1987:3): "Defining liter-acy is tricky". But nonetheless, such defining has occupied many theorists and practi-tioners. The conflicts identified for reading, by Adams (1990: 1), "The question of howbest to teach reading may be the most politicised topic in the field of education", couldbe applied to literacy. Probably a necessary base is to accept with Street (1992) the con-cept of multiple literacies, rather than a single thing called 'literacy'. This view is sup-ported in the nine educational principles for the draft Adult Basic Education frameworkof Victoria (1992), stating

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that literacy cannot be talked about as if it were a monolithic undifferentiatedwhole, but rather that it needs to be seen as an amalgam of distinctive literaciesrequiring a range of capacities to read and write texts that have been construct-ed for quite particular social purposes.

Emphasising the `multi-layer' view is that an interesting additional comment inthat paper covers oracy, which is not covered within the brief but was considered by theplanning group to be of such importance that an additional project would need to fullyconsider what 'characterises oral competence', and would also have to include all thevarious facets of oral communications.

If the program planner adopts a broad field definition that accepts not only theinclusion of `literacies' but that the word itself should include all features of communi-cation reading, writing, talking, listening, thinking - there is still a decision to be madeabout the inclusion of 'numeracy'. To adopt a position on whether it is an integrated ora discrete component within literacy activities, or is a separate curriculum item, similardiscourses to those for 'literacy' are relevant for the planner.

Elaboration of the literacy definition presents the need to consider a context for theactivity, as a person has to read or write 'something', or, according to Gee (1990), "lit-eracy is defined by its task". As Falk (1992: 3) states, "We always read, write, speakand listen to something in some sort of context".

Historically that 'task' or 'context' has undergone major changes. One of the ear-liest pointers to the number of people considered to have 'adequate' literacy, was the col-lection of data from America in 1880, which, from the sample group enlisting in theArmy, demonstrated that 64% were capable of signing their names. There is an inter-esting corollary that, then, 'signing' equated to being able to read. However, that rawfigure hides other features. It has been calculated that at the time of the AmericanRevolution, about 90% of white men could sign their name, but only 50% of whitewomen could. The earliest date for literacy records of 'black and other races' is 1870,when 20.1% were considered literate. By the first census of 1840, being literate was theability to write a basic message. Even then there were difficulties that program plan-ners today would relate to: The figures are 'estimates' only and no-one had to demon-strate competency - they were simply asked if they could do the task!

Perhaps it was such a 'historical' view of literacy used a few years ago whichenabled a National Geographic article, commissioned for the Australian bicentenary, tostate that "Australia has virtually 100% literacy"! A truer picture is presented by theCoopers & Lybrand (1990) report : "In 1990 there were around 44,000 students enrolledin Adult Literacy programs and from Wickert's (1989:12) research that from a randomsample, "46% did not identify the correct dose for a child on an 'over the counter' med-icine".

Some of the most divisive arguments have focused on what type of literacy isbeing considered. The decision to accept that literacy is a set of skills for specific con-texts, or is social behaviour and so critical for life, or is the political power of a person,or a country's economic tool, raises issues that will have fundamental implications for

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program planning. Historically it can be shown that literacy's position is not a new areaof debate. Looking at the review of literacy in America, Lytle and Schultz (1990), statethat "multiple literacies dominated the 18th century view". Literacy was seen as "plu-ralistic, grounded in everyday practice and including the use of reading and writing formany social purposes". Similarly, cross-cultural research with the Hmong, Eskimo[Innuit] and Hispanic groups by Reder (1987) suggested that literacy learning is inextri-cably bound to the learner's need for the skill as a participant in a social activity:

There is a need therefore to understand the way in which adults themselves see(reading and writing) as meaningful.... There are connections between the socialorganisation of literacy in each setting and its social meanings. In all the threecommunities literacy is organised as collaborative practice in which reading andwriting are both used and transmitted. Within each of these collaborative groupactivities, however, individuals participate in the same literacy practices withdifferent modes of engagement. Some actually handle the materials while oth-ers provide knowledge or expertise or are engaged in the activity solely from asocial perspective....What is evident is the profoundly social nature of literacy.

The authors note that in the late 19th and 20th centuries, with changes in the struc-tural life and mores of many communities, including mass schooling, the developmentof a person's literacy became a skill to be learnt at school. It became became "for-malised and functioned to define and control access". Alongside the changes came theview of 'literacy' as a valuable and then a morally pleasing acquisition. It is interestingto note that the dominant voice has become an unnamed social entity, the learner's voicebeing subsumed. The arguments surrounding a context continue, with the reintroductionof the demand for literacy to address the need for a person to have access into their owncritical literacies. A key implication for program planning is, who is to determine whatparticular literacy is critical for a specific person. The power relationship between the`social' and the personal needs, to consider just two of the aspects, may determine whosecritical literacy will be addressed through a program. Issues intertwined with these con-siderations and having implications for program planners include the positioning on acontinuum of the curriculum as negotiated or pre-determined, the student and tutor rela-tionship as collaborative or dominant, and the capacity for a program to present the "pos-sibilities and the limits of literacy as a catalyst for social, economic and politicalchange" (Luke et al., 1994).

Methodology issuesDeciding what definition of the term 'literacy' will inform program planning onlyaddresses part of the concerns that will shape the eventual program. Particularly influ-ential will be the decision about the methodology to be adopted. A whole continuumof choices exist and frequently in practice the program will present more of a smorgas-bord of choices than the adoption of a narrow `either/or' option. However, to choose ameaningful framework, knowledge of the various discourses is important. The view ofthe relationship between oral and written language presents an example of the divisions

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that exist in any discussion of 'best practice.' One school of thought, followingCambourne (1986), would accept that "learning to become literate is a natural languagelearning enterprise which should be easy and painless". Cambourne, in analysing thereasons why there does not seem to be automatic success in gaining written competen-cies, emphasises the close relationship between oral and written skills and promotes theconcept that the characteristics used in gaining oracy would produce similar results iffollowed for other language skills. The conditions he would recommend for a programinclude:

close proximity for the learner to a proficient user,the use of immersion-saturation in whole, meaningful and contextually-based lan-guage, along with time and opportunity for learning,frequent demonstrations as raw material for learning, along with approximations,which are met with a high degree of tolerance. This provides the circle of 'hypothe-sis testing - modify test again', which accompanies 'natural' learning,engagement by the participant - based on Frank Smith's (1981) view that to learn any-thing, students have to feel that they can learn,the responsibility for learning is grounded with the student,that to accommodate the principles, language activity has to be present in all forms.Language is an interlocking system and only 'whole' language will carry the neces-sary context.

These characteristics of literacy present a scenario to the program planner similarto Heath's (1980) belief: "...adults can learn to read and write, provided they have a set-ting in which there is a need to be literate, and they are exposed to literacy, and they canget help from those who are already literate".

Contrasting with Cambourne's view is that of Cope and Kalantzis (1993). Onearea of conflict is the differentiation between 'speech', arranged in 'information units',which can often be a single word or sound, and 'writing' with the 'sentence as the min-imal textual unit'. Speech is considered to be the private domain, while the 'printedform' is 'primarily public'.

The division between the oral and written formats is supported by Vygotsky's(1993:71) exploration of the actions involved in the processes: "...inner speech is almostentirely predictive because the situation, the subject of thought is always known to thethinker. Written speech, on the contrary, must explain the situation fully in order to beintelligible."

Extensions from these concepts lead to claims about linguistic structures, as withthe emphasis on 'genre' and with consequent extensions into social action, power andmores. The use of the 'genre' mode is considered to be the most effective way to pro-vide access into the world of print. The repetition of a 'pattern' will provide for thelearner one of the few points of stability. According to Cope and Kalantzis (1993),

These patterns of discourse and their genre variations give access to differentdegrees and kinds of social power. In so far as social structures are relativelystable, genres persist over time and are the products of culture, context and his-

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tory. Furthermore, genres have specifiable linguistic characteristics which arenot fully controlled or determined by individual writers or speakers....Genres...are not simply the basis for social stability. They are also politicalmedia, both reflecting and creating social dynamism.

A further area of dissent would be the relationship between language and creativ-ity. Supporters of the view that "written language is automatically pre-determined by lin-guistic patterns governed by the purpose of the text" would support the view that "orig-inality comes only by way of the derivative, the imitative, the paradoc..." (Gilbert,1989c:80, in Cope & Kalantzis) and would have major concerns with the view that

...texts are not, per se, embued with power. Neither texts nor genres themselveshave power,...rather they are the sites and capillaries of power....I would arguefor a model of reading...which makes explicit and overt the social relations ofpower around the text (Luke, 1992:3 4).

The sense of personal empowerment through control of the written form seemsgermane to all theorists, but consideration of the relative ways and values of gaining themastery reveals a further diversity from the protagonists of the importance of personalvoice in writing: "The writing process has a driving force called voice....To ignore voiceis to present the process as a mechanical act.... Take the voice away and the writing col-lapses of its own weight" (Graves, 1983:227), to the genreists' view that:

When it comes to the issue of the social effects of different genres, those mostpowerful in industrial society are not the closest to speech, but the most distant- ostensibly objective, abstract, ...the broader the access to a variety of linguis-tic genres, the broader the social access (Cope, 1993:68).

In addition to the major considerations of which theory a program planner willadopt are other agendas that will sculpt the ensuing program. An example could be theinclusion or not of linguistic structures as learning objectives, whether they will form themain focus of the program or be supplementary assistance to aid print access. Decisionsabout which type of linguistic pattern to be used will also colour the planning of a pro-gram. Similar issues address the acceptance of 'plain English' either as an overall con-text, specific learning objective or the base on which to build the program. Althoughdecisions about the 'delivery' pattern of the program raise issues well beyond the scopeof the present paper, it is relevant for the planner that the acceptance of any one theoryof language carries implications for delivery.

Lesson scaffolds need to be explicit, accessible to students and patterned in pre-dictable ways. They need to be explicit both in managerial terms and insequencing of curriculum content, even if this means producing textbooks thatrealise new pedagogical principles (Cope, 1988:80).

Access issuesMethodology choice could affect 'access' issues. Should an underlying tenet forenabling people to gain entry to the discourses that they wish, be by providing 'plainEnglish' texts, or accepting that real empowerment may come from domination of textsas they appear in reality - frequently full of anything but 'plain English?'

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From frequent requests from students to help with completing the tax form that hasto accompany the training allowance documentation, I have come to realise that for theapplicant to claim some relief from tax they need to tick the 'yes' box. So disregardingthe instructions, the best piece of advice is 'tick yes for no tax'. So apt for coping withinstructional language did this definition seem that it was used for a title for a bookletoffering assistance with forms. As noticed by Luke, the emphasis in recent curriculumdirectives seems to optimistically assume that functional reading will be a non-prob-lematic activity, based on the mistaken notion that "the job instructions one encountersare economical, effective and yield optimal results; that, for instance the instructionsheet that goes with a particular appliance is accurate and correct" (Luke, 1992).

The perspective of what adult literacy is seems to be in a permanent state of flux.Linked to that insecure yet challenging position is the need for some determination ofwhat is the core role. Theories and associated practices are constantly being challenged,as shown through the debates about whether literacy assistance is the 'second chance' orfilling the 'deficit' model for individuals who needed an extension of skills, to the con-cept of literacy as a vital component of life-long learning'. A further direction has orig-inated from the criticism of attitudes to literacy in that training maintained conservativeand traditional power relationships within society and particularly in educational con-texts. Equity and access programs have been criticised as offering an entry into an exist-ing and frequently disempowered position in society. Radical challenges maintain thatone effect of literacy should herald changes in those relationships, extending the viewthat "education is potentially liberating. Education should serve as a site for contestingthe unequal practices which individuals and groups are exposed to in their everydaylife". The decisions about access raise issues about the positioning of the presenter:"whether educators should be keepers of the official knowledge, as opposed to facilita-tors of the critical thinking skills that will empower others..." (Ilsey & Stahl, 1993:24)

An ironic addition to the 'access' debate could be the way in which modem texts,in the postmodemist era, may well be denying access to all but the 'in crowd', a cultur-al elite: "postmodemist authors write texts that are often so tightly woven, clever, beau-tifully written and canonically referenced that they cannot be other than the products ofthe type of pedagogy and literacy that they so vehemently oppose" (Cope, 1993:73).

Specific needsFrequently at the point of program or curriculum choice there may be more specificfacets that would colour the choice of course material and presentation methods; forexample the implications of the acceptance of 'prior learning', the particular need forgaining a skill or perhaps the specific make-up of a group. The effect of the latter couldbe shown, for example, with the gender implications of a predominantly female group.

Many feminist writers feel that the majority of academic writing is based on themale writers' perspective and consequently tends to value the attributes of rationalismand objectivity. By contrast, the feminine strengths of intuition, emotion and personalfocus are undervalued. Work by Belenky (1986) (as cited in CarringtonSmith), and her

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colleagues examined `women's ways of knowing' and described five different perspec-tives from which women view relativity and draw conclusions about truth, knowledgeand authority. Their research found that women's self-concepts and ways of knowingare intertwined. Belenky's research grew out of a concern as to

why women students speak so frequently of problems and gaps in their learn-ing and so often doubt their intellectual competence. We also became awarethat for many women, the 'real' and valued lessons learned did not necessarilygrow out of their academic work, but in relationships with friends, teachers, lifecrises and community involvement.

Integrating such considerations into the context for program planning might beonly one of the pieces of the kaleidoscope, but may lead to effective participation andassist in meeting some of the expectations for involvement in basic education. An inter-esting additional relevance to the field of adult basic education is that the ways, accord-ing to Belenky, in which women view their learning concerns are very similar to the con-cepts of success identified by male and female students involved in a literacy program.As stated by Charnley and Jones (1979:91) in their evaluation of the students' gains, selfconfidence was the key result and this was translated into such personal points as "con-fidence in bearing", in a "feeling of being at ease with oneself', and being able to make"personal reassessments". The research found that the priority of achievements fromstudents, "was not primarily...in terms of utilitarian success....The revised order ofgroupings (of criteria for success) was [a] affective personal, [b] affective social, andthen [c] socio-economic and cognitive achievements".

POLITICAL FRAMEWORKThe White PaperThe seminal document of the present political position is the White Paper produced in1991, Australia's Language: The Australian Language and Literacy Policy. As statedby Cavalier [see following], it remains the only White Paper on education of the Hawkeand Keating governments and one of the few on education since Federation. The phi-losophy of the minister, John Dawkins, was perhaps best described by Rodney Cavalier,in an address to the Council of Adult Education (May, 1994) as "a quest for equality ofopportunity" - this created a focus for provision for 'all' Australians. Goal 1 of the pol-icy states, "All Australian residents should develop and maintain a level of spoken andwritten English ...", and the encompassing nature is emphasised in the preface:

The goals of the policy are comprehensive and coherent. They encompass pro-ficiency in spoken and written English for all Australians....They address theneeds of children and adults, of those in work, of those unemployed or not inthe workforce and of Australians of different ethnic backgrounds. (Preface, vii)

Following the same line of equality of opportunity, the paper incorporates anacknowledgment of the diverse needs in such a group with statements on the 'range ofcontexts' and the 'diverse learning needs'. The necessary response to provide the 'cohe-sive and comprehensive policy' includes 'education and training programs addressing

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their learning needs'.Similarly, the literacy that is envisaged is "effective, intrinsically powerful, flexi-

ble and dynamic and involves the integration of speaking, listening, thinking with read-ing and writing". The expectations of any provision that, "We should aspire to anAustralia whose citizens are literate and articulate; a nation of active and intelligent read-ers, writers, listeners and speakers" (Foreword, iii) would require a tall agenda to havethe methodology, curriculum and provision structure to encompass that broad, nonspe-cific view of literacy.

While a review of numerous providers would probably reveal that they support thephilosophies embeddded in the policy, in reality there would be a widely divergent pro-vision map. This could mean that such varied programming represents very appropriateresponses to the widely arching aims of the paper, or it could demonstrate necessaryresponses to an extensive range of agendas which have a different and often a narrowerfocus than the White Paper statements.

Examination of discourses that have developed since the White Paper revealschanging directions and emphases. It is important, however, to realise that any specificprogram is the result of an amalgam of directives and their relative strength is constant-ly changing, as is expected from the volatile political arena.

Economic agendaFuelled possibly by industry reports during the 1980s, that "increased economic prob-lems resulted from workers unable to meet the literacy demands of their jobs"(Mikulecky, 1982:402): a new relationship has developed between adult basic educationand industry. This has, for-adult literacy in the current workplace reform context, notonly generated a new arena for provision, 'workplace literacy', but has fuelled theaccompanying rise to dominance of 'vocational education and training' in ALBE.

The dramatic effects on the positioning of Adult Literacy from this movement isdemonstrated in the comments of Terri Seddon (1994:10): "In the late '80's it allchanged again. ALBE was catapulted firmly into the educational mainstream. Its eco-nomic utility was affirmed. It was funded. It became important for national survival".An irony is that the long-sought for funding was accompanied by specific program direc-tives that have tended to alter the very features of the educational area it was primed tosupport.

A further impact has been that of the discourse of economic reform. One result isthe apparent ignoring of the fundamental concerns about the nature of adult literacy andthe complex relationships between literacy, work and 'empowerment'. Literacy seemsto have developed the persona of "a means to an end driven by industrial needs and eco-nomic reform" (Shore, 1992:416). The extent of this directional change is underpinnedby the comments by McLaren (1982:229) that, "students and teachers are marginalisedas 'accountability schemes, management pedagogues and rationalised curricula' areforegrounded as the driving force for increased literacy development."

The drive of these changes and the implications for course determination can be

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demonstrated by considering the features recommended in an end-of-course evaluationinstruction by Donaldson and Scannell (1986:179):

There are a number of factors that affect productivity or profits. An improve-ment in any one of them may result from training. You need only to identifyand relate your training objectives to them and then evaluate those specific fac-tors after the training has been completed. If you can show management thattraining is responsible for improving profit, you will gain their support forfuture training programs.

Listed as some of the valuable effects to be derived from training are "direct costreductions, productivity of trained versus untrained employees, work quality, accidentrates, absenteesism, profits and sales volume".

For the program planner, one of the side issues has been the demand for cost effec-tive training and the issue of time and such determinants as how many hours is an effec-tive session, how many sessions a week for a student who for the first time is 'return-ing to study' as an adult, how many weeks, and what is the time frame for realisticachievement and to fit into an already busy adult life? There is also a need to achieve abalance between the philosophy that states "The length of time it takes a person to learnsomething does not matter: to begin to learn is to achieve and to achieve is to succeed"(Ross, 1984), against the time restrictions associated with funding specific programsdeveloping in response to the 'economic agenda'. With WELL (Workplace EnglishLanguage and Literacy program), for example, can a worksite enable a worker to attend40 hours of training, and will that amount really address the learning needs of a begin-ning reader or turn the reluctant communicator into the effective team member desiredby the economic reform agenda? Can the program take into account, the person "whomanages a legible name and address after many weeks, (where) the modesty of theattainment should in no way undermine the magnitude of the achievement..." (MovingAhead. ALBSU p. 27)?

An issue raised by consideration of the literacy agenda from a 'business' perspec-tive concerns empowerment. The implications are shown through the comments of peo-ple involved in a training review of a nine-month workplace literacy training program ina large public hospital in south eastern USA. Gowan (1991:444) quotes a member of thefi rm: "the real message is not we want them to fill out these forms better. The real mes-sage is we want them to be different human beings".

Karen, one of the administrators of the program, in summing up the key issues ofthe training states:

what management considered 'literacy problems' were not only differentbeliefs about reading and writing texts, but also actions that reflected gender,class and/or ethnicity rather than skills. Underlying these requirements weremanagement's subtle efforts to control behaviour.

Differing views and consequent confusion about the reason for and the effect of literacytraining is very clearly demonstrated in this review: "the participants felt bewildered bythe new demands, supervisors were critical of the program and especially its early appar-

47


ent lack of success, and the need for the administrators to negotiate the minefield of allthe different expectations". So a literacy program may be being established for theempowerment of the firm: "management thought employees were both confused anduncontrollable and hoped to gain more control over them by making them more literate- more silent and obedient and thus more productive". This is a point reiterated by Lukein his address to ACAL in 1992, with the question, "Literate in whose interests? To whatends? ....These key questions are on the table in current curricula and study programs,buried in terms like 'acceptable', 'appropriate' and 'effective' reading". I would extendhis question to ask 'acceptable to whom?' as an underlying concern for the programplanner.

Vocational issuesBy contrast there have been pressures for the vocational training area in adapting to thedemands of new directives. This is particularly relevant in the area of technical/voca-tional training, where there would be a contrast in the focus of 'skill acquisition' and the`social' context of more general studies. In line with Gray's (1992) comment that, "Weare, all of us, to a lesser or greater degree, products of our environment, and of the ideasthat inform that environment", it is important to consider basic education training fromthe technical view expressed by James Gray (1992): "My own experience would supportthe contention that technical/vocational mind-set tends to be deterministic, and that con-crete levels of thinking tend to pre-dominate".

In line with Gray's statement and the view of education in the vocational field asexpressed by Dickensen and Erben (1982:3/2):

The 'traditional' context for vocational training induces the students to resort tothe evidence of a reality which they can touch with their hands. This world ofobjects is a world of certainty. All problems are soluble, so long as the correctmethods have been employed....the pedagogical environment is arranged for theself-discovery to lead to a specific end, and so implicitly reinforces the deter-minism of things,

there would be considerable areas of difficulty when there is the additional force toinclude in that environment "liberal studies with its emphasis on the 'social', 'talk' and`expression'" (Gleeson & Mardle, 1980). It is evident that such an intrusion would beviewed by staff, program planners and students with considerable suspicion. There arefurther implications for curriculum. Vocational assessment tends to avoid qualitativetechniques, and with the emphasis on performance tasks, results in using only observ-able performance tasks, and to seek standardisation, which has 'neat and concreteresults'.

As employment moves into the age called 'fast capitalism' (Agger, 1991: 2),accompanying this conflict of approaches is the need for all trainers to accept employ-ment changes driven by the 'political reform agenda' with the suggestion that, "a theo-ry in the workplace should include provision for adults to understand and interpret themeaning of the full range of events that occur in that setting" (Marsick, 1981:97). A fur-

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ther complexity is added by the debate about what 'vocational' training really entails.Curriculum must reflect a decision about whether 'vocational' means 'for a workplacecontext' or is merely a change in location in which the capacity to be broadly literate isvital. The 'official' view may demonstrate an alliance with the philosophies of theWhite Paper and acceptance of Kelty's view that,

The debate about 'general' versus 'vocational' education is now largely a wildgoose chase, because of the demands in industry for change of work structureand organisation, the requirements for that workforce are grounded in a broadbased general education in which the student develops adaptability, self-confi-dence and decision-making capabilities. (Kelty, 1988)

Similarly, the need to view the issue on a broad perspective is endorsed by Home:"When the traditional pragmatists see 'the economic' as primary and the rest as the icingon the cake they are missing the point. It is all one cake. Social and cultural factors arean essential part of the whole". (Home 1988:3) However, the counter view is frequentlyfound in directives for curriculum. As a contrast to the broad view as demonstrated bythe WELL (1992:4) program's aim "to empower workplaces", a recent letter from anIndustrial Training Board (ITB) offered support for the delivery program in a localworkplace, only if certain of the National Communication modules were used. This wasin spite of the fact that the specific request from the workers and management and ear-lier provision had focussed on 'numeracy'.

The narrower approach may well be reinforced by having to program to the resultsof pre-delivery practices such as a needs analysis. Predominantly occurring on worksites, and often related to a skills audit and associated with a 'literacy task analysis', thisdemands a very specific approach for a program planner. It can present the chance to`customise' the program to identified needs, or can limit the program to a 'fixe approachthat masks the need for literacy as 'access' or a broadly 'enabling' skill. A test formatmay be used to gain the raw material for a course and demonstrates the narrow focus forcurriculum that may result:

The purpose of the testing is to give us an indication of trainee knowledge,understanding or behaviour.... We can use a test to identify competencies ...or itmay reveal gaps we had not suspected were there. Either way it gives us astarting point for the course. (Kroehnert, 1990:142)

One of the terms that has had a major effect on program planning recently has been`competency'. If translated into its most straightforward form as meaning 'able to do',then any work in literacy, no matter how broad or narrow the agenda, has always been`competency-based'. However, a whole training discourse based on competency hasimpacted strongly on curriculum planning. The National Training Board (1990:12)defines competency as

the ability to perform the activities within an occupation or function to the stan-dard expected in employment. This...should not just include specific 'tasks'but the attributes (the perceptual, motor,. manual, intellectual, social and affec-tive abilities) necessary to determine, develop and carry out particular tasks

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linking with the concentration on the "development of pre-specified, objectively mea-sured observable 'performance tasks' for determining competency". Any statementsshould include the key concepts of the skills and the standards that are needed in the per-formance and the conditions. An obvious advantage is that this method, when placed intraining programs, will provide common benchmarks and with appropriate accreditation,"will ensure the integrity of the 'social currency' of recognisability and portability ofskills" (Allen Consulting Group, 1994:vi).

Flexibility is considered an integral part of the system as stated by Thomson(1991:5):

it (competency-based training) allows the development of a continuum of com-petence statements from the very basic to the very complex. What is more itcan be done in a variety of ways...the number of skills increased or reduced...theconditions more lenient or demanding.

To achieve this apparent contradiction of conformity and flexibility, a proposal bythe Allen Consulting Group (1994:vi) suggests that,

The new national competency standards framework should have...a common setof principles and criteria for consistent incorporation of level concepts into setsof standards. Different industries...should be free to develop standards, in thecommon national format, using their own sets of competency levels.

The pressure to develop and implement workplace-specific theory and practice haspartly been initiated by criticism from researchers like Mikulecky and Drew (1987:87)that, "Traditional academic methods for teaching reading, computation and problem-solving have failed to give adults the basic skills they need to function on the job". Thepremise for the argument is that workers and school students read for different purpos-es, a worker needing to 'read to do', and consequently, "Successful workplace literacyprograms are built round the daily literacy tasks workers encounter on the job.Instructional materials should emerge from the job task".

Impacting on that debate is the issue of `marginalisation'. For the program plan-ner the decision to place literacy/numeracy programs as either

an integrated part of general training, either as undefined sections of perhaps an occu-pational health and safety course or as an additional section within another course, or'discrete' sessions,

will have supportive theory and practices. The option choice will have a shaping influ-ence on delivery.

Accompanying these issues is the need for all stakeholders to identify their train-ing target and how this relates to the changing workplace. There is the need to acknowl-edge that, "the demand for unskilled labour is falling, while the demand for workers withtechnical expertise as well as high level language, mathematics and reasoning skills isincreasing" (Butler, 1989). For the program planner, an additional challenge is to con-sider the actual skills that are being advocated. The 'common skill pool needed forAustralian economic health" (Allen Consulting Group, 1994:10) will require complexand varied literacy practices: "...the critical skills ... often not technical skills but com-

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munication skills such as literacy and team skills" (Hayton 1990) to provide the specif-ic worksite needs of accessing training modules, or being able to demonstrate compe-tency with an instruction booklet. An example from the debate of the suitability of 'skillfocus' and then the secondary issue of whether that will really provide the answer to thevery sector that demands it, demonstrates the complexity and the continuing nature ofthe debate:

Adult educators generally have reservations about the utility of the vocation-al/non-vocational distinction, and the Association (AAACE) has on variousoccasions expressed concerns about an overly narrow focus on job skills. If thedesired outcome is a more adaptable and flexible workforce, then what isrequired is not simply new or improved skills, but more skilful attitudes andbehaviours. This is not just a matter of `competence'-what a person can dobut also of intention and exertion - what a person is motivated and tries to do.(AAACE, 1992:18)

The latter point that introduces the need for the focused participation of the par-ticipant is echoed in a review of a training program by Trevor Kliese (1992):

One major problem which emerged with the self-paced trials was that the stu-dent completed the workbooks, but didn't retain the detailed knowledge ofbasic concepts which underpin the need to link the learning objectives withappropriate delivery method and supported with consideration of the student'sand programs needs.

The above-mentioned program continues by commenting that any industry requires"intelligent awareness of the relevant contexts for task performance" and that there is lit-tle evidence that such personal attributes can be "trained in". So further information foreffective planning should involve the expectations and commitment of the participant.

A similar view is expressed through the review of the Motorola industry.Wiggenhorn (1990:75), in describing the stages through which their training programsprogressed, states after the lack of success with the first plan,

Training, it appeared, was not something that we could deliver like milk andexpect people to consume spontaneously. It was not simply a matter of instruct-ing or giving people a chance to instruct themselves. We had to motivate peo-ple to want to learn.

PARTICIPANTSIn contrast to the government and 'official' agendas which are the result of long-termresearch and are the distillation of many contributors' thoughts, the participants'responses are often produced in a pressure situation and in a transitory context.Unearthing the reasons for participation can be a complex task. According to Boud(1987), there is a predisposition for adults to learn, although the focus for that learningmay often be an external event. In ALBE it is frequently evident that the actual triggerfor the initial approach, be it a telephone call, a visit or enlisting the assistance of a thirdparty as a go-between, is an outside event. A collection of the diverse responses received

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over the last few weeks demonstrate this:"I got a note from school and I couldn't work it out.""I've just finished a course and it was all right but I felt so slow when we had to copynotes.""I should have come ages ago, I know, my husband has been telling me to come forages, but I just decided I would, and I don't think it will do any good but here I am.""They've changed the forms at the bank and now I can't do them.""My case manager told me about it. I didn't know about it.""I saw that thing on TV and I said 'Well I'd better give it a go '.""I've been sent to this other course from work and there's a test next week and I knowI'll fail."

Mixed with the triggers are a range of reasons which foreshadow the expectations of theprospective participants. What do they wish to be the learning outcomes of theirinvolvement? What is their purpose for being involved in an area of endeavour that inthe majority of cases has unpleasant associations?

It is important to remember that there are major challenges facing the participants.The very natural concern about approaching an area of learning that has hitherto pre-sented considerable difficulties is often reinforced by the attitudes and consequentbehaviours that have seen the diminution of those skill areas to a minor position in every-day life. Following considerable research with prospective students, Brian Cambourne(1986:5) was depressed by widespread feelings of alienation towards reading and writ-ing:

...they (90% of the students) see writing as an activity to be engaged in onlywhen necessary; as a barrier to be negotiated for examination purposes, havinglittle other utility. In short they are alienated from writing....There are lots ofalienated readers too.

This point is reiterated by Maushart (1992) when she comments on `aliteracy';defining people who have skills but choose not to use them.

What do adults, frequently with many responsibilities and demands on their time,expect of the education system they are approaching? Houle (1961) identifies threekinds of learning motives: "activity, goal or learning orientated". He suggests that oneof them will be primary, but often two or three of the orientations may interact.

Later investigation and field experience would suggest there are often mixedmotives for approaching learning, and that individually there is a complex pattern toexplore. From the very specific reasons such as 'gaining a driving license' to the gen-eral 'to have a career', it is seen by prospective participants, as stated by Long (1991),as a problem-solving task. It is necessary to follow Long's definition into the statementof Dewey (1933), that a problem is whatever"perplexes and challenges the mind so thatit makes belief at all uncertain".

To move into the context of the adult approaching Adult Literacy, it may be nec-essary to consider specific contexts that may be in conflict with other training concernsand may lead to the questioning of some of the expectations expounded by other agen-

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das about participation. Lytle and Schultz (1990) state that adults are not enrolling ineducation for their first time. At that re-entry, their previous experiences will be withthem; the student is the experience. Furthermore, their adult life experiences accompanythem throughout their involvement, with "diverse and quite often extensive experiencesusing print in their daily life", and 'equally rich and disparate' life experiences and atti-tudes. An interesting feature of Lytle and Schultz's review that will need matchingagainst the student's own feelings is that: "they (the students) feel they are starting overagain, hoping to learn to read and less often, to learn to write. Schooled, but not edu-cated they recount poignant histories of failure in traditional classroom learning."

A program planner will consider the implications of a personally-based view of lit-eracy. Although it is in part connected with the expectations of a wider group, the socialcommunity, in which the literacy has been used, or in many cases those in which the par-ticipant has felt 'out of touch'. So the preconceived notions that a participant has aboutliteracy and his/her view of what the program should deliver will at least in part be a`sociological' consideration. The relative position of those attitudes and demands incomparison with other program planning requests, be they from the participant or agentsfor other agendas as identified earlier, will impact strongly on the learning objectives,methodology used and the end-of - program evaluation by all the players. A logical pro-gression is that, because the sociological background and identified needs from immer-sion in that community will be individual, then the response may need to be equally sin-gular. Application of the same view of expectations to the personal and work-based con-texts for each person may need similar consideration.

Gathering the necessary information from students presents process and method-ology challenges. It is important to constantly keep as a backdrop the following points:

For many students the interview represents a major personal challenge. They are beingasked to reveal an area of their learning that they view as 'a failure'. It is importantthat the growth of the debate about literacy, the 'coming out of the cupboard' as it istermed, does not obscure the very real, personal and negative self-view of the client.Comments from students such as "everybody else could read", "always last so aftera while they never asked me", "I know I'll never get a job", "I just think I'm dumb",occur frequently and provide an opportunity for change that a program planner wouldhope to accept as a possible learning objective.As a rider to the above point, students may not reveal the real situation. They are usedto giving stock answers and these can often cover competencies that they have, as withthe sweeping response, "No, I could never do that" or the over-casual, "No, I don'thave any problems there" disguising an area of concern.Many students can articulate with startling clarity the problems they have had withprevious learning methods and situations and this information will assist in the provi-sion of a positive learning experience. However, it is not always clear to both theinterviewer and interviewee whether they are speaking and hearing the same infor-mation. A statement that, "Oh yes, I can read the paper fine", may mean to the coor-dinator that any section of the local paper is accessible, while the student is thinking

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that his rapid reading of the For Sale section is meant, or vice versa!In any interview there are preconceptions of the expected response. Both parties maywell mis-read the implications of a question or the response. As Long (1991:32)states, "the way a person interprets and perceives is associated with the existing beliefand value systems, variables not always obvious to the observer".

Similarly, particular circumstances may colour the experience for both parties. Asthe ability to work at maximum efficiency is generally not a constant, so other factorsmay affect the dialogue:

Any documentation of an interview represents an interpretation: be it the mis-readingof a very important pause, or the confusion between the language heard by the listen-er and that used by the speaker at that particular instance. Recall of a conversationpassage can be fashioned by present existing circumstances.A more formalised approach through a test or adherence to a pro-forma may removesome of the variables raised but can introduce further complexities. Does the use ofa testing procedure already pre-determine the expected learning outcomes of a pro-gram and therefore fail to include the particular wishes of the student in the planning?Would the use of a pre-ordained process benefit the students who have prior knowl-edge of the process and ignore the students' learning attitude and capacity? Perhapsconsidering Rogers' (1961:55) comment,"if I accept the other person as somethingfixed, already diagnosed and classified, already shaped by his past, then I am doingmy part to confirm this limited hypothesis", a formalised approach may just reinforcethe 'status quo', which for literacy will often include the participant's existing viewof themselves as a non-learner.

In addition, there has to be an awareness of the grounding of communication insocial practice. Underlying any communication is the factor that a person acts throughand is affected by literacy actions, which underpins the view that anyone's literacy isaffected continuously by a range of circumstances and events.

A further voice is that of the 'public': hard to define and to identify and perhapsoften representing an unnumbered vocal majority or aggressive minority but nonethelessa powerful advocate. One of the areas of influence is in the accepted positioning of aservice and associated questions of its appropriateness and value. For adult literacy the`who should pay' debate illustrates the dilemma.

Running alongside the public demand for adult literacy provision and the tradi-tional view of free provision emanating from 'literacy as a right, not a privilege,' are theincreasingly audible comments about economic factors. Phrases such as 'cost recov-ery', small fees to 'demonstrate commitment to the program', the increasing movementof literacy into integrated courses with their associated fee structures and the increasingdomination of provision in discrete areas of funding - as with WELL and SIP (SpecialIntervention Program) - add a further connotation for the program planner.

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COLLECTING THE DATA:WHAT THE STUDENT EXPECTS FROM A LITERACY PROGRAMTo discover the reasons for involvement and the hopes of participants, and set in contextwhat each can expect is a complex task. I have chosen to research this section throughinterviews with students. Frequently, the first steps will occur in a one-to-one interviewin which one of the aims is to collect data as a preparation for provision planning. Toprovide a context for the research process, details follow of the process at the AdultLiteracy and Basic Education Unit.

BackgroundThe unit has provided basic education services in the area since 1980, still predominantlythrough the original community service with the addition of labour market and work-place programs during the last five years. During one year about 350+ students requestassistance, and the majority spend some time working one-to-one or in small groups ingenerally individually designed programs or those developed to incorporate specificguidelines for labour-market or workplace contexts.

For the unit, 'literacy' has a broad definition incorporating all features of commu-nication as well as basic numeracy, which is considered a necessary aspect of effectiveparticipation in personal, workplace and community communications. However, as withall other issues of participation, students are asked for their view of the proposed studycontent. Gathering the information can present problems. A pro-forma was used previ-ously, but the frequent comments from students on their feelings about official formsthat they had to fill in, or which had been filled in by others as responses to their answers,has meant a practice change. Now notes are jotted down and the writing out of the pro-file for program planning and official purposes is completed after the interview.Occasionally, even this system seems to present too formal a situation and the first inter-view becomes just a general conversation, with a follow-up meeting organised for thecollection of data. In contrast, some students have no reservations about the recordingof the material and several have given permission for their interviews to be tape-record-ed. From the viewpoint of providing satisfactory data for investigative purposes, obvi-ously the latter is preferable. However, in line with the unit's commitment to the accep-tance of the students' view as an integral component of provision, their wishes are fol-lowed.

ProcessThe initial meeting is generally held at the unit, unless there are transport problems or astrong student request for a 'home' meeting. Organised as swiftly as possible after thecontact, the session will last about one hour and the interview will seek to cover the fol-lowing points:

interchange of personal information,a preliminary coverage of areas with which the student feels competent,a review of the student's learning experiences and how he/she see himself/herself as a

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learner: This will frequently include negative and positive experiences,any specific short term goals and some understanding of the expectations of the stu-dent,briefing of what options are available, including time and place discussions,introduction into the methodology used by the unit, using a role-play of a learningpoint,immediate prospects and plans.

The list does not represent the specific order of events or the priority order of the infor-mation. The session is best summarised as a 'chat', with any note-taking explained, (forexample, gathering details for the tutor, or for the completion of the form for CES), andthe use of pen and paper to demonstrate teaching strategies (for example, to work togeth-er on an identified word). All materials used are 'authentic'. The local newspaper isused for texts and the request for writing will arise from a task that the student has iden-tified. The meeting may become partly the first training session and strategies used arein line with the practice that will eventuate in the program - the student is given theoption of writing; the work is accompanied by talking about the ideas which the studenthas identified as relevant, and the speaking, writing, reading combination represents thetutoring approach to activities.

Interview reportsIn the following extracts, A is the interviewer, and the information was collected during1994-95 from,

part of the initial interviews of four students, S, J, Tand M,G and B at a recent meeting of studentsend of course comments from N.

[Due to space limitations, the extracts from some student interviews and group discus-sions have been edited from this report.]

Student 1. SS is a young person with one daughter. At this point in the initial interview, she hasexpressed her concerns about reading.S I wouldn't read for pleasure, no I wouldn't. I do read to D, cos I do think she's

having trouble - as often as I can.A So, what about the work that D's reading, the books - does she bring them home

from school?S Yes - she's bringing them home from school. I can read what she's bring-

ing some words, some of the names the children's names. Well actuallyshe's moving on to the 'Baby Sitter' books, well she's reading the 'LittleSister' ones She'll read a little bit. Well, I'm reading - but if she can't han-dle it. As long as she doesn't get lost in a story. She reads , I read. Well there'snothing worse than reading and getting lost, just losing it. So if she gets the gistof it - she'll enjoy the books too.

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A What about reading aloud?S Oh no no (laughter) no I get out of it, oh I know it sounds funny but

no.A What do you hope will happen with your reading?S Just to pick up a novel and read - really get into it. Like mysteries, anything,

just to be able to read it and to be able to read instructions for putting somethingtogether. I mean I had to put a cabinet together and the front was wrong(laughter) back to front. So I sat down, had a cup of coffee and looked at theinstructions again to see what I'd done wrong

(Later sections of the conversation reveal that both D and S love books.)S I like buying them new books. I'm, she's the same, she loves books

S I haven't written for a long time but I do quite enjoy writing, copying thingsdown.

A Do you write at all now?S No. Oh no. Not at all - if I've got to send a message to school I go round.A Finding the words to put down on paper, was that difficult?S It's up here, but getting it on the paper's I've always been even in school in

the midst of writing it down it was hard. Sometimes if I had a rough idea whatit is - I've got two ways in mind that I think. I'll write it and then again, lookat it and have a guess I'd be very reluctant to leave a message but one ofmy aims mean one of my long term aims is reading and writing letters, liketo the lawyer And a computer course would be nice, but I suppose there arelots of things, once my spelling is better. Computer would be handy, just for thechildren

A Well let's look at the things that we've identifiedA and S (together)

"read a good book""sort out percentages""write a message without having any mistakes and having to look it up""write a letter""reading with "D"help the children with their school work"

S identified the lack of a "good job" as a problem for her. But her expectationsfrom study with ALBE concentrated strongly on her role as a mother. Even the com-puter training which represented the only formal 'training' that she identified wasexpressed in relation to the children: "it would be handy, just for the children". Further,this was seen as something to be achieved 'after'. It is interesting that later conversa-tions presented a further range of personal goals, and circumstances changed the orderof priority. Providing opportunities for such changes added another facet to eventual

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provision.Translated into program terms, S's work should at least include, from her per-

spective,some specific skill training the percentage request, genre information for the letter,strategies - for helping D with reading, spelling assistance, schoolwork help,general skill work - numeracy, reading, spelling - and the realisation that S wants tobe able read and write 'anything', not narrowly defined specific tasks.'learning to learn' strategies to support S's continued need to expand her literacy andnumeracy skills to support personal, training and employment goals, and also toextend the range of S's access to and use of texts.

Student 2. JBy contrast, another student had a very strong order of priorities, but far less confidencein his ability to 'get on'. A family member was present at the interview.A Shall we stay here to talk or would you like the two of us to go into another

room?(Long pause, while J makes eye contact with wife.)J No. (2.0) I, we'll stay.W 1/ Yes, he doesn't mind if I stay,

A What about other reading?J Yes, well with the kids, I mean they bring books and I would like, well sometimes

I can have a go. Of course they're easy, like, but I'd, well, I ought toW // Well you can I mean that's good when you do and sometimes you only need a

bit of help.J Yes, but I want to get it right with no mistakes, you know. I mean I should get

it right.Some discussion between the three of us followed here about the difficulty of some ofthe books written for children.A Are there any other things that you'd like to read?J Well, I know all about cars, engines and things. I've brought, I mean worked on

cars, sort of rebuilt motors and things. And I buy the magazines and just toreally read them. That's one thing I'd really like to do. That would be great!I mean with cars I really don't need to read about it. I just know what to do.

A Which means that you've remembered a lot!J I suppose I have, I mean it seems easy. I've never had to deal with writing real-

ly since I left school . I've always had a job and just sort of found another onewhen I had to(Describes work history) But now with this (the injury) /just will have to, if I'mgoing to run a business, well W will do some, but I should. I've got to find outwhat I've got to do and before I can, I'll, I have to improve the writing. Thebookwork and things and reading the instructions and those pamphlets

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Through the conversation, J and I identified the needs he had. An additionalimpression I received came via body language and eye contact. Suddenly for J, changedcircumstances had revealed a need to develop skills that, although they had concernedhim somewhat at school, had not unduly worried him in adult life. However, it was alsoevident that his coping skills, determination, and work capacity were about to be broughtto bear on literacy!In a program, J wanted to include,

improving spelling - both generally and for specific purposes,to become a "better reader and writer"-seen by J as 'general' skills and as preparato-ry to achieving the other goals,reading strategies for tackling specific genres - namely for reading with and, later, tothe children, for personal interest (the car magazines), and specific business material,reading and writing strategies for further training in line with the business plan, andalso 'learning to learn' strategies and 'getting ready for study'.

J's program demands are extensive and the difficulty is to develop a program thatwill enable the basic generic skills to be addressed while concurrently providing theopportunity to include the specific and more complex 'vocational' needs and providingthe 'access' to all the print from which he feels he's been debarred.

CONCLUSIONSFrom the data there are several relevant implications for a program planner:

Each student presented a very individual set of needs: Should the response be just asindividual? The 'skill emphasis' program provided for one student would seem to beinappropriate as a response to the needs identified by another. An underlying issue isthat from the debates about which literacy is being identified, students' interpretationsmay be limited by their previous educational experiences and this raises a key issuefor the program planner about access. Embedded in that decision is the implicationof the power relationship. Perhaps the comment of Street (1992:81), "Literacy isalways a site of contest,...over meanings,...and clearly a contest over power" shouldapply to each student's relationship with the provider, as well as between conflictingagendas and theories.One of the major concerns of the prospective students was not the actual literacy com-petencies they already had, but their feelings about the skills they felt were necessary.There was a marked difference here between those students in an initial interview sit-uation and those who were evaluating their program. The first group, with a widerange of literacy competencies, tended to ignore their achievements, including wherethey had demonstrated very effective use of communication skills: The job held pre-viously was 'Nothing much'; the holding of full employment for several years in anarea of high unemployment was dismissed with a shrug. But they stressed the feel-ings of fear and inadequacy in their often self-critical comments, seeing themselves as`non-learners' and 'separate from the majority'. Confidentiality was a major issue forseveral. In the debates by theorists about what role literacy is supposed to be taking,

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are those concerns being ignored? By contrast, the students evaluating their programmore closely aligned their achievements and their feelings about literacy. Possibly,their program had provided the opportunity for them to realise that they had learningpotential. As stated by N, as we recently talked over his time with ALBE,N It's just everything. I mean things like (said rather dismissively) spelling would

have to have got better and writing and stuff but what you lot (the tutors) don'trealise is how great it is, I mean how well mind blowing, that I, just like every-body else, I did it.

The learning objectives the students identified were a mixture of personal, social andwork focuses, pervasive of all aspects of their activities. This was regardless of theactual process used to access ALBE: Students referred through labour market andworkplace agencies requested assistance for social and personal reasons. All studentshad mixed general and specific needs and learning to read the lines was as importantas learning to read between the lines. Their 'critical literacies' were not divided intothe sets of literacy seen in some of the political and theoretical debates. Generally, Ifeel they would have endorsed the views of Senge (1991:238): The compartmentili-sation of knowledge creates a false sense of confidence...dividing the work into 'Thisis the problem and here is the solution'....But the boundaries are fundamentally arbi-trary....Life comes to us as a whole'.Eliciting critical programming information is a complex task:Several students found it difficult to articulate their thoughts the first time a questionwas asked. Students went back to issues themselves, often several questions later, toadd a fuller answer. Body language and eye contact frequently made meaning plainwhen the actual words spoken seemed, in isolation, to be meaningless.Although in this paper there are only selected samples of the interview, the variedmethods of response to the questions was demonstrated, even though similar condi-tions were presented; the same interviewer, range of learning options and focus ques-tions. The capacity to respond fully seemed to bear little relationship to the urgencyof the learning need or the level of oral competency. It seemed most in line with thestudents' self-concept and also their view of their possible learning ability. Interestingvariations developed from the introduction of topics other than 'literacy', and on occa-sions the length of the interview: "Once we had moved away from the conversationabout his own reading, his articulation improved and he started to take a more domi-nant role which continued once the conversation returned to his own learning objec-tives." (Interview report, 1995)

Each person demonstrated that for him or her literacy was social practice. Each prob-lem and need had a strong connection to maintaining and extending the students' linkswith others: So perhaps to respond effectively the program planner should be askingwith Street (1992:18), "what do we know about literacy on the ground", and payingless attention to "prescriptive documents" and finding out "what people actually dowith reading and writing in their real lives".The triggers for the decision to undertake basic training were individual, as was the

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value that the participants saw arising from their participation. This diversity linkswith the comments of Shirley Bryce Heath (1980:132):Finally for a large percentage of the population, learning and sustaining reading andwriting skills are not motivated primarily by a faith in their academic utility. Formany families and communities, the major benefits of reading and writing may notinclude such traditionally assigned rewards as social mobility, job preparation, intel-lectual creativity, critical reasoning and public information access. In short, litera-cy has different meanings for members of different groups, with a variety of acqui-sition modes, functions and uses: these differences have yet to be taken into accountby policy-makers.

An initial interview only reveals part of the learning objectives: a program should thenleave space for growth and change. Perhaps there is a need to apply Luke's theory(1988:17) of planning for change to include the student's view: "definitions andpractices of literacy continually change over time in accordance with changingsocial and cultural conditions for the acquisition and use of literacy, then the pro-gramming focus for now will no-longer be adequate for tomorrow".

A final consideration for program planners once they have defined their particularview of 'literacy' and they are about to launch into provision is to bear in mind the pos-sible break between the 'ideal' and the outcomes of the practice. The response to broadaims like that of UNESCO: "A person is literate, when he has acquired the essentialknowledge and skills which enable him to engage in all those activities in which litera-cy is required for effective functioning in his group and community...", may lead toinvolvement in a program, which, "in practice ...has been largely associated with nar-rowly-defined programs with work-related objectives, concerned with improvements inlabour productivity....Ideologically specific objectives have been disguised behind asupposedly neutral model of literacy as simply technics skills" (Baker & Street, 1992:2).

The most difficult task for the program planner may be to find the way to balancethe agendas with the provision of the positive learning experience that will enable thestudent to learn to read the world, not just the word (Freire,) and consequently, increas-ingly make their own decisions about which agenda to accept.

The diverse agendas identified previously represent only a fraction of the forcesthe program planner needs to consider when attempting to come to terms with creatingthe most effective program. Additionally, rarely are planners free agents. The relativestrength of the agendas changes constantly and with the continuous acquisition ofinformation by the planners comes attitude change. As always, debate about 'what arewe trying to do' in addition to the next question, 'how are we to achieve the outcomesmost effectively' fuels the process. Ironically perhaps, finding the true perspective forthe program occurs only in the evaluative processes at the conclusion.

As the program planner approaches the point of decision about the form andprocess for provision while juggling the myriad influences, a fmal piece of the jigsawcould be the point raised by Brundage and McKercher (1980:60):

there is considerable debate among adult educators as to which mode of

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teaching is best suited to the needs of adult learners. It seems appropriate.thateach model is functional for some adult learners, in some learning contexts, andfor some content; and that no one model will serve all purposes.

So perhaps the dilemma for the program planner is never resolved as his/her practice isa "never ending moving about between roles and positions" (Ellsworth, 1989:323).

REFERENCES

AAACE (1992) Adult and Community Education in Australia: Mapping the Field. In R.Harris & P. Willis. (Eds.), Striking a Balance: Adult and Community Education inAustralia Towards 2000. Adelaide: University of South Australia & South Australianbranch of AAACE (p. 17)

Adams, A. (1990) Defining literacy and numeracy practices. In P. Freebody, J.Cumming, & I. Falk, Language and Literacy in Social Contexts. Launceston: Universityof Tasmania.

Agger, B. (1991) A Cricital Theory of Public Life: Knowledge Discourse and Politicsin an Age of Decline. London: Falmer Press

Allen Consulting Group (1994) Successful Reform: Competitive Skills for Australiansand Australian Enterprises. Canberra: report to ANTA, June 1994

Belenky, M. et al. Women's Way of Knowing. In D. Carrington-Smith, D. How doWomen Change as a Result of Learning and Gaining Knowledge in Literacy Classes?Devonport ALBE

Boud, D. & Griffin, V. (Eds.). (1987) Appreciating Adults Learning: From Learners'Perspectives. London: Kegan Page

Brundage, D. & MacKercher, D. (1980) Adult Learning Principles and their Applicationto Program Planning. Ontario: Ministry of Education

Butler, A. (1989) Lifelong Education Revisited. Canberra: Commission for the Future,AGP S

Cambourne, B. (1986) Rediscovering Natural Literacy Learning: Old Wine in NewBottles. Address to ESL conference, Singapore

Charnley, A. & Jones, H. (1979) The Concept of Success in Adult Literacy, London:ALB SU

Cope, B. & Kalantzis, M. (1993) The Power of Literacy and the Literacy of Power. InB. Cope,. & M. Kalantzis (Eds.), The Power of Literacy: A Genre Approach to TeachingWriting. London: The Falmer Press

Dewey, J. C. (1933) How We Think: A Restatement of the Relation of Reflective Thinkingto the Educative Process. New York: D.C. Heath & Co

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Dickensen, H. & Erben, M. (1982) 'Technical Culture' and Technical Education inFrance: a Consideration of the Work of Claude Grignon and its Relevance to BritishFurther Education Curricula. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 3 (2)

Donaldson, L. & Scannell, E. (1986) Human Resource Development: The New Trainers'Guide . Boston: Addison-Wesley

Falk, I. (1992) Integrated Literacy for Training Programs Auslink, Feb/March.Queensland: Aus. Institute of Training and Development

Freebody, P., Cumming, J. & Falk, I. (1992) Setting the Context: Issues in Literacy andNumeracy. A Trialing and Evaluation of the ALAN Scales.Vol 1. Queensland: GriffithUniversity

Gee, J. (1992) New Alignments and Old Literacies: Critical Literacy, Post Modernismand Fast Capitalism. Massachusetts: Hiatt Centre

Gleeson, D. & Mardle, G. (1980) Further Education or Training? London: Routledge& Kegan Paul

Gowan, S. G. (1991) Beliefs about Literacy: Measuring Women into Silence/HearingWomen into Speech. Discourse & Society, 2(4). London: Sage

Gray, J. (1992) The Vocational/Technical Educator and Change. In R. Harris & P.Willis (Eds.), Striking a Balance: Adult and Community Education in Australia Towards2000. Adelaide: University Of South Australia & South Australian branch of AAACE

Harris, R. & Willis, P. (1992) Adult and Community Education in Australia: Mappingthe Field. In Striking a Balance: Adult and Community Education in Australia towards2000. Adelaide: University of South Australia & South Australian branch of AAACE

Hayton, G. (1990) Getting to Grips with Industry Restructuring. Adelaide: TAFENational Centre for Research and Development

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Kroehnert, G (1990) Basic Training for Trainers: An Australian Handbook for NewTrainers. Sydney: McGraw Hill

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INSTITUTIONAL LANGUAGE AND POWER:A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF HOSPITAL LANGUAGESteve Holden

INTRODUCTIONHospitals use language to construct and maintain the institutional procedures, the 'vest-ed interests', of the hospital. In making such a claim I will be referring to language inthe broad semiotic sense, that is, as any patterned system operating for the purpose ofcommunication which uses culturally defined and learned signs/words and images/sym-bols. Language, in this sense, reinforces the roles or identities and relationships of theparticipants in the system. The language of the hospital often reinforces hierarchicalpower relationships between participants, defining the possible behaviour of partici-pants.

This study will consider the effects of attempts to institute Patient-controlledAnalgesia (PCA) in hospitals. It will look at the way in which patients are able to 'read'the institution, broadly in terms of the language of the hospital and specifically in termsof the language of PCA. It will argue that the hospital in general maintains a languagewhich dominates the patient, makes him passive and submissive, while the language ofPCA in particular presents 'mixed messages', suggesting to the patient that he is bothactive and passive, dominant and submissive.

The implications of such a conclusion are twofold. Firstly, they go a long waytoward explaining why PCA sometimes fails for some patients. Secondly, they suggestfar-reaching consequences for hospitals which have gone or intend to go down the pathof 'empowering' patients. If the language of the hospital changes in a way whichincludes the patient in the treatment (even if such language pays only lip service to suchinclusion) the institutional shape of the hospital (the ideology which underpins it) willchange or the working of the hospital will become confused as participants try to inter-pret or act on the mixed messages which they receive.

RATIONALEHospitals, like all institutions, make clear distinctions between the roles or identities ofthe various participants within the hospital system. These roles or identities are more orless clearly held by the participants as a result of the constantly reinforcing "...distinc-tive ways of saying, doing, being, valuing and believing (and sometimes writing andreading) in the 'right' places at the 'right' times with the 'right' people and with the`right' props..." (Gee, 1992, p. 7). In other words, the participants in the hospital institu-tion more or less know 'who's who' by reading the signs: A nurse, for example, speaks,acts, reacts, dresses, reads scripts and writes particular scripts (drug charts but not pre-scriptions) in a way which defines the role or identity of 'Nurse'. The Nurse's role oridentity is constructed and maintained by the Discourse practices of the various playersin the hospital system. I am using Discourse here in the specific sense argued by James

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Gee, that is, to mean the 'rules' used by certain groups in certain social contexts toarrange ways of acting, interacting, thinking, valuing, dressing, and so on, available tothe participants of the group, as well as to differentiate 'outsiders' to the group who donot act, interact, think, in such ways (see Gee, 1990, 1992).

The model identity of Nurse that the nurse holds for himself is expressed in thethings he does (or doesn't do) and in the things that other participants do (or don't do)in relation to him. Moreover, the identity the Nurse holds for himself is constantly mod-ified in relation to the other identities or Discourses that operate around him. TheDiscourse of the Nurse, for example, maintains a 'rule' that subordinates the Nurse tosome of the other players in the hospital system (for example, Specialists, Residents) butnot to others (for example, Patients, Attendants).

The Discourses of the various players, then, in creating and maintaining ways ofacting and interacting, thinking, dressing, and so on, establish the bases of power, statusor prestige for all the players. Discourses are, in this way, essentially political: The`rules' used by a certain group, say Specialists, to differentiate Specialists from all oth-ers, privilege Specialists and exclude all others from the enjoyment of the privileges, sta-tus or power enjoyed by those within the Discourse 'Specialist'. This is not to say thatprivileges are simply the result of conflict between Discourses. The Discourse of Nurse,which subordinates Nurses to Specialists, is complicit in a cooperative way, endorsingthe distribution of power within the hospital system which gives greater access to cer-tain social goods (status and power) to Specialists. That is, all players within the systemcontribute, through the Discourse-based perception of their own and others' power, tothe hierarchy of the hospital.

Within a complex social structure, like a hospital, the roles or identities orDiscourses of any participants in the hospital are, then, 'read' by others and the various`readings' that are made are the sites for maintaining (or possibly obstructing) the hos-pital system. Reading the signs 'correctly', that is, in a way that maintains the smoothrunning of the hospital (whatever other functions it may also have with regard to statusor power), is important for all the participants in the institution. To read the signs 'incor-rectly' is to bring into question or to confuse the usually accepted roles of the hospitaland the hierarchical positions of the players in it.

Reading the signs 'correctly' allows participants to make decisions about theirroles in relation to other participants. This is particularly important for the Patient whois, in the nature of hospitals, most often a novice (that is, the least experienced at read-ing the signs or accounting for the nuances in such reading) and the one who receives(or fails to receive) the goods and services provided by the hospital. If a participant failsto read the signs, or if the signals presented by other participants are blurred or incon-sistent, he cannot 'know' how to respond. Is the Patient to be active or passive inresponse to the Resident? Ought he to take a dominant or a submissive role? Clearly, thedistinct and formal elaborating of the roles or identities or Discourses held by partici-pants in a hospital are necessary for the running of the institution. (They are not neces-sarily good for the participants.) This goes a long way toward explaining the highly

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institutionalised (formalised or ritualised) ways of identifying Nurse, Specialist,Resident, Cleaner, Patient, and so on. But we are not just dealing here with the functionaland politically neutral means by which the novice Patient negotiates his way through theinstitution. We are also dealing with the way all participants express and receive signalsappropriate to the role or identity that they hold and the power that goes with this.

The signals given and received (encoded and decoded) in the hospital setting maybe formally recognised or informally practised and produce different messages for dif-ferent 'readers'. For example, the formal use of uniforms (nursing costume, doctors'coats), titles (`Sister', 'Doctor', the rather confusing 'Mister') and badges distinguishhospital personnel in terms of general function. But the informal signal given by Nurseswho wear a stethoscope draped across the back of the neck, in the manner that is derigeur for a Resident or Registrar, blurs or overrides the functional distinction betweenDoctor and Nurse. The Nurses who so wear a stethoscope are, in fact, projecting (tosome participants) their membership in the Discourse of Doctors. This is all very well ifthe hospital operates according to a team model (both in theory and, a much more diffi-cult proposition, in practice), but is more likely to cause confusion for those who arenovices or apprentices in the hospital.

The way the Nurse operates is true also for all other participants. It is not only theformal but also the informal signals, not only the implicitly but also the explicitly heldand expressed attitudes that impinge upon others in the institution. Frequently, implicit-ly held attitudes contradict and override explicitly held ones.

The roles or identities or Discourses of the participants in a hospital are, of course,continually being reasserted or modified. In the event that a Specialist decides to accountfor the diagnosis provided by the Patient, for example, he is redefining the Discourse ofSpecialist. If he gets too far out of line his practice will render him marginal to theDiscourse and other participants in the institution (Specialists and non-Specialists) willput him back in line or reject him from the Discourse of Specialist (Gee, 1992, p. 11).Of course, if he takes other Specialists with him he may create a new Discourse. Whatis at stake in this constant reassertion and modification of the Discourses of the partici-pants in a hospital is the political organisation, that is, the very shape of the institutionitself.

In the hospital institution, the structure or shape of relationships has traditionallybeen hierarchical. The implication of this is that instructions and reports are passed 'up'and 'down' a 'chain of command'; reports 'up' from Patient to Nurse to Resident toRegistrar to Specialist, and instructions 'down' in reverse. Of course, in some hospitalsthe shape of the institution is not hierarchical. Some hospitals might be characterised bya 'team' or 'cell' approach, and some might combine hierarchical with team structures.In such an institution, the Discourses held by the various participants have to accommo-date the changing demands as the situation moves from an hierarchical to a team or cellstructure. The Nurse, for example, might take on traditionally withheld 'medical' rolesas a 'team member' but drop these when the context is changed by the instructions of aSpecialist (with the power of a prestigious Discourse) who assumes a hierarchical run-

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ning of the institution. Similarly, the Nurse might take on 'medical' roles on some wardsbut not on others.

Such fancy footwork, such rapid modifying of roles, requires experience, thelearning by repetition of the cues that are the signals for a change of role, especially forthe transfer from popularly held traditional hierarchical Discourses (usually the domi-nant Discourse) to teamwork Discourses. The difficulty for any player in such a complexsituation, where the cues that are the signals for a change of role are rapid and subtle, isthat familiar ideologies (familiar by virtue of being learned by repetition) are also beingchanged or not being changed when, to use the common but linguistically useful term,experienced players merely pay lip service' to the changed teamwork Discourse, givingsuperficial signals of a change in the Discourse, while maintaining the familiar ideologyin which the greatest power and control still lies with the Specialist in the hierarchicalDiscourse. (I am using 'ideology' here in the sense of the scheme or theory that is usedby members of a social group which involves generalisations that defend the way inwhich things are organised, or the way in which social goods are distributed. For exam-ple, in the hospital, the 'natural' way to organise relationships is grounded in the beliefin (acceptance of) an hierarchical 'chain of command,' in which various degrees ofaccess to power and status available to the participants is justified in terms of the 'natu-ralness' of the hierarchical view of things (see Gee, 1990, chap. 1).

It is precisely where competing ideologies and the access to power and status thatgo with the ideology are at stake, resulting from the contradictory signals that patientsreceive (as a result of, say, the ideology of hierarchy in opposition to the ideology ofteamwork), that problems in 'reading the signs' in some hospitals or with some practicesoccur. Such problems lie not simply with the novice Patient. Patients generally make anaccurate reading of the signals provided by the various Discourses in the hospital so thatthey are able to act in accordance with the dominant ideology, where Specialists,Registrars, Residents do have power in an hierarchical organisation even when theexplicit literate practices of the hospital suggest otherwise. Where such linguistic sitesof ideological conflict exist, where contradictory signals are provided to novice Patients,it is likely that we will find some form of breakdown in the hospital system or some formof restructuring of hospital practice by various players, Specialists, Nurses, Patients, andso on, to accommodate the contradiction.

A case in point involves the administration of Patient-controlled Analgesia (PCA).This paper will look at the language used to 'empower' the patient who is given limitedcontrol over his pain. It will conduct a Discourse Analysis of the literature provided topatients about PCA to show how the language of the institution, in attempting to empow-er the patient, in some cases may actually disempower him. The Discourses of the insti-tution reflected in the language put the Patient firmly in his place as a passive recipientof the treatment. If the Patient is willing to read the instructions to the PCA system asempowering he is contradicted by the lack of control the instructions also indicate. Thatis, the PCA literature signals that the Patient does not have (or has very little) controlover the situation. Problems with PCA (although, it should be pointed out, it often does

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succeed) will be assessed by examining the literature on PCA read by Patients. The gen-eral language practices of the hospital (language and power) will be considered with ref-erence to Fairclough and Gee's social linguistic theories. The language of PCA will beconsidered by means of Discourse Analysis (see Gee, 1990, 1992), with reference to dif-ferences between oral texts and scripts in terms of nominalisation (Derewianka, 1990)and the assumptions regarding 'simplification' in 'Plain English'.

LITERATURE REVIEWLanguage empowers and constrains people in all social situations, providing the lan-guage user with an ideologically situated framework from which to see the world. JamesGee's (1990) theory of Discourses argues that, "One has to be socialized into a practiceto learn to read texts of type X in way Y, a practice other people have already mastered."(Gee, 1990, p. 43; Gee, 1992, p. 2). Such socialisation, according to Gee, apprentices theindividual (Gee, 1992, p. 6) not just into a set of language practices but also into

ways of acting, interacting, being, thinking, valuing, believing, gesturing, dress-ing, using various 'props' (books, paper, notebooks, computers, rooms and build-ings, etc.), as well as ways of using language (written and spoken)....[T]hese inte-grations of ways of being-doing-thinking-valuing-speaking-listening(- writing-reading) [are] `Discourses'... (Gee, 1990, p. 174)

where 'Discourse' refers to, "... a sort of 'identity kit' which comes complete with theappropriate costume and instructions on how to act, talk, and often write, so as to takeon a particular social role that others will recognise..." (Gee, 1990, p.142). A Discourseis

a socially accepted association among ways of using language, of thinking, feel-ing, believing, valuing, and of acting that can be used to identify oneself as amember of a socially meaningful group or 'social network', or to signal (that oneis playing) a socially meaningful 'role'. (Gee, 1990, p. 143)

Clearly, such an analysis of language argues that communication of information issimply one of the many functions of language use. "Language is...also a device to thinkand feel with, as well as a device with which to signal and negotiate identity..." (Gee,1990, p. 78). Language is 'embedded' in the larger framework of social relationships andsocial institutions (Gee, 1990, p. 103). In other words, using language empowers or con-strains participants; it is political, "... to do with powerful participants controlling andconstraining the contributions of non-powerful participants..." (Fairclough's class read-ing, 1989, p. 46).

Often, as Gee points out (1990, pp. 127-29), language use differentiates the degreeof power (status or prestige) and solidarity assumed by users on the basis of superficialor formal or surface features (see also Fairclough, 1989, p. 65). Institutionalised situa-tions, like interviews for a job or a housing loan, 'gate keeping encounters', use languageto differentiate between the power of the interviewer representing 'mainstream', cultur-ally dominant values, and the interviewee (Fairclough, 1989, pp. 48-49). Further, asFairclough (1989) and Derewianka (1990) demonstrate, written texts support 'main-

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stream', culturally dominant interests.Derewianka studies the practice of nominalisation, taking a 'process' and turning

it into a 'thing.' She takes a written, nominalised sentence and 'unpacks' it by convert-ing it into a spoken sentence.

Hubble's finding about the expansion of the galaxies revolutionised ourunderstanding of the Universe and its origins...

becomesThere was this man called Hubble and he discovered that the galaxieskeep expanding into space. Because of what he discovered, we nowunderstand the Universe and how it began quite differently.

In Derewianka's analysis, "Hubble's finding" becomes "he discovered", the expansion"becomes "keep expanding", "our understanding" becomes "we understand", "Its ori-gins" becomes "how it began.". This process of nominalisation packs more meaning intothe clause by converting verbs (or processes) into nouns. Instead of using many clauses,each dependent on a verb (or process), the writer can compress much meaning into oneclause (Derewianka, 1990, pp. 64-65). The nominalised clause becomes lexically dense(Derewianka, 1990, p.63). Derewianka's interest lies in making explicit, for the purposeof instruction, the processes that adults use. She seems to imply that the purpose of suchinstruction is to induct the student (in Gee's [1992] terms, the 'apprentice') into the prac-tices of the dominant culture. Derewianka considers nominalisation to be an adult(mature) language practice. She does not deal with the political implications of the prac-tice, although she suggests it is a "...favourite ploy of adult writers..." (Derewianka,1990, p. 64). What is the purpose of this ploy? Fairclough's class reading of languageand power suggests that nominalisation is used in the written text so "...that crucialaspects of the process are left unspecified..." (Fairclough, 1989, p. 51). Fairclough'sinterest is not so much in the compression and lexical density achieved by nominalisa-tion but in the dislocation of causality. By nominalising verbs (or processes), the writerdislocates the subjects (or actors, to use the terminology of systemic functional grammar,Halliday, 1985) required for less lexically dense clauses to make sense. In other words,the agency or responsibility is removed from the clause. Fairclough's concern is thatsuch nominalisation "...is the power to disguise power..." (Fairclough, 1989, p. 52).Writing or reading (and sometimes speaking in) a nominalised, lexically dense 'code' is,furthermore, a 'gatepost' practice, open to those (in the dominant culture) who have beentrained in the practice, so that even when the interests of the dominant culture are notdirectly served by the dislocation of causality (Fairclough's case) writers will continueto use the code to identify themselves within the dominant culture (as, indeed, I am doingnow).

The 'coding' of discourses or genres is not a matter of individual choice, (as Copeand Kalantzis point out, 1993, p. 67). Cope and Kalantzis argue that genres are linguis-tic sites of non-communication, miscommunication, deliberate counter-cultural subver-sion and ironic play (1993, p. 67) as venues for political action. The choice of genre andthe exploitation of the characteristics that go with it provide the possibility for the priv-

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ileging of oneself and one's Discourse (Gee, 1990, see above) and the disenfranchisingof others, whether one is conscious of such choices onnot. Practices in 'Plain English'are a case in point. The tendency in 'Plain English' to postulate a 'simple' grammar(constructing short verbal or actor-process oriented clauses) is itself a political construc-tion, defining for the reader his position in relation to the writer who has access to sev-eral registers, one of which is 'plain', and which is deemed suitable for the reader.

The consequences of 'translating' a text into Plain English are political, more thansimply literary. To determine that Plain English is 'suitable' for a particular audience isto define that audience in social terms (to define that audience in relation to other, pos-sibly more 'expert,' or 'literate' audiences). When the act of 'translating' into PlainEnglish is really an attempt to approximate the text to speech, the consequence is notsimply to define the intended audience against other, more 'literate' audiences, but toexclude that intended audience from gaining experience with particular forms of lan-guage that are seen to be powerful. As Cope and Kalantzis point out,

When it comes to the issue of the social effect of different genres, those[genres which are] most powerful in industrial society are not the oneswhich are the closest to speech, but the most distant the ostensibly objec-tive, abstract, scientific report, for example, or the complex, extended nar-rative (1993, p. 68).

The debate about 'Plain' English is not, then, simply a debate about methods (see,for example, Neville, 1990, and Salter, 1991). It is more properly a debate about theeffects of the choice of genre in terms of privileging and disenfranchising. The tenden-cy of instructional material, such as the PCA scripts to be considered later, to be writtenusing a restricted code (Bernstein, 1971), with an oral structure, positions its readers inthe Discourse of 'Patient' where 'Patient' is the least powerful Discourse in relation toother Discourses. Such positioning is considered by Fairclough to be an aspect of thepower in discourse:

The medical staff and particularly the doctor exercise power over thepatient... within encounters based upon [the Discourses of doctor andpatient]... in accordance with its conventions, which attribute rights tocontrol encounters to medical staff and especially doctors. And as part oftheir power, the medical staff are likely to impose the discourse type [orthe Discourse] upon patients, in the sense of putting pressure on them invarious ways to occupy the subject position it lays down for patients, andso behave in certain constrained ways. (Fairclough, 1989, p. 61)

Such positioning in terms of Discourses is, Fairclough argues, ideological. The tenden-cy by which those engaged in the Discourse of Doctor to 'occupy the subject position'is governed by the values, beliefs, practices, and so on of the dominant Discourse.

The focus of linguistic study is not, however, limited to the functions of languageuse. In Vygotsky and Luria's study of the claim that literacy (the ability to read) leads tohigher order cognitive skills 'literate', that is, schooled, subjects were capable of cate-gorising objects on the basis of abstract word meanings and deducing conclusions from


the premises of a syllogism. Asked to analyse their own personality, unschooled subjectsdescribed concrete and material aspects of their experience, whereas schooled subjectsreferred to more general psychological features (see Gee, 1990, pp. 56-57; Cope andKalantzis, 1993, pp. 71-72). Vygotsky and Luria (as cited in Gee, 1990, p. 57) conclud-ed that major differences do exist between literate and non-literate subjects in terms ofabstract reasoning. However, empirical methods for distinguishing the ability to performschool-like tasks cannot distinguish between literate conceptual thought and school-based familiarity with the sorts of literate practices on which the tests are based. School-based familiarity with the practices of the dominant culture (particularly in terms ofessay-type language use: abstracting, nominalising, depersonalising or effacement) isnecessary in order for one to negotiate with and through that culture, and especially withand through institutions such as schools, hospitals, courts:

One always and only learns to interpret texts of a certain type in certain waysthrough having access to, and ample experience in, social settings where texts ofthat type are read in those ways. One is socialised or enculturated into a certainsocial practice. (Gee, 1990, p. 45)

We are all apprenticed (Gee, 1992, pp. 6-7) into certain kinds of language use, so thatwe are all more or less familiar with the social-language practices of particular social set-tings.

This familiarity with the social-language practices appropriate to particular socialsettings is the concern of this paper. I want now to consider in detail the explicit andimplicit 'rules of the game' in the hospital setting, with particular reference to the vari-ous Discourses operating in the hospital that are maintained or contradicted by theassumptions behind and language used to promote Patient-controlled Analgesia (PCA).

PATIENT-CONTROLLED ANALGESIAI have argued above that language is highly politically charged, used in any social rela-tionship to determine and maintain the power, prestige or access to control of the vari-ous players in the game. It has been argued that much of the positioning (dominating,serving, acquiescing, and so on) that occurs in any relationship is maintained by lan-guage in both explicit and implicit ways.

We express our allegiance to a Discourse (to the ideology, the beliefs and valuesof the Discourse, as well as to the ways of acting, interacting, dressing, and so on whichmaintain the Discourse) without necessarily recognising every feature of the Discoursein an explicit way. Much of the practice of 'empowerment' in the hospital setting failsto recognise important features of hospital Discourses in precisely this way. For exam-ple, although an interview between two 'team members', say, Doctor and Patient, mayappear to be informal or conversational, strict rules based on an hierarchical Discourse(where the Doctor has greater power and prestige than the Patient) control the relation-ship.

The formality of the situation does several things: It defines appropriate content(discussion is limited to medical relevance, as decided by the Doctor); it constrains the

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participants to a clear subject/object relationship (where the Doctor initiates, while thePatient responds); and it creates a clear marking of social distance, status or 'face' (inthe sense of having and saving 'face', see Fairclough, 1989, pp. 65-66; Gee, 1990, p. 97).In other words, while the interview is ostensibly conducted between equals, members ofa team, the dynamics of the hierarchical Discourse, maintained by the formality of thesituation, the titles of the participants, the way they dress, the beliefs they have aboutthemselves and each other, define the situation as an hierarchical one. Further, theDoctor's position creates a dominant/subordinate reading of the situation whether or notshe attempts to discount this dominance. For example, if she is to use an indirect speechact, such as, "Can you lift up your shirt, please?" the Patient will still read the request asa performative, that is, a demand for performance: "Lift up your shirt." Regardless of theDoctor's desire to submerge her dominance by ostensibly deferring (the request), thePatient still reads the question as a demand (the reinterpreted statement). (On performa-tive verbs and indirect speech acts see Gee, 1990, pp. 95-96.)

The problem for the Doctor is that many of the signals that function to subordinatethe Patient are institutionalised, grounded in the general hospital setting as well as (ordespite) the specific behaviour (ways of speaking, acting, being) of the Doctor.Ritualised, institutionalised hospital practices are designed to constrain the relationshipbetween Doctor and Patient for a good reason: They guarantee that the encounter is amedical one. The relationship is defined as a result of the construction of a 'medicalspace' (see Fairclough, 1989, pp. 59-60), produced, by providing a range of medicalparaphernalia which help to legitimise the kind of relationship precisely as a medicalone; by allowing only a restricted set of subject positions (Doctor, Nurse, Patient) andstrict limitations on who can occupy them and how they are to be identified in terms ofthe modes of address, dress and demeanour. For example, 'medical space' is defined bythe Doctor's disengagement, professionally appraising the Patient rather than making anaesthetic evaluation, which protects both Doctor and Patient from misreading the situa-tion as, say, a sexual one but also helps to construct a reading of the relationship as oneof dominance and subordination. (See Fairclough, 1989, p. 59.)

Clearly, hospital and medical practices have certain effects, constructing relation-ships for good, functional reasons, so that the roles or identities or Discourses of the var-ious participants are clearly marked out. Problems are likely to occur, however, whenhospital or medical practices are at cross purposes. This, I will now argue, is the casewith Patient-controlled Analgesia.

Before I deal with the Patient literature (a Discourse Analysis of a text explainingPatient-controlled Analgesia, provided to Patients in hospital), I'd like to examine thegrammar underpinning the term, 'Patient-controlled Analgesia', to show that the prob-lems that will arise later are not simply 'textual' in the superficial sense of tad expres-sion' but the result of a fundamental, grammatical confusion.

`Patient-controlled Analgesia' is a phrase which combines a number of curiousfeatures. First, the ostensible grammatical Subject position of the Patient is subverted bythe adjectival function of 'Patient-controlled'. The Patient becomes merely part of an

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adjectival phrase to explain the sort of Analgesia we are dealing with. That is,`Analgesia' is the Subject of the phrase, 'Patient-controlled Analgesia', which reallymeans 'analgesia (controlled by the Patient)'. If the phrase is changed so that the sen-tence reads, 'The Patient controls the Analgesia', then 'The Patient' becomes the Subject(Theme, Subject and Actor). That is, 'The Patient' becomes the focus of the message(the Theme), the element that the whole sentence is designed to explain (the Subject) andthe thing that does the deed (the Actor) (see Halliday, 1985).

A further problem with the phrase 'Patient-controlled Analgesia' is less a gram-matical than an etymological one. The use of the term 'Patient' in a hospital and med-ical sense is an extremely accurate one. 'Patient' means 'the object undergoing action'.The Patient is acted upon by the Agent. This is a grammatical relationship: The Agentis, by defmition, active, taking the Subject position in any phrase or sentence; the Patientis passive, taking the Object position. This is not to say that the word 'patient' cannotoperate as the Theme, Subject or Actor in a phrase or sentence. It certainly acts in thisway in the sentence, 'The Patient controls the analgesia', examined above. The signifi-cance of the etymology of the word 'patient', however, is that 'The Patient' as the gram-matical Subject cuts across the meaning of 'patient' as passive. In other words, to make`patient' the Subject in a sentence carries a deep-seated contradiction. 'Patients' do not,etymologically and grammatically, act. The difficulty in giving control to patients isthat, at this submerged level, it is faced with such a semantic contradiction. Now, it couldbe argued that the grammar and etymology of words have little effect on the way we usethe language, that nobody really examines the meaning of the word 'patient' beforeusing it. Even so, the grammatically and etymologically passive sense of the word`patient' is the familiar sense we usually give to the word. Patients do not do things, theyhave things done to them.

There is, then, a fundamental grammatical and etymological confusion underlyingthe idea of Patient-controlled Analgesia. The difficulty in implementing such an idea isfurther compounded by the mixed and confusing signals directed to the Patient before heundergoes Patient-controlled Analgesia. The sorts of mixed and confusing signals I'dlike to consider are partly the result of positioning the Patient reader as non-expert inrelation to other, potential but unknown, experts by means of Plain English texts (as dis-cussed above) and partly the result of contradictory information, insufficient informationand misinformation. To look at such matters I will be referring to the following text, pro-vided to Patients in some Tasmanian hospitals, which seeks to explain Patient-controlledAnalgesia:

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Patient-Controlled Analgesia (PCA) - Patient information sheetWhat is the PCA Infusion Pump?In the past, when patients needed pain medication, they called the nurse to administer it.Now, with the PCA Infusion Pump, that's all changed. Because, instead of calling thenurse, now you can push a button, which makes an extremely accurate and reliable instru-ment, called the PCA Infuser deliver just the right amount of pain medicine safely, quick-ly, and very comfortably.What is PCA?Patient-Controlled Analgesia - or PCA for short gives you control over any pain you mayexperience. Instead of ringing for the nurse when you need medicine, you'll push the PCAbutton instead. When you push the button, you'll receive a very small dose of pain medi-cine. Just the right amount, no more and no less.How much medication will I receive?Just the right amount prescribed by your doctor to relieve the pain. Your doctor and nursewill make sure the PCA is set to deliver exactly the right dose. If you feel some discom-fort and want relief, just push and release the button. To control your pain so that you'recomfortable, the medication starts working very quickly... usually within minutes ...so giveit a little time "to work".When you start to feel uncomfortable and need more medication simply press and releasethe button again. Built-in timers on the PCA will make sure your doses are safely timedduring your course of treatment so that you receive only the medication you need through-out the day as prescribed by your doctor. No more, no less.Our primary concerns are your comfort and safety. The PCA guards them both accuratelyand precisely.Can I give myself too much medicine?No. The PCA Infuser is a precision medical instrument, specially engineered anddesigned, so that you cannot give yourself more medication than your doctor thinks is rightfor you.If you do become sleepy or drowsy, try to wait a while until you begin to feel definite dis-comfort before you push the button again. Remember: try to find the comfortable balance.When you find it, you'll know it at once, and then work to stay there.What if I start to feel sleepy?Just relax. The pain medicine you'll be receiving has that effect on many people. Justremember to balance the pain relief you request against any sleepiness you may experi-ence."Just enough medicine" will both take away the pain and keep you alert and awake at thesame time.What if I become uncomfortable?If your pain medication seems to stop working, even after pushing the button several times,just call the nurse to check your IV. If you're still uncomfortable after the nurse has checkedthe IV, your nurse will know what to do.How long will I be using the PCA Infuser?That's a decision your doctor will make. Just remember that everyone wants you to be ascomfortable as possible and feeling yourself again - quickly and safely with the expertcare you're receiving from the medical and nursing staff of this institution and the PCAInfusion Pump, you can now help yourself to rest more comfortably and easily.

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Now, besides the apparently contradictory information provided above, the text is con-fusing in a variety of ways. First, the genre of the text is ambiguous. It is an informationsheet, suggested by the bold heading, but also a narrative, beginning with a traditionaloral story-telling device, "In the past...", and a dialogue, representing, we can onlyassume, the questions that other Patients (but not the reader, referred to as 'I' in the ques-tions written for the Patient from the Patient point of view) have already asked. There isalready a dislocating of the Patient as reader, even before he deals with the specific infor-mation regarding Patient-controlled Analgesia. He is written into the text in a way thathe has not controlled, that is, as the passive partner in the text. Having been so posi-tioned, the status of the Patient as reader in the relationship with the writer of the text isfurther defined by the curious language associated with the story-telling genre: He is thesort of person who will understand 'pain medicine' but not 'analgesia' which is bestunderstood by the writer, the expert 'we' of the text. Such firm positioning, the Patientas non-expert, passive partner in the provision of pain relief, is the primary message ofthe text.

Let's look, however, at the text in more detail to see how the Patient is positionedby the instructions of the text, only given control of a highly ambiguous kind and writ-ten into passivity. To do this I will reproduce the text in terms of its syntactic structure,the stanzas and clauses that make up the idea units of the text.

APPARENT FRAME (FRAME ONE)STANZA ONEPatient controlled analgesia (PCA)

Patient information sheetACTUAL FRAME (FRAME TWO)STANZA TWOWhat is the PCA Infusion Pump?

1. In the past,2.[when patients needed pain medication,]3. they called the nurse to administer it.4. Now, [with the PCA Infusion Pump,] that's all changed.5. Because, [instead of calling the nurse,]6. now you can push a button,7. which makes an extremely accurate and reliable instrument, [called the PCAInfuser] deliver just the right amount of pain medicine - safely, quickly, andvery comfortably.

STANZA THREEWhat is PCA?

8. Patient-Controlled Analgesia [ - or PCA for short - ] gives you control overany pain you may experience.9. Instead of ringing for the nurse when you need medicine,

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10. you'll push the PCA button instead.11. When you push the button,12. you'll receive a very small dose of pain medicine.13. Just the right amount, no more and no less.

STANZA FOURHow much medication will I receive?

14. Just the right amount prescribed by your doctor to relieve the pain.15. Your doctor and nurse will make sure16. the PCA is set to deliver exactly the right dose.17. If you feel some discomfort and want relief,18. just push and release the button.19. To control your pain so that you're comfortable,20. the medication starts working very quickly [... usually within minutes ...]21. so give it a little time "to work".22. When you start to feel uncomfortable and need more medication23. simply press and release the button again.24. Built-in timers on the PCA will make sure your doses are safely timed dur-ing your course of treatment25. so that you receive only the medication you need throughout the day26. as prescribed by your doctor.27. No more, no less.28. Our primary concerns are your comfort and safety.29. The PCA guards them both - accurately and precisely.

STANZA FIVECan I give myself too much medicine?

30. No.31. The PCA Infuser is a precision medical instrument,32. [specially engineered and designed,]33. so that you cannot give yourself more medication than your doctor thinks isright for you.34. If you do become sleepy or drowsy,35. try to wait a while36. until you begin to feel definite discomfort37. before you push the button again.38. Remember: try to find the comfortable balance.39. When you find it,40. you'll know it at once,41. and then work to stay there.

STANZA SIXWhat if I start to feel sleepy?

42. Just relax.43. The pain medicine you'll be receiving has that effect on many people.

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44. Just remember to balance the pain relief you request against any sleepinessyou may experience.45. "Just enough medicine" will both take away the pain and keep you alert andawake - at the same time.

STANZA SEVENWhat if I become uncomfortable?

46. If your pain medication seems to stop working,47. even after pushing the button several times,48. just call the nurse to check your IV.49. If you're still uncomfortable after the nurse has checked the IV,50. your nurse will know what to do.

STANZA EIGHTHow long will I be using the PCA Infuser?

51. That's a decision your doctor will make.52. Just remember that everyone wants you to be as comfortable as possible53. and feeling yourself again - quickly and safely -54. with the expert care you're receiving from the medical and nursing staff ofthis institution and the PCA Infusion Pump,55. you can now help yourself56. to rest more comfortably and easily.

The text is unusual for an information sheet in that it has a prosodic structure typ-ical of oral narratives. The apparent frame (FRAME ONE) seeks to establish the textwithin the genre of abbreviated technical information, but the actual frame (FRAMETWO), which establishes the tone and prosodic structure for the text, introduces a nar-rative genre at odds with the technical information genre. STANZA ONE, while on onelevel an answer to the question, "What is the PCA Infusion Pump?", exhibits the prop-erties of narrative, firstly, by initiating a traditional narrative beginning, and secondly,by introducing elements of story parenthetically and rhythmically (indicated by thesquare brackets in the text: lines 2, 4 and 5). The parenthetical rhythm, typical of narra-tives and not of technical information summaries, maintains the 'through line' of thestory, emphasising a narrative perception of hospital procedures that, supposedly,Patients will be able to understand. The narrative structure intrudes into the explicitsequencing of clauses typical of an information sheet. Such intrusion contradicts the ini-tial claim, suggested by the use of the bold heading, that the text is to be read as a tech-nical one, according to the information genre. Further, the tendency of texts of the infor-mation genre to nominalise, that is, to take a 'process' (or verb) and turn it into a 'thing'(or noun), is almost absent from the actual narrative frame (FRAME TWO).

The orality of the text is evident in the highly process oriented (or verbal) struc-ture: "2...needed...", "3...called...", "4...[ha]s...", "5...calling...", "...push...","7...makes...deliver...", suggesting a 'simplified' version of hospital procedure. Wherenominalisation does occur, in line 7 ( "...an extremely accurate and reliable instrument,

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called the PCA Infuser..." ), the lexical density contrasts with the verbal, oral pattern ofthe previous lines to obscure the mechanics of the PCA Infuser Pump (what makes itextremely accurate and reliable?). By nominalising, by referring to the PCA Infuser insuch a lexically dense way, agency over the machine is dislocated. Interestingly, thestanza does not even answer the question which at first glance appears to be the meansby which the stanza is structured. While we learn that, "an extremely accurate and reli-able medical instrument" is called a "PCA Infuser", the question, "What is the PCAInfusion Pump?" is not answered. That is, the 'question and answer' sequence thatappears to structure the text is a superficial frame, masking the deeper narrative struc-ture, the restricted code of the 'simple story,' which really organises the text. Theanswer, "... an extremely accurate and reliable instrument...", is no answer at all if thetext is supposed to be of the technical information genre. If the text is supposed to be ofthe narrative genre (and structured according to oral patterns) then the question is redun-dant and the nominalisation merely out of place. (On nominalisation, see Derewianka,1990.) Either way, the text is inconsistent and confusing.

The generically ambiguous (or unresolved) character of the text is also evident inthe superficiality of the 'question and answer' frame which can be seen in the redun-dancy of the question opening STANZA SIX: "What if I start to feel sleepy?" Materialin STANZA FIVE has already begun to deal with sleepiness before the question intro-duces this concern. That is, the 'question and answer' frame is redundant.

Aspects of other genres are evident in the text. Features typical of poetry are clear-ly evident in the rhythmic and repetitive patterning of the text: "3. they called the nurse"and variants (lines 5, 9 and 48); the refrains, "just the right amount" (lines 7, 13 and 14)and "no more and no less" (lines 13 and 37). Such patterning links the PCA Infuser withsafety in an entirely rhetorical way, a device which is particularly clear in lines 13 and14, where "13. Just the right amount, no more and no less....14. Just the right amount...",gain credibility from the emphasis given by repetition, not explanation.

Before I turn to the difficulties associated with the idea of 'control' in the text, I'dlike to deal with the general tendency to position the Patient in the passive role by useof the verb, 'try,' and the adverb, 'just.' The verb, 'try,' appears in STANZA FIVE("Can I give myself too much medicine?" to which the answer, if the patient really doescontrol the analgesia, is surely 'Yes,' but we'll come to this a little later). The concernin STANZA FIVE lies surely with encouraging the confidence of the Patient with regardto controlling dangerous drugs. One can only assume from the question that Patientshave, in the past, expressed fears about the idea of administering analgesia for them-selves. What, then, does the verb, 'try,' do in the text? To 'try' in this text is, surely, toattempt something rather than to examine or investigate. The Patient is advised toattempt to find a comfortable balance between relief (proper use of the drug) and sleepi-ness (potential overdose). This suggests that use of the PCA Infuser is difficult and dan-gerous, an unusual conclusion indeed to suggest to the Patient.

On the other hand, the adverb, 'just', suggests that use of the PCA Infuser is sim-ple and the operation of the machine is exact ("7...just the right amount..." and so on).

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Now, when the adverb, 'just', is used in oral discourse, and this text is organised in away that is like an oral discourse, 'just', often assumes that a degree of difficulty is inher-ent in the achieving of the verb: "Just multiply the square of P by the root of the denom-inator Q." In some cases, 'just' implies the same sense of difficulty here: "18...justpush..." and "23...simply press..." imply a degree of ease in the use of the PCA Infuser,but "42. Just relax", "44. Just remember...", "48. just call..." and "52. Just remember..."imply that a degree of concentration is required by the Patient in order that the machineworks properly. In other words, at some times use of the machine appears to be easy, atother times it appears to be difficult. It is to this confusion over how the machine works,and, most importantly, who is in control of it, that I shall now turn.

STANZA THREE (What is PCA?) states that control lies with the Patient: "8.Patient-Controlled Analgesia...gives you control over any pain you may experience."But what is it exactly that the Patient controls? There is a great deal of ambiguity con-cerning the claim. First, what is meant by "...Patient-Controlled Analgesia.."? Is it theinstitutional practice of giving control to the Patient? Is it the analgesia itself, regardlessof the Patient's choice of the means of administration? Is it the machine (the PCAInfuser)? The sort of control the Patient has is very much dependent on the meaning ofthe noun phrase. Independent control over the analgesia is very different from controlover the machine. Secondly, the claim made in line 8 is that the Patient has control over"...any pain [she] may experience..." when, in fact, she only has (ambiguous) controlover her pain management.

Let us suppose, however, that the sentence means specifically that the Patient hascontrol over the machine (the most likely meaning). What sort of control does she real-ly have? The strong claim made in STANZA THREE is significantly weakened as thetext goes along so that by the last stanza, STANZA EIGHT, the Patient is merely a par-ticipant in the pain management process: "55. you can now help yourself..." but the finaldecision on pain management is, "51...a decision your doctor will make." How is thePatient's control diminished in the text? First, and most generally, the text instructs thePatient to use the machine in certain ways and not in other ways. It does not allow thePatient to exercise options. This instruction is submerged by the interesting use of abbre-viation. Where a formal text would state: "10. you will push the PCA button..." and "12.you will receive a... dose...", our text, depending on its claim to orality, is able to dis-guise the instruction with the use of 'you'll'. Secondly, the text provides limited infor-mation that explains how the Patient is excluded from the controlling of the machine:"24. Built-in timers...will make sure...doses are safely timed...25. so that you receiveonly the medication...as prescribed by your doctor..."; and "33...you cannot give your-self more medication than your doctor thinks is right for you." (As a side note, the infor-mation provided here is surprisingly insufficient given the Patient fears we can assumethe text is supposed to allay. Compare our text with the explanation provided in a textintended for experts (anaesthetists and critical care specialists):

PCA is administered by a special electronically controlled infusion pump incor-porated with a timing device. When patients experience pain, they administer a

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small increment of narcotic (e.g., morphine sulfate 1 to 2 mg) into an indwellingintravenous catheter.... The timer is set to allow repeat doses to be administeredwithin a prescribed time interval and to prevent administration of the analgesicdose earlier than the preset interval (i.e., lock-out interval). Thus, the lock-outinterval prevents the patient from administrating a second dose before the first hasits desired effect. In addition to the lock-out interval, a 4-hour maximum dose isprogrammed, thereby further preventing a patient from administering an exces-sive amount of drug over a 4-hour period. (Lubenov and Ivankovich, 1991, p. 38.See also Warwick, 1992.)

Note the use of negatives which clearly explain how the machine works and, in doingso, specify how little control the Patient actually has.)

The location of 'control' is highly ambiguous in our text. STANZA FIVE providesconflicting information about the operation of the PCA Infuser. Lines 31 to 33 indicatethat somehow (the text doesn't specify) the machine prevents a Patient from giving her-self, "...more medication than your doctor thinks is right for you." The medication iscontrolled by the doctor, who controls the machine. Lines 34 to 40 indicate, however,that the medication is controlled by the Patient. Her responsibility is to, "38...try to findthe comfortable balance." As we have already seen, the use of the adverb, 'try,' impliesa degree of difficulty in attempting to achieve this balance, and the seriousness of theattempt is further emphasised by the cautionary, "...remember...". The delivery of med-ication, assumed to be under the Patient's control in STANZA THREE, is no longer sucha simple matter in STANZA FIVE, and is clearly outside of the Patient's control inSTANZA EIGHT, where control lies with medical and nursing experts and the PCAInfusion Pump. STANZA FIVE, however, is the critical point in this transition. ThePatient is, confusingly, both responsible and not responsible, in control and not in con-trol, of her pain relief. This confusion is echoed by the general transition from easy useof the PCA Infuser (STANZAFOUR, where the Patient 'just' pushes the button, and themachine does the 'work' (line 21)) to difficult use (STANZA FIVE, where the Patient`works' to find the balance between sleepiness and discomfort, line 41).

Finally, the text deals with notions of pain and discomfort in a curious way. 'Pain'is referred to ten times in the text, while 'comfort' (or variants of the word) is referredto eight times. 'Pain' most often operates as an adjective in the phrase (or variants of thephrase) 'pain medication' (lines 2, 7, 12, 43, 44 and 46). 'Pain' is the Theme of four sen-tences (lines 8, 14, 19 and 45). 'Comfort' is the Theme in every case where the word`comfort' or the variants, 'discomfort', 'uncomfortable', 'comfortable' occur. The alter-native use of the nouns, 'pain' and 'comfort' is highly organised in the text. 'Pain' is anoun which describes the condition that non-Patients ascribe to Patients. 'Comfort' (ormore usually 'discomfort') is a noun which describes the sensory perception whichPatients experience. Interestingly, 'comfort' occurs most often in the text where thePatient appears to be most active in the process of pain management. Of course, it isapparent what is happening here. The 'comfort' or 'discomfort' of the Patient is a muchless threatening matter, an easier thing (one supposes, for Patients) to manage, than

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`pain', with which only experts are qualified to deal. Further, the sensory perception, theexperience of 'comfort' or 'discomfort' is the Patient's only responsibility, while it is thecondition of 'pain' management that is the responsibility of the experts referred to in line54.

CONCLUSIONSAn analysis of texts like the one above shows that institutions use language to constructand maintain certain kinds of relationship between the various participants within theinstitution, and, in so doing, construct and maintain certain ideological views about waysof acting, interacting, thinking, believing, dressing, and so on, that are seen by the vari-ous participants as being available to those within the institution (as well as separating`insiders' from 'outsiders' to the institution). In our text, the ideological construction thatsome participants see as being the overt intention of hospital practice (that is, to give`control' to Patients or, in general terms, beyond our text, to include the Patient as amember of the 'team') is undermined by certain features of language use which serve tocontradict this overt intention, or 'blur' and make ambiguous the intended message.Characteristics of our text which define the Patient in a passive role, which deny controlto the Patient and which locate real power with "...the expert...medical and nursingstaff..." subvert the intended, overt signal that the Patient is in control.

Given the ambiguous and contradictory nature of many features of the text, it is nosurprise that some Patients are confused and misled in relation to the degree of controloffered by Patient-controlled Analgesia. The difficulty in promoting such an idea is, fur-thermore, not simply the result of ambiguity and contradiction. The language of the hos-pital, where language is taken in its widest sense, constructs and maintains theDiscourses and ideologies that underpin the institution on a fundamental level. Thewords, signs, ways of talking, dressing, and so on, which constitute the hospital andmedical practice have certain effects, constructing relationships for good, functional rea-sons, so that the roles or identities or Discourses of the various participants are clearlymarked out. The rituals that operate in the institution are designed to define and constrainthe relationship between participants, so that the institution is able to function (cleanersare expected to clean, doctors are expected to diagnose, and so on). The fundamental ide-ology of a hierarchical relationship between the various participants in the system main-tains a weltanschauung which justifies the kind and degree of power that is vested in theroles or identities and justified in and by the Discourses of the various participants whooperate in the institution. In this sense, the hospital uses language to construct and main-tain those kinds of institutional procedure which are in its vested interest to construct andmaintain.

Giving control to Patients may, in the long term, be in the best interest of the insti-tution but to construct such a kind of new relationship between some participants in theinstitution is to challenge the existing, dominant ideologies of the institution. Patient-controlled Analgesia is, in this way, fundamentally at odds with the dominant ideologywhich protects hierarchical institutional practice. That some Patients have difficulty in

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cooperating with a procedure which is at odds with the dominant ideology of the insti-tution in such a way is no surprise. While the explicit intention of hospital literature suchas the text considered here (and possibly other forms of communication which are out-side the scope of this paper) may be to include the Patient in 'the team', the implicit ide-ology of the hospital, as we have seen, contradicts this, excluding and confusing thosePatients (and possibly hospital and medical staff) who fail to read the implicit signals ofthe hospital.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bernstein, B. (1971) Class, Codes and Control, in Cope, B, and Kalantzis, M, The Powerof Literacy: A Genre Approach to Teaching Writing, London: the Falmer Press, 1993

Cope, B. and Kalantzis, M. The Power of Literacy and the Literacy of Power, in Copeand Kalantzis, The Powers of Literacy: A Genre Approach to Teaching Writing, London:the Falmer Press, 1993

Derewianka, B. Exploring How Texts Work, Primary English Teachers Association, pp.62-67, 1990

Fairclough, N. Discourse and Power, in Fairclough, Language and Power, London:Longman, 1989

Gee, J. Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourse, London: the FalmerPress, 1990

Gee, J. What is reading? Literacies, Discourses and Domination, Literacies Institute(Mass. USA): 1992

Halliday, M. An Introduction to Systemic Functional Grammar, London: EdwardArnold, 1985

Lubenov, T. and Ivankovich, A. Patient-controlled Analgesia for Post-operative Pain,Critical Care Nursing Clinics of North America, 3 (1), pp. 35-41, 1991

Neville, M. Translating Texts into Plain English: The Cost of Increased Readability,Open Letter, 1 (2), Deakin University, 1990

Salter, K. Plain English in TAFE: The Whole Process, Open Letter, 2 (1), DeakinUniversity, 1991

Warwick, P. Making Sense of the Principles of Patient-controlled Analgesia, NursingTimes, 88 (41), pp. 38-40, 1992

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DOES EDUCATIONAL KINESIOLOGY PROVIDECOGNITIVE OUTCOMES - AND IS IT ACCEPTED BYADULT LITERACY AND BASIC EDUCATIONSTUDENTS?

Rees Campbell

OverviewThe field in which I am basing this study, adult literacy, deals predominantly with peo-ple who have not reached their learning potential. Adult literacy in Australia deals annu-ally with a conservatively estimated figure of one million people. In 1990, RosieWickert published the first national survey of adult literacy in English titled No SingleMeasure, which identified an astounding level of adult illiteracy. The survey showedthat12 per cent couldn't find a simple intersection on a street map31 per cent couldn't use the yellow pages correctly57 per cent couldn't calculate a 10% surcharge on a lunch bill73 per cent couldn't identify the issues in a newspaper article about technology.

These figures served to heighten awareness in Australia of the depth of the prob-lem, as previous estimates of 10.per cent were obviously only touching the surface. Asmall section of the sample had such low levels of literacy they were not asked to con-tinue with the survey. Over 50per cent of these were from English speaking back-grounds, over 50 per cent were male and over 50 per cent were over 60. There was lessthan a 10 per cent differential between non-English speaking background participantsand those of an English speaking background, and the difference narrowed further fornumeracy tasks. Women outscored men in eleven items, men topscored on eight tasks,and there was no significant gender difference for five tasks (Wickert, 1990).

Many adult literacy practitioners in Australia have adopted the following defini-tion:

Literacy involves the integration of listening, speaking, reading, writing andcritical thinking: it incorporates numeracy. It includes the cultural knowledgewhich enables a speaker, writer or reader to recognise and use language appro-priate to different social situations. For an advanced technological society suchas Australia, the goal is an active literacy which allows people to use languageto enhance their capacity to think, create and question, in order to participateeffectively in society. (Australian Council for Adult Literacy, 1990)

To support adult literacy students and their diverse needs and existing skills, thisdefinition requires adult literacy practitioners to utilise any and all available techniques.Maximising student learning opportunities and recognising individual learning styles,prior experience and present preference is a priority. Good teachers perpetually searchfor methods, techniques and theories to help their students.

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Ranging levels of expertise in varying fields have been explained away by theclichés, "different people learn at different speeds" or "we can't all be good at every-thing". This stance has been given credence by child developmental psychologists suchas Jean Piaget, but there still remain the people for whom none of this rings true - thepeople who know that they don't know.

Many Adult Literacy students come to seek assistance because they have beendiagnosed as "dyslexic". This term in its pure sense and literal translation means dys -having trouble with, or difficult, and lexic - words, or language. Generally, students arelabelled as dyslexic only if their abilities in language do not equate with their demon-strated abilites and perceived potential in the wider academic field. Accepted with thismeaning it can be a valuable term, and this is the sense in which I will use it.

There are many teaching and learning techniques. All teaching techniques aim todevelop skills. I have selected Educational Kinesiology because it aims to allow indi-viduals to achieve their potential by tapping and integrating the skills already withinindividuals a philosophy easily married to that of adult literacy .

Kinesiology is the study concerned with the mechanics of movement of thehuman body. The term Applied Kinesiology is the study of applying information aboutmuscles and body movement to functions of the mind.

The cerebral cortex is responsible for consciousness, perception and memory(including ...movement patterns), interpretations and reasoning.The more extensive and well established its store of memories, the faster andmore accurate will be its responses....but if the problem is unique, or only rarelyexperienced, the chances of responding quickly and correctly are lessened.(Jensen & Schultz, 1977, p. 42)

Educational Kinesiology can be described as a set of techniques; a synthesis ofapplied kinesiology within an educational framework which can be used for all students,but which seems to be particularly suited to those the established education system didnot serve well. It is not a single technique which can be mastered as the answer; rather,it may be a means of enhancing existing methods by changing the patterns of ineffectivelearning. Students whom the existing education system served well do not often seekassistance from an adult literacy unit, nor do they carry with them a weight of failurethrough ineffective learning. "To first de-mystify and re-frame notions of learning is animportant step towards developing the attitude that 'I can do it!'" (McCormack &Pancini, 1990, p.vi)

In this paper I will endeavour to present two perspectives: the theoretical, and thepractical. Through the literature review I will explore the history and current usage ofeducational kinesiology. I will link the evolution and antecedents of educational kinesi-ology to the mainstream of learning theories; particularly hemispherical dominance andlearning styles theories.

The practical segment of this study will concentrate on the research findings fromspecific educational kinesiology exercises used by adult literacy students within theirstudy programs. The research questions the validity and efficacy of incorporating edu-

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cational kinesiology into an adult literacy program. It also documents the opinions ofstudents and tutors about the techniques.

In the fmal chapters, I will endeavour to link the practical to the theoretical: toenable potential users of educational kinesiology to make their decisions through knowl-edge, as well as intuition.

BRAIN HEMISPHERICAL DOMINANCE THEORIES: THE HISTORYSpeculations on the functions of the brain and the individual functions of the hemi-spheres have long been published by a number of theorists in the fields of psychologyand medical science. Early in this century, due in part to theories published by the psy-chologist Fechner, it was common to believe that a "split personality" would be causedby dividing the brain along the midline. Opposing this view were those led byMcDougall. His work Body and Mind was published in 1911. McDougall thought thetwo hemispheres could and would function with a unity of consciousness regardless ofanatomical connections. This view was largely validated by intitial split-brain research.

SperryThe first real scientific opportunity for these questions to be answered came in the formof surgical intervention. Commissurotomies were performed on humans in the 1950s.This is an operation where the two hemispheres of the brain are separated, the corpuscallosum is completely sectioned, cutting the two million-odd nerve fibres linking thetwo hemispheres, but leaving all other connecting fibres intact. The researcher, RogerSperry, stated that he found that

each disconnected hemisphere acted as if it were not conscious of cognitiveevents in the partner hemisphere. Each brain half...appeared to have its own,largely separate, cognitive domain with its own private perceptual, learning andmemory experiences... Each hemisphere in the lateralised testing proceduresappeared to be using its own percepts, mental images, associations and ideas.(Sperry, 1982, p. 1224).

Whilst Sperry attributed a range of quite discrete activities and attributes to eachhemisphere, John Eccles, of the same era, was concerned with self-consciousness ofeach hemisphere. Eccles has adapted the lists as suggested by Sperry and associates in1968, and Levy in 1978, to come up with a list of descriptors. Interestingly, these, orvery similar words, are also used by the range of practitioners on whose work I am bas-ing my research.

Dominant Hemisphere (left)Liaison to self-consciousnessVerbalLinguistic descriptionIdeationalConceptual similarities

Minor Hemisphere (right)Liaison to consciousnessAlmost non-verbalMusicalPictorial and pattern senseVisual similarities (cont. overleaf)

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Analysis over time Synthesis over timeAnalysis of detail Holistic - ImagesArithmetical and computer-like Geometric and spatial(Eccles, 1989, p. 208)

Eccles also goes on to say that though he titles the hemispheres dominant and minorbecause of the verbal and ideational properties of the left hemisphere, he says of theminor hemisphere, "in many important properties it is pre-eminent, particularly in rela-tion to its spatial abilities with a strong pictorial and pattern sense." (Eccles, 1989, p.208)

Though Eccles seems to consider that transfer of specific hemispherical abilities islimited, he does pre-empt more recent research into this by acknowledging that "a lim-ited transfer of gnostic functions can occur at the young age". He cites examples of twopeople who had suffered severe left hemisphere damage in infancy and undergonealmost complete hemispherectomies in their late teens. Eccles concludes that "it isremarkable that... the right hemisphere became a linguistic hemisphere. However, therewere deficits in both its normal right hemisphere function as well as in its acquired lin-guistic functions." (1989, p. 214)

HerrmannNed Herrmann was one of the first theorists to link the "natural attributes" of each hemi-sphere to a more individualistic approach to learning as explained in his BrainDominance Technology paper:

While the body is symmetrical in terms of organ duality, that is, humans havetwo eyes, two ears, two hands, two feet, and two hemispheres, experts agree thatin the use of these dual organs there exists a general asymmetry...we use one toa greater degree than the other. When combined, the concepts of specialisationand asymmetry or dominance produce...a distribution of specialised preferencesthat affect general behaviour. Specifically included is the unique individual'slearning style. ( Herrmann, 1987, p. 350)

Herrmann developed the "Herrmann Brain Dominance Instrument" - a questionnairewhich outlines a personal profile of thinking and learning preferences. He was able toprofile over 200,000 people with this instrument, and his data strongly indicated a cor-relation between occupations and dominance profiles. For the purposes of humanresource development (Herrmann's original study was funded by the General ElectricCo.), this led to the ability of presenters to target their major dominance profiles in theoccupational group. For the purposes of general teaching, this has added much credenceto the notion that good teaching incorporates all possible learning styles within a singlesession.

Malcolm Knowles sums up Herrmann's study by citing direct experience withspecific workshops which involved several thousand people. He clearly indicated thatthe most successful approach to learning, including design, and delivery, was to providethe opportunity for a "whole brain" experience regardless of the make-up of the indi-

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viduals within the group. This is best presented by ensuring that the session can"dynamically move back and forth in its delivery of each key learning point in order toequally distribute the learning across all four quadrants of the model." (Knowles, 1990,

p. 249)

Howard Gardner, from the perspective of psycholgy, has written about learningstyles in a different way. Instead of attributing various functions or abilities to parts ofthe brain, and concluding that individuals' learning styles are dependent on the relativedevelopment of these sections, he has attributed to humans the ability to perform in anycombination of seven "intelligences". He identified the intelligences in the followingcategories:1. Linguistic - the ability to deal with language, both verbal and written2. Spatial intelligence including the ability to create mental images, to visualise, pat-

terns, design, direction, visual reliance3. Logical or mathematical intelligence involving scientific thinking, deductive and

inductive reasoning, dealing with numbers and patterns4. Musical intelligence - a reliance on sound, recognition and sensitivity to tone, rhythm,

beat5. Bodily or kinesthetic intelligence - demonstrating control of bodily movement

through the brain cortex; a wisdom of the body6. Interpersonal intelligence - where reliance on communication and relationships dom-

inates the learning style7. Intrapersonal intelligence - illustrated by spirituality, self-reflection, and an awareness

of the thinking processes (Gardner, 1985)

Neuro Linguistic ProgrammingNeuro Linguistic Programming (NLP) utilises the general framework of multiple intel-ligences but considers that determining the order of dominance or preference withinvisual, auditory and kinesthetic modes of learning is a better way of describing the learn-ing style. Neuro linguistics alone is a highly sophisticated tool for teachers to incorpo-rate into their practice, and the influence of NLP can readily be noted in educationalkinesiology as well as a range of other cognitive styles frameworks. By acknowledgingand presenting work in an individual's preferred dominant learning mode, teachers havebeen able to motivate many learners previously labelled as reluctant or resistant. It isfrom NLP work done by John and Michael Grinder, and Richard Bandler, among oth-ers, that we are able to identify when people are using their visual capabilities to recallsomething, as opposed to their kinesthetic or auditory memory. Unfortunately the rep-utation of NLP has been tarnished by its inappropriate adoption in some circles. In the1970s, some American business educators and motivators carried the informationgleaned from NLP workshops to target employees. There has also evolved some light-hearted (and not so light-hearted) analysis of the truth or otherwise of politicians' pub-lic statements. By identifying which direction the eyes move when responding to a ques-tion, assumptions about the truth or fabrication of responses have been made without a

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full understanding of the potential range of interpretations.

BuzanTony Buzan's series of books written from 1974-1993 figures in the bibliographies ofmany learning style theorists, and his techniques for intellectual enhancement have beenwidely adopted by motivators and educators around the world. Buzan elaborates on thework of Sperry and Orenstein and describes how the work was developed by ProfessorZaidel, who discovered each hemisphere was capable of a huge and subtle range of men-tal activity. Buzan shows how the 'great brains' in history - Einstein, Picasso and daVinci were actually 'whole brained', not left or right dominant as superficially apparent(Buzan, 1991, p. 18). His general theme is of liberating the inherent skills within theindividual, and it is easy to see the influence his work has had on the development ofpositive thinking segments of educational kinesiology. By comparing favourably thenumber of possible reactions between nerve cells or neurones within the human brain tothe total number of atoms in the universe, Buzan demonstrates the virtually infmitepotential of the brain.

Very practical in his applications, Buzan describes several techniques to tap thispotential, culminating in 'mind-mapping'. Mind-mapping is a method of revising orsummarising which incorporates the use of words, numbers, order, sequence, lines,colour, images, dimension, symbols and visual rhythm to activate all facets of bothhemispheres of the brain.

From whatever perspective one approaches the question, be it from the natureof words and information, the function of recall ... or recent brain research, theconclusions in the end are identical - in order to fully utilise the brain's capaci-ty, we need to consider each of the elements and integrate them in a unified way.(Buzan, 1991, p. 107)

Brundage and MacKeracherDonald Brundage and Dorothy MacKeracher investigated the links between characteris-tics of adult learners (which included learning styles along with self-concept, past expe-rience, stress, time, motivation and more) and the practical applications of learning prin-ciples they developed. Brundage and MacKeracher then summarised thirty-six adultlearning principles, with implications for facilitating and program planning related toeach of the principles. They document a series of learning principles under the headingof "Learning Styles and Abilities", which state that adult learners demonstrate individ-ual learning and cognitive styles and abilities, which may all be present in any learninggroup. Any 'mismatch' of styles between student and tutor is likely to be generallyunproductive, but they place the responsibility for the outcome of a learning partnershipon the ability of the tutors of adult learners to be aware of their own styles, and be ableand willing to present and respond to the styles of the learners. (Brundage &MacKeracher, 1980, pp. 50, 51)

Brundage and MacKeracher's facilitating and planning implications echo the

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words of many involved in adult learning:Adult learning is facilitated when the learner can be assisted to acquire a broadrange of cognitive strategies for use in various contexts....Adult learning is facil-itated when the teacher can present a range of activities in which he can modeldifferent strategies for the learners, and when the teacher is aware when thelearners are or are not utilizing each type of strategy.Program plans should incorporate learning activities which promote the use ofall of the cognitive strategies; learning resources which focus on... informationin varying presentation forms; and learning processes which vary.... (1980, pp.115, 116)

Although the format and emphasis differs from the other research I have documented,the same underlying thread of compensating in education for less developed intelli-gences /skills /learning styles/specialisation occurs.

LITERATURE REVIEW - EDUCATIONAL KINESIOLOGY

Educational kinesiology and the term edu-kinesthetics were coined by Dr Paul E.Dennison in 1984. Dennison is the acknowledged founder of the educational kinesiolo-gy movement,, and he based his early theories on a number of developing fields inAmerica at the time. Early work by George Goodheart on muscle testing, and in 1971,research into new ways of utilising the Ch'i energy of the meridian pathways was instru-mental, as were applied kinesiology and reflexology used by Richard A. Tyler (Savage,1994).

Muscle testing was first used to assess insurance claims, but was developed in theUnited States in the 1960s by a chiropractor, George Goodheart, who concluded that itwas a weakness in a muscle which created the sensation of a spasm or tight muscle onthe other side of the body, and it was the weak muscle which needed help. Previous tothis, the knotted muscle was directly worked on, and any tensions or pain could returnas the original weakness had not been rectified (Thie, 1973, p. 10).

Reflexology was first demonstrated by Drs Bennett and De Jarnette to show howactivation of skin areas with either deep massage or light touch could make the musclesmove the bones, without direct bone manipulation. Dr Frank Chapman, an Americanosteopath, identified other reflex points (called neuro-lymphatic reflexes by Goodheart)which improved muscle function by assisting lymph drainage. Certain nerve cells orspindle cells have been noted as causing weakness or non-responsiveness in muscles bynot sending on the signal from the spinal cord, and these cells can be physically manip-ulated to control the muscle contraction correctly. Neurovascular reflexes are thosereflexes which control blood flow, and can be activated with very light contact for a fewmoments.

The ancient Chinese acupuncture system is based on a knowledge of energy flowin specific patterns and directions throughout the body. This system is used to map outinsertion points for acupuncture therapy, and the energy is called Ch'i. Goodheart

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utilised this knowledge to correlate the energy from the acupuncture meridians or acu-pressure vessels to muscle awareness, and developed the theory of applied kinesiology.The meridians have been technologically verified using radio-active, thermatic and elec-tronic measures (Thie, 1973, p. 17).

Dr John Thie, DC, founder of the Touch For Health Foundation, was also instru-mental in this early development of the theory. Touch For Health is described as a prac-tical guide to natural health using acupressure, touch and massage to improve posturalbalance and reduce physical and mental pain and tension. All the theories mentioned sofar are incorporated into Touch For Health and the whole being is looked at, not just theparts. "The primary structure and the natural chemistry work together to influence thepsychological..." (Thie, 1973, p. 11) to make Touch For Health a science of energyrebalancing. The Touch For Health manual has been translated into fifteen different lan-guages and is commonly held to be the basis for modern educational kinesiology prac-tice.

The scientific and theoretical derivation of educational kinesiology is not a sim-ple or clear continuum, but as Dennison says, has been,

eclectic over the years, gleaning information and ideas from many sources. Ourtherapy utilizes techniques borrowed from language specialists, optometrists,and chiropractors. In a search for alternatives, we have had to go beyond theeducational frame of reference. (Dennison, 1982, p. 12)

The popularity, if not the scientific validation of educational kinesiology is estab-lished by the almost continual success of the "Brain Gym" program. Brain Gym was ini-tially published in 1981, and in1994 Dennison and two co-authors published Brain Gymfor Business with exercises modified only infinitesimally for a more mature clientele.Dennison relies on the effectiveness of his techniques as promoted by a range of clientsto advocate educational kinesiology, rather than elaborate on any scientific or educa-tional theories behind the principles.

In all of the strategies and philosophies utilised and advocated by Dennison, theprinciple of freeing or unblocking energy flow has remained a constant. Effective cross-ing of the midline of the two hemispheres of the brain is seen by him as the key to learn-ing. He argues that it allows release of the stresses built up by the body in order to com-pensate for problems caused by transposed hemispheres or mixed laterality and blockeddominance. Dennison explains his findings of dominance through muscle testing (whena muscle is unable to lock when given certain mental stimuli, but is able to in normal cir-cumstances) and states that,

the most efficient dominance pattern finds completely consistent sideness.When there is consistency and complete sideness, the two brains easily har-monise and cooperate, staying switched-on for bilateral integration. When thepattern is inconsistent, and sideness is mixed, the two brains get confused aboutwhen to work and what to do. Energy is drained from the system, and switch-ing-off takes place. (Dennsion, 1981, p. 58)

Dennison considers that brainedness (his term) is more important than handedness

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or eyedness, and bases the mixed laterality exercises on the results of brain dominancereinforced by muscle testing. He states that reading, writing and spelling are predomi-nantly left brain activities, and that people experiencing problems with these activitiesare more likely to have switched-off their left brain potential. Exercises which cross themidline, visually, kinesthetically and audially all serve to increase communicationthrough the corpus callosum and therefore increase the ability of the whole brain to per-form the required tasks. Switching On is a manual of hope for the concerned parents andfrustrated teachers of the `unteachable' .... They (the techniques) represent a revolution-ary new approach to learning" and "it is never too late to get 'switched-on' to the joythat learning adds to life". (Dennison, 1981, p. 6)

Educational kinesiology in its simplest, most readily accessible form is inDennison's Brain Gym. This is a series of exercises devised to maximise hemisphericalintegration, and also to activate acupuncture points and lengthen stressed muscles to aidenergy flow. The Australian practitioners discussed in the following section all basetheir educational kinesiology activities on Brain Gym.

CURRENT AUSTRALIAN USAGE

Educational kinesiology was first introduced to Australia by Phillip Crockford in 1984,direct from a Paul Dennison course conducted in California. In Australia, whilst devel-oping their own individual emphases, current kinesiology practitioners have retainedmost of the elements of Dennison's original work.

SavageTrevor Savage, a kinesiologist and naturopath from Queensland, has integrated theoriesand techniques from educational kinesiology, Touch for Health and applied kinesiologyand titled his approach, Integrative Kinesiology. Savage proudly states that his programis a synthesis from no less than 14 areas of related research. Savage's definition of hispractice of integrative kinesiology is "to make whole through muscle response testingand whole body movement. Total mind-brain-body integration." (Savage, 1987, p. A).

DaltonJenny Dalton, currently working as an educational consultant and kinesiologist inSydney, incorporates the Alexander Technique whilst retaining the original Americanbased theory. The Alexander Technique was devised by F. Mathias Alexander who wasborn in 1869 in Wynyard, Tasmania. He developed his technique through observationof his own posture, proceeding to a realisation that movements in one part of the bodycould affect every other part. His central principle is that of the dynamic relationship ofthe head, neck and back which, if corrected, maximises efficient use and functioning ofthe whole body/mind complex. The method teaches learners to discriminate betweenmovement and posture cues in a way which enables them to reduce or eliminate learnedpatterns which disallow optimum performance and function (Brown, 1980, pp. 25 30).

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Dalton outlines several associated learning theories in her book, Dyslexia: HowDo We Learn?, written in conjunction with a severely dyslexic client, John O'Shea. Shelinks Gardner's seven intelligences to Neuro Linguistic Programming and expresses heropinion that the linking of these theories to provide a range of diverse teaching practicescan have far-reaching applications for teaching and learning (Dalton & O'Shea, 1994, p.77). Dalton states in an earlier paper that,

this is also what makes Educational Kinesiology of such interest and relevanceto educators. It provides a model with which we can 'relate' to the brain, ameans of understanding what may be preventing people from learning effec-tively and most importantly, a set of techniques or tools to bring about changesin that pattern. (Dalton, p. 2)

O'HaraBrendan O'Hara from Victoria has adapted the original Dennison exercises and includ-ed some of his own devising. He has written several books under the umbrella of hisown company, Vis-Ed Learning. O'Hara incorporates Neuro Linguistic Programming,and positive thinking theories from transactional analysis, but bases activities on verybasic left/right hemispherical functions. Although not directly crediting it, in 1990O'Hara used a diagrammatic representation of memory retention almost identical to thatpublished by Buzan in 1986.

The specific exercises used in this research have been demonstrated by BrendanO'Hara in workshops for adults and children experiencing learning problems, and alsodescribed in his books, Vis-Ed Learning and The Children's Song Book. Unfortunately,the language in these books has been over-simplified. An example of this is his state-ment that "proprioception is the way the brain and muscles talk to one another" (O'Hara,1991, p. 27) when discussing the sophisticated nature of communication between nervecells called proprioceptors and the brain stem.

Savage and Dalton both reinforce the importance of laterality re-patterning. Thisis a system designed to maximise hemispherical integration regardless of what the bodyis performing. Dalton appears to have retained the Dennison re-patterning, but Savagehas considerably modified the process. O'Hara certainly mentions and uses re-pattern-ing, but also uses the exercises with or without initial re-patterning.

Pancini and McCormackGeraldine Pancini and Rob McCormack from the (then) Footscray Institute of TAFEhave written a teachers' manual titled Learn to Learn. This manual explores academiclearning from the learner's point of view and attempts to demystify educational institu-tions. The authors claim that their work draws mainly on research from the fields of cog-nitive psychology and applied linguistics, but some common sense and innovative han-dling of such topics as intelligence, meta-cognition, schemas and cue-consciousnessmake the manual quite inspirational (1990, p. 46 - 51).

Pancini and McCormack directly link left/right hemispherical discussions with

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Tony Buzan's mind-mapping techniques to reinforce the concept that the right hemi-sphere attribute of patterning allows the learner to absorb many more pieces of informa-tion than would be possible if only relying on the left hemisphere logic/language skills.Their stated approach "is to mention these ideas to emphasise that diagramming the rela-tionships between ideas is a highly efficient strategy for revising and an interesting toolfor thinking about approaches to study" (1990, p. 48).

BurnStephanie Burn is a trainer of educators and business people wanting to be more able tolearn, and, although not a kinesiologist, advocates many teaching and learning strategiessimilar to kinesiology. She is originally from an American military post-school educa-tion where she specialised in computer engineering, and the training of nailiary person-nel. Burn has dealt almost exclusively with adult audiences for the past seventeen years,and came to Australia in 1987 after intensively researching learning strategies with LarryWilson in the USA. Initially her educational role in Australia was developing theDiscovery Down Under program for teenagers, but she has since spent two years eachin Melbourne and Sydney training trainers. She has written several books, and devel-oped a series of train-the-trainer videos. Stephanie Burn describes her work as dealingwith "the best designed device the universe has ever produced - the human body andbrain", and utilises a range of theories to substantiate her original and effective learningtechniques.

Stephanie Burn traces much of the basis of her work to Roger Sperry's work in thelate 1950s on left/right hemispherical dominance, but qualifies her use of simplifiedhemispherical theories. Burn states the left/right model is "most bastardised, oversim-plified, generalised, used to do more damage to students than any single piece of sci-ence...atrociously misused. That's why there has been a move away from this model"(1992, Tape 1).

Burn is careful to state that the 1950s theories of specific locations for specificabilities such as language have been conclusively disproved by neurological research,but credits "attributes" to each hemisphere. Burn overlays these attributes to a frame-work utilising personality learning styles such as active, experimental, reflective etc., heroverall framework reflecting Herrmann's "instrument".

What Burn entitles "attributes" correlate with the "Basic Functions" according toO'Hara, who uses terms such as analytic, focus, serial, temporal and logical for the lefthemisphere. Burn's terms are verbal/language, good with numbers, linear, sequential,analysis and time. For the right hemisphere Burn states that a right dominant person islikely to be more adept with images, have an overview, be random and spontaneous,intuitive and spatial. O'Hara concurs with the use of the terms overview, diffuse, simul-taneous, reflex, intuitive (O'Hara, 1991, p. 24).

Burn makes a number of points which should be heeded by those utilising kine-siology:

the corpus callosum can be up to 20% larger in females giving them a greater

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opportunity for communication between hemisphereslateralisation of the hemispheres starts at about 4 years of age for both sexes, butfemales have completed the process by 7, whilst males generally need till 11 or 12.80% of "learning disabled students" are male.

These observations have been corroborated by both early schooling and adult literacyresearch. Girl students demonstrate superior language skills from age 4 to 7, then boysslowly catch up. Sixty to seventy% of all adult literacy students are male, and many ofthe female students have specific maths phobias as their major problem, slightly skew-ing the figures. Many older men now appearing in adult literacy programs have beenunemployed for a long time since leaving semi-skilled or unskilled jobs. Their previouspractical learning on the job was largely kinesthetic, and was probably the only learningwith which they had been comfortable. Their early lack of literacy learning hasremained with them (Campbell, 1990, p. 4). The generally accepted figure of 10% min-Mum of the population needing literacy help is explained further by Dennison's asser-tions that 75 - 80% of the population are right-handed and right-eyed; these people areleft brain dominant and few learning problems exist. Twelve% of the population aremixed dominant, and this group includes most dyslexics and over half the "learning dis-abled" (Dennison, 1981, pp. 58, 59). The majority of this latter group are male.Learning difficulties are of course not unique to males, but remedial education statisticsare dominated by males. Many female students come to adult literacy displaying bothgeneral and specific learning difficulties, including dyslexia.

That the practitioners have been eclectic to the point of plagiarism across a rangeof ancient medical practices, psychology, 'new age' alternative medicine, and educa-tional theories and models, is probably the major contributing factor for the continuingscientific cynicism regarding Educational Kinesiology, yet the most persuasive argu-ment for its practical applicability.

Several of the major exercises used in educational kinesiology have a history farpreceding the use of the term, as they have their roots in ancient eastern therapies suchas acupuncture. Many of the exercises promoting the activation of pressure points aredirectly utilising the energy flow from acupuncture points and knowledge of bodymeridians.

The infinity sign, sideways eight, or in Brendan O'Hara's terms Active Eight, hasbeen used for a long time by a range of practitioners to facilitate reading, as exercisesmaking the eyes move across the midline have been documented by both optometristsand educators to be beneficial for optimum eye function.

Cross-crawling was initially used as a "cure" for neurological damage. It is thebasic educational kinesiology exercise, and is a marching action, but with the oppositearm and leg moving. It was devised after years of research by physical therapist, DrGlen Doman and his colleague, a psychologist, Dr Carl Delarcarto, and used widely inAmerican schools in the early 1960s. The results became inconsistent in wide practice,and although it was still advocated by developmental optometrists, as quickly as itbecame popular, ceased being used.

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Even the modem social science of "connectionism" has its roots in the earliestkinesiology research as the original Touch For Health manual stated that a muscle couldonly contract and perform its specialised task if all the "connections" are made in thenervous system.

International field trialsThe following field studies in the last few years have evaluated the use of educationalkinesiology (generally in the form of Brain Gym exercises), and form part of a compi-lation edited by Dr Josie Sifft.1. 1991, Canada. Nancy McGovern, the District Physiotherapist for the Deptartment ofSpecial Services, piloted a program involving a total of 600 students in 10 schools. Thepurpose of the study was to determine the possible inclusion of Brain Gym movementsin the curriculum for learning disabled students.

The program was evaluated by a number of methods: teacher observations, twoestablished developmental tests, and feedback from parents, students and educators.

Results from the majority of involved teachers indicated improvement in work,increased focus, increased self-awareness, less moody behaviour, increased confidencewith spelling, writing and maths; also, improved reading, organisation and productivityof the key students.

All teachers involved indicated an interest in using Brain Gym beyond the pilotprogram. All but 3 of the 30 classes involved (with some individual students resisting)indicated a wish to continue.2. 1989 and 1990, Israel. Jeanette Primost, educational kinesiologist used Edu-K withhigh school students diagnosed as having learning difficulties such as dyslexia, dys-graphia, co-ordination problems etc. for a six-week period.

Evaluation was in the form of measuring grades, and feedback by students, teach-ers and parents measuring three areas of learning improvement, motivation and the stu-dents' personal feelings.

Results indicated that 7 of the 12 students improved noticeably. Some studentsfelt they had improved in self-confidence, concentration, and the ability to take onresponsibilty: areas which could not be objectively corroborated.

The time frame of the six-week workshop was deemed insufficient.3. 1989, USA. George and Colleen Gardner implemented Brain Gym in a two-weekwilderness program for pre-teen and teen-aged students.

Pre- and post-academic testing was conducted using three established develop-mental tests.

Results of the 23 tested participants showed an average reading age gain of almosteight months, and an average maths gain of about six months.4. 1989, USA. Twenty-three students enrolled in a remedial summer school were sub-ject to Brain Gym activities and Dennison Laterality Repatteming with reading andmaths remediation. The classes were conducted over a four week period totalling 48hours of instruction.

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Evaluation was in the form of pre- and post-diagnostic screening tests, Edu-Kmuscle testing, and video filming of coordination exercises.

Results showed a higher than expected (by the school district administration)improvement in both reading and maths, and a general improvement in coordinationskills.5. 1987-1990, USA. Robert Eyestone, an educational psychologist, conducted a studyaimed at measuring the effectiveness of Edu-K repatteming pre-checks to determine pro-cessing of visual and/or motor information.

Over 1400 participants were tested using a muscle response test to the visual stim-uli of "X" and "II" symbols shown separately. Those whose muscle testing showedstress at the "X" symbol and relaxed at the "II" were identified as one-sided processorsat the time. Two groupings of participants were identified. One included people con-sidered "at risk," such as prison inmates, drivers in Driving Under InfluenceRehabilitation groups, drug and alcohol dependency group members, special educationstudents, intellectually handicapped persons, and school admininistration referred stu-dents. The other group was a control or "normal" group, such as a high school class.

Results showed a high correlation between people identified by the testing as one-sided processors and those in stress, drug, delinquency or special education groups (andtherefore identified in the testing as "at-risk"). These results also correlate with exist-ing, long-standing research indicating high proportions of people displaying mixedhemispherical dominance amongst prison populations.6. 1989-1990, Hawaii. Carla Hannaford, an educator and neurophysiologist, imple-mented a year-long program of Brain Gym in the classroom amongst 19 students in aSpecial Education fifth grade.

The Brigance Inventory of Basic Skills for Reading, Comprehension and Mathwas used at the beginning and end of the year. Brain Gym exercises were included inthe general classroom activities for a few minutes several times daily. Individuals weremuscle tested, and selected Brain Gym work was allocated.

Results showed that all 19 individuals displayed an improvement in reading age ofbetween one and two years, and lesser but general improvement in maths. CarlaHannaford also noted her observations of behaviour improvement.7. USA. Twenty-two first grade students, with class teacher Mary Aim Wittle, partici-pated in a ten-week program incorporating Brain Gym exercises and Dennison LateralityRepatteming.

Pre- and post-checks in several areas of expertise were conducted.Results showed all 22 students improved (or had perfect pre- and post-test scores)

in printing letters and numbers without reversals, and auditory discrimination. Sevenimproved (12 perfect) in ability to read words without reversals, and 16 improved inalphabet recognition and matching designs.

The marked improvement in number and letter reversals in this age group was con-sidered significant and the conclusion reached that the Edu-K had made these studentsin some way more efficient learners.

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8. 1986-1987, Australia. Peter Whetton wanted to determine whether the inclusion ofBrain Gym activities in a Special Education classroom would have an effect on the atten-tion span or academic skills. The project was conducted in three parts, but by the thirdpart, Whetton had no control group to measure against. In 1990 he wrote a retrospec-tive, which concluded:

I have now completed a long term study of outcomes on these students. I donot claim the research as anything more than subjective, all the studentsquite strongly wanted to be part of the Brain Gym. This left me with no con-trol group.

Special outcomes were observed to be huge improvements in academic progress,self-esteem, confidence, behaviour and social relationships.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Outline of research1. Establish area of need to examine.2. Select students for intensive research.3. Select appropriate educational kinesiology exercises.4. Have students work through exercises (whilst being tape recorded)5. Evaluate cognitive and emotional responses.6. Document and present.

1. Establishing needAdult Literacy students currently studying with a Tasmanian Adult Literacy Unit wereinformally asked what their major concerns were in relation to their progress with study.These students were not selected, but were simply the students in the building on dayswhen I was at work.

All twenty students were currently working in group learning environments, andwere accustomed to making decisions about their learning. The students were casuallyspoken to in coffee breaks, or whilst visiting their room, or when meeting them in thecorridor. All twenty students were asked the following questions:"Is there an area still worrying you with reading, writing or maths? If so, what is it?"

Table identifying student responsesStudent No. M/F Reading Writing Maths Other (specify)1 M x x spelling2 M x spelling3 M x punctuation, spelling45 x -6 x x x everything!

(cont. overleaf)

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Table identifying student responses (cont.)Student No. M/F Reading Writing Maths Other (specify)7 M8 M x x spelling9 M x spelling, handwriting1011

12

FFM

x x xxx

lots

13 M x spelling14 M x x x all of it15 M spelling16 F x - spelling17 M x x x lots18 F x spelling19 M - x20 M x x spelling

Total 8 12 9 14 spellingM 15 5 9 6 11

F 5 3 3 3 3

2. Selecting studentsI selected one group of students to use as the basis for this paper. The group consistedof two female and three male students. All had been coming to Adult Literacy for quitesome time; the group was a congenial, cohesive group, and there were few secretsbetween them regarding their literacy learning.

All the individuals were happy to assist me in the preparation of this paper by par-ticipating in the exercises. With their permission they were tape recorded during theexercises and transcripts were made to evaluate responses. I also discussed the activitywith the group as a whole, with the tutor participating.

No preparation in the form of muscle testing or description of activities was done.As documented in the transcripts (Appendices III - V), I outlined the method and the pur-pose of the activity to the participant. I chose the spelling exercise as it was a separateidentifiable activity, and one which bore little or no resemblance to any previous workthe students may have done with spelling, and because it was a major identified problemfor students currently working in the unit.

Joan was selected as the key student for several reasons: (a) She had a long histo-ry of literacy tuition, which meant she had been exposed to a variety of methods, teach-ing styles and educational environments. This also meant that her tutor would be ableto give me valuable feedback on Joan's "usual" learning responses and retention. (b)Joan had proven to be extremely reliable, and since she was a long-term student with herpresent unit, this meant I could realistically expect her to be available for the duration of

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the project. (c) Joan was an articulate, interested, opinionated learner, whom I couldexpect to really respond to my questions concerning her reaction to the exercises. (d)Joan demonstrated dyslexic problems. Her spelling remains very poor, despite a goodgeneral skill range in other language activities such as speech, reading, comprehension,etc.

Case study: JoanJoan has been attending adult literacy sessions for about three years. Initially her ses-sions were held on a one-to-one basis, then for almost a year Joan attended one groupsession and one individual session per week with the same tutor. For the past 18 months,Joan has attended two, 2-hour group sessions per week, with her interest, skills and reli-ability all increasing to the point where Joan has only missed one session in the last sixmonths.

At her initial assessment, Joan demonstrated only very basic reading skills. Shecould read some very simple texts, but had never had reading material matched to bothher reading and interest level. Joan rapidly progressed from adult literacy student-writ-ten books to simple readers (at about grade 4/5 primary school level) with the main tutor-ing emphasis being on practice. Suddenly, at this stage reading "clicked" and Joan wentstraight to adult books, choosing her own from the literacy unit or state library on aninterest theme. She was persistent in her reading approach, and would read aloud to hertutor, sounding out and breaking up unfamiliar words, or read silently to herself. At thisstage Joan did not worry unduly about understanding or being able to pronounce all theindividual words: she was, and still is, primarily concerned with being able to gainmeaning from the text.

At initial assessment Joan's writing/spelling skills were minimal. She demon-strated bizarre, inconsistent errors with a correct vocabulary of only about 20 - 30 words.Her sentence structure was virtually non-existent, with no evidence of punctuation. Shehad considerable trouble developing self-editing skills, and even now her tutor has topoint out most errors. Her major frustration was, and is, with spelling. Her skills withsentence structure have developed quite well with her tutor formally teaching the basicssuch as punctuation and tenses, and querying Joan's grammar Several differentapproaches intended to improve Joan's spelling have met with little success: Flash cardswere a failure, as were memory exercises. Joan appears to have little, or poor visualmemory, as demonstrated by the fact that she may spell a word differently every timeshe uses it in a text, and frequently reverts to incorrect spelling after having correctlywritten it a number of times. The only real technique Joan has been able to use suc-cessfully with her spelling has been with mnemonics. Joan calls these "keys" which helpher unlock the correct spelling to difficult words. An excellent example of this is Joan'scontinued problem spelling her now home-town - Burnie. She consistently writes it asBurine, following the more conventional ending pattern . Her mnemonic or key is torecall "the knights of nie" from a Monty Python comedy film.

Three years, hundreds of contact hours, and thousands of hours of private labour

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by Joan have caused a tremendous improvement in most areas, but she is still blockedby a long term memory disability. Any new skill requires concentrated consolidation,and seemingly no matter how thoroughly 'learnt' a new word or skill is, Joan will loseit within a month, unless it is revisited and revised.

Joan was introduced to a single educational kinesiology exercise - spelling fromthe visual cortex at this stage. No muscle testing, or preparation, was carried out. Joanwas asked to assist me in research for a paper, using techniques I hoped may be able tohelp adult literacy students.

The words Joan learnt with the educational kinesiology exercise lasted correctlyfor longer than usual, and longer than her tutor expected. The word "mortgage" wasretained correctly after delays of one week, two weeks, one month and three months.After the Christmas holiday break and a further two months, Joan had lost the word.Joan remains interested in the concept of educational kinesiology and is keen to gleanmore benefit from this type of exercise. Joan stated she had never had such clear recallof a word before: in fact, she proclaimed the word was stamped across her foreheadevery time she closed her eyes.

Joan has good dictionary skills as she is usually able to work out the initial letters.She certainly used the dictionary extensively for words for this article. She is also usu-ally able to select the correct word from the series of alternatives given by the comput-er spelling check.

The following is a piece of unedited writing by Joan written in April 1995 usingMS word on an IBM-compatible PC.The Diary of Jack the Ripper is about James Maybrick, his faimly and the life he leadout side. The name Maybrick came to publice notice back in the late 1800.In June of 1889 Flow Maybrick was charge with the merder of her hasbent James. Shewas acqude of poising him, You may say that ther is nothing new in a women killing herhasben but woth mad it so taked about was the facked that Mrs Maybrick was a sothenbell marride to an english gentelmem, and she was the fist American women to be giventhe deth sentens in enlande, if it wasn't for this facked we wouldn't know much aboutthem at all.In 1992 a diary was foned. In side was the tale of a man,due to drug abuse became oneof the wolds best know seial killer.James Maybrick like many men of his time, liked to take things like arsenic and cyanide.These to drugs are like the equivalent to cocaine and crack in todays words. This drugabuse did not do that much for him, he was always complaining of headaches,cold handsand the back of his hands being itchy as well.When James found out that his dear Bunny (Flow) was having an affair, he became quitedisort, and after some time at the ale house he decided to make all of England pay, forhis wifes infidelity and This was the beginning of his line of terror, this is also when heincreased the amount of medicine he was taking. He thought this extra medicine wasimportant to give him the stangth to do the things he wonted to do. More importantleythis is where his line of thought becames more wormed and demented, and his wife stops

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being his dear Bunny and becomes the hoare and her lover becomes the hoare master.James Maybrick killed six wemen between 1888-9 but tenecley he ownly killed five, thefist one was a test kill. The name Jack the Ripper is like James had hoped it would liveon forever.As 1 side befor ther is noteing new about seial killers but woth made James Maybrick godown in historey books is the simpale facked that the was the fist to give himself a name.The writing demonstrates unequivocally the difference in skills level between Joan'sspelling and her obvious grasp of research skills, reading, comprehension, syntax etc.

BackgroundThis is Joan's own account of her background. I have not attempted to verify any details,nor did I question any of her recollections.

Joan suffered a childhood of considerable trauma. She did not live with her nat-ural siblings, and endured a violent domestic environment culminating in seeing hermother killed by her stepfather. There was no reading or writing model in Joan's earlylife which she considers to be a major factor in her own literacy problems. All the fam-ily she recalls on her mother's side experienced learning difficulties, and Joan hasreceived remedial help since grade 4. The domestic situation was unstable in manyways: Joan remembers enrolling in eight different schools in one year when she was onlyfive or six years old.

By grade four, Joan was still unable to read or write. Her problem had beenignored until then, but from grade four on, she received virtually continual remedialassistance, her recollection being that this was mostly in the form of flash cards of sightwords. Joan repeated grade 5, and was given peer support tutoring in grade five and six.In high school Joan received two half-hour sessions daily with a special educationteacher in reading and maths.

Joan left school in grade nine, with few skills, low esteem and scant respect for theeducation system. After working for a couple of years she enrolled in a literacy courseat Sydney TAFE for six months, but found the group work did not meet her needs. Aftera one-year break, she tried a literacy course at Brisbane TAFE, and although there wasindividual work within the group this time, she still did not make significant progress.

When Joan moved to Tasmania her boyfriend motivated her into trying literacyagain, but as she has perservered this time, Joan recognises her own improvement andsees sucess building further sucess. Joan attributes much of her success to her tutor, andthe variety of work she is presented with. Joan states her pride in reading for pleasure -a phenomenon she never expected to enjoy - and her new found skill in mental calcula-tion. She is also pleased that her imagination is respected, and she is able to write forherself as well as for her teachers.

Profiles of other students

Frank is a thirty-year-old man with an unenviable past. He has lived in a variety of fos-

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ter homes and institutions most of his life. He is the sole parent of two small children,and he takes their education very seriously. Frank spends a lot of his time at the chil-dren's school and playgroup "with the other mothers", and sees hope for his and the chil-dren's future through improving his literacy and therefore employment prospects.

Frank has been attending adult literacy for about three years, though fairly irregu-larly due to part-time work commitments and parenting responsibilities. At initialassessment, Frank had a minimal spelling vocabulary, but enjoyed reading. He pro-gressed quickly with reading, comprehension and writing, but still has considerablespelling problems exacerbated by poor long-term memory. Generally Frank is able tosound, visualise, or work out short words from lettter patterns, but when faced with longwords, his word attack skills are not adequate and he misses most of the middle out.Like Joan, Frank's spelling skills are far below his skills in most other areas, and hewould be considered dyslexic, or to have specific learning difficulties.

Brenda, a twenty-eight-year-old woman, came to adult literacy primarily for assistancewith numeracy as she is the treasurer for a support group, but found herself enjoying thesocial and educational climate. Brenda has no children, but cares for her invalid hus-band at home most of the time. She has been studying both literacy and numeracy forabout six months, and has improved in most areas of literacy, but still has a maths pho-bia to overcome. Brenda's spelling is generally quite good, but tends to be phoneticwhen faced with unfamiliar or long words.

Alex is a fifty-three-year-old man, who came to Australia from Holland when he wasfour years old. Although English has been his major language for this length of time, hestill displays problems with sentence structure, tenses and conjunctions. Alex's prob-lems are widespread: He has only a very basic understanding of numeracy, and virtual-ly none of metrics. He has scarcely written since leaving school, but has well formedhandwriting. Alex is loathe to write anything from his own imagination, and attemptsto turn all tasks into copying exercises. His tutor does not have a high expectation ofmuch improvement, but recognises the slow, gradual development of a very long termstudent. With familiar words, Alex has quite reasonable spelling retention; but general-ly when faced with difficult longer words, is unable even to attempt to write them.

The fifth member of the group is Martin, a forty-year-old man with an overwhelmingobsession with Holden cars. His knowledge in that area reigns supreme. He is able todiscuss and write about them, spell relevant words and read manuals. Unfortunately, thisability does not flow through to other areas, and generally Martin is a very quiet, slowstudent who has made gradual, slight improvement in all areas. He has been to adult lit-eracy classes twice, once with a one-to-one tutor, and this time within a group.Generally, Martin's spelling strategies are phonetic: He is able to identify most phonet-ically regular words, but has considerable trouble if they are not phonetically regular.

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3. Selection of exercisesThe following is an outline of several educational kinesiology exercises presented byBrendan O'Hara at workshops in 1992 and 1993. I will follow the O'Hara version witha summary of Dennison's as shown in his Brain Gym - A Teacher's Edition and BrainGym for Business books.

Cross-crawlingThis movement is the basis for a good deal of educational kinesiology work. The par-ticipant is asked to march, but using the opposite hand to touch each alternate knee whenraised. It is important to move each hand independently - do not allow the loose arm toswing in unison with the active arm. O'Hara states some of the benefits of cross-crawl-ing as improved left/right coordination, spatial awareness, hearing, vision, spelling, writ-ing, reading and comprehension.

Dennison gives a simplified history of the movement, by acknowledging its histo-ry of use by psychologists and physiologists in conjunction with the use of crawling likea baby to maximise learning in Brain Gym A Teachers Edition, but without naming anyof the theorists.

Active 8sThis exercise uses the body to trace an eight on its side, or infinity symbol. Draw a largefigure on, for example, a whiteboard, with the participant's own body lined up on themidline. Draw with a definite mid-point and continuous movement. It is best when thefigure is large enough to involve the full visual field and extension the of drawing arm,which should alternate. Start on the midline and move anti-clockwise. Draw at leastthree figures with each hand. The stated benefits of this exercise include improving themechanics of reading, decoding written language, reading comprehension, eye musclerelaxation, balance and coordination.

It is interesting that Dennison's terminology for this is the Lazy 8s! Once again,in the simplified history, Dennison documents the use of this figure by Special Educationteachers who have long recognised its usefulness in reducing letter reversals and read-ing transpositions. In Brain Gym for Business Dennison has modifed the exercise to beperformed by adults by tracing the shape of the sideways eight in the air with the handin the position of a "thumbs up" gesture, and focusing the eyes on the tip of the thumb.

The infinity symbol exercise is adapted by Dennison originally, and then O'Hara,Dalton, Savage and undoubtedly others. A particularly relevant exercise is to have aparticipant follow with his/her eyes the movement of a pencil shaping the sideways eightabout 15 - 20 cm from the participant's eyes (as if hypnotising them). The pencil shouldbe moved at a slow but comfortable speed, making sure the midline correlates with thespace between the eyes. The partner moving the pencil should be aware of the eyemovement, noting any racing, jerking, cutting of corners, particularly when crossing themidline.

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Alphabet 8sThis exercise uses the lazy eight shape as the basis for developing an awareness of theshape of lowercase letters. Best when done large, the infinity sign is drawn on a board,paper or traced in the air. All letters fit one of two patterns: The letters ac de fgo q sare formed in the left field. They start on the curve near the midline and move up andto the left to form their shape. The letters bhijklmnprtuvwxy and z are formedin the right field. They start with a down stroke on the midline and then move to theright to form their shape. The Alphabet 8 repatterning of the alphabet is claimed to beDennison's unique adaptation of the lazy eight movement, according to the text of hisBrain Gym - A Teachers Edition. Benefits of this exercise are stated to include improvedsymbol recognition and penmanship, spelling, creative writing and improved concentra-tion.

Double DoodlingO'Hara has extended the original Dennison exercise and presents it as a five- or evensix-part exercise. It is best done on large sheets of paper on a table or floor, or a white-board. For each stage a line should be drawn down the centre of the sheet. Participantsshould be armed with two free-flowing pens or markers, and should be encouraged tofocus their eyes as much as possible on the midline.1. Draw random lines, patterns, doodles with both hands on own side of paper.2. Draw symmetrical patterns, concentrating on down, up, out and around shapes.

Begin close to the centre line.3. Draw identical pictures concurrently. These will generally be mirror images.4. Begin with both pens near the centre line. Write the same message with both

hands. This means the left hand will be mirror writing. (This may be modifiedif required for left handed writers.)

5. Write the same message with both hands at the same time, but have hands movein the same direction. Generally, begin at the left side of both sections of paper.

The optional sixth stage is to attempt two separate messages at the same time.This exercise is supposed to improve writing, spelling and maths skills. Dr

Dennison attributes the origin of this exercise to an optometrist, Dr Gettman, who doc-umented increased visual flexibility and skill when children performed bilateral move-ments.

Spelling from the visual cortexI was first introduced to this spelling activity when it was demonstrated by BrendanO'Hara in an introductory session conducted in Burnie in 1992. I was able to view itperformed again, in full detail, at a workshop designed for primary teachers, and there,fully documented it. My documentation was validated by O'Hara in his Vis-Ed LearningSeminar Workbook. I have trialled it as an exercise with several adult literacy studentsbefore this research, and also have demonstrated this and many other educational kine-

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siology exercises in adult literacy tutor staff development workshops conducted by myALBE unit. (The exercise requires participants to have identified their visual recollec-tion area by visualisation techniques.)

Write the word in large clear letters on card. Have the participant sit comfortablywith head straight to the front. The participant should be encouraged and reminded tokeep the head straight and only move the eyes. Situate the card so the participant acti-vates the visual construction area (at the opposite end of the forehead to visual recollec-tion) by lifting the eyes to see the word. Have them look at it with intent, shutting andopening the eyes several times. While the person still looks at the word, move it slow-ly along to the visual recollection area. Now ask the participant to "photograph" theword, making sure the whole word is photographed, not a letter by letter attack. Ask theparticipant to shut his/her eyes and verify if the "photo" is there. Repeat until the"photo" is clear. Take the card away, and remind the participant to turn the eyes up tothe visual recollection area, and ask them to spell the word. To check if the word pic-ture is really there, ask the participant to spell the word backwards.

This particular exercise is not documented by Dennison, but is used extensively aspart of a spelling program by O'Hara. Dalton also describes this activity in her book,Dyslexia: How do we Learn? (pp. 89-90). Most of these exercises are presented byDennison, and O'Hara to a lesser extent, in conjunction with a range of acupuncturemeridian theory and muscle lengthening activities. The activites are given cute names,such as "Brain Buttons", "Thinking Cap" and "The Owl", in keeping with American-based marketing strategies.

"Brain Buttons" are the last acupuncture points of the kidney meridian. Gently rubthe soft tissue under the clavicle to both sides of the sternum for 20 - 30 seconds to stim-ulate brain activity.

"Thinking Cap" stimulates the rich field of acupuncture points in the ears toimprove auditory skills. Hold the lobe of the ear between thumb and finger and gentlyunroll the edge of the ear from top to bottom.

"The Owl" is promoted as releasing shoulder stress by lengthening neck andshoulder muscles. It restores blood circulation and the full range of movement to thebrain. Grasp the shoulder with the opposite hand and squeeze firmly. Turn the head tolook back over the shoulder. Breathe deeply and pull the shoulders back. Look over theother shoulder, opening the shoulders again. Drop the chin to the chest. Breathe deeply,letting the muscles relax.

4. Process of conducting exercisesEach student was asked individually to assist me for about ten minutes. We went to asmall room commonly used for individual tuition while I gave a quick explanation ofwhat I wanted. I advised the students that I wanted to try out a new kind of exercisewhich might help them with spelling, that I was writing a paper for a university degreeon it, and could I please tape the process so I could be really accurate when writing itdown later? I received only positive reactions, so immediately commenced.

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1. Students were first asked to spell a couple of words I thought they would beunlikely to be able to spell correctly.

2. The students were then led through a quick visualisation exercise to identify theirvisual recollection area.

3. The kinesiology exercise was then explained and worked through until the stu-dents were able to spell the word correctly backwards.

4. Finally, the students were asked their opinion of the exercise.

EVALUATION OF EMOTIONAL AND COGNITIVE RESPONSES

DiscussionNone of the students selected for this exercise had any prior experience of educationalkinesiology techniques. All students knew me: I had either interviewed them at enrol-ment, tutored them, or just become acquainted with them through the course of their timewith Adult Literacy. I am aware of several points which may cloud any objective judge-ments: (a) The inherent inequalities in a tutor/student relationship, (b) the generally pas-sive learning style of adult literacy students, and (c) a natural inclination not to offend -in particular when the students knew it was an area of personal interest to me.

I use an amended conversation analysis technique to provide one view of the emo-tional responses (see Appendix I for transcription conventions). Anecdotal evidence, myreflections, and the expressed opinions of students involved in the exercise will form themajor part of this qualitative research section.

From a tutor's point of view, the rewards in using educational kinesiology can begreat, perhaps because of the novelty of the exercise; when the word is successfully speltbackwards, many students have been very enthusiastic and excited. It has been inspira-tional to them as it has proved that their memory functions perfectly, which has been anagging self-doubt for many It is essential to link both cognitive and emotional success,as one provides fodder for the other. Brennan, Clark and Dymock found in their 1990survey of literacy outcomes that adult literacy students stated the two main reasons forliking their adult literacy program were "Process of program (25.8%)" and"Helped/helping achieve cognitive outcome (18.3%)". These findings were validatedwhen students were asked the opposite question: "What are your reasons for not likingyour adult literacy program?" Inappropriate process was identified by 47.7%, 20.0%identified inappropriate content, and 9.0% stated it had not helped their cognitive out-come. (Brennan, et al., 1989, pp. 49, 51)

Reasons for liking adult literacy programReason No. of % of total

responsesHepled/helping achieve socio-economic outcome 7 0.7Helped/helping achieve affective personal outcome 131 12.4

(cont. next page)

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(cont.) Reason No. of % of totalresponses

Helped/helping achieve affective social outcome 154 14.5

Helped/helping achieve cognitive outcome 194 18.3

Helped/helping achieve enactive outcome 29 2.7Content of program 129 12.2

Process of program 272 25.8

Likes teacher/tutor 110 10.4

Other 16 1.5

No response 16 1.5

Total 1060 100

The cognitive outcomes are difficult to separate from the emotional outcomes withthe key group. Certainly, Joan retained her correct spelling of the word mortgage forlonger than either she or her tutor expected. This may be due exclusively to the effec-tiveness of the exercise, or to Joan's heightened positive emotional reaction to spellingfor a while. Dennison, Dalton and O'Hara state that educational kinesiology frees thelearner from body stresses and allows greater ease of learning. Dalton says, "By build-ing on a learner's strengths, rather than concentrating on the weaknesses, there is farmore scope for the learning process to be enjoyable, relevant, and most importantly, suc-cessful" (Dalton & O'Shea, 1994, p. 104). Communication through her corpus callosummay have been improved by removing learning blocks, and allowing her left-brain facil-ities to operate more efficiently. Joan herself identified spelling as an area on which toconcentrate, she recognised her own weakness, but now, with educational kinesiology,we have discovered a real strength: her ability to accurately visualise a word. This skillreduces her usual level of stress at the spelling task, and she is able to correctly spell.This may be an example of the "chicken and egg" scenario.

The spelling exercise done with educational kinesiology was very easy for two ofthe students. Both students were able to visualise quite well (although Frank neededquite a bit of encouraging and prompting at first), and the word-picture stayed clear.Neither student had any problem bringing the picture to the forefront of their mindsagain, and this ability remained for up to three months.

A previous student, Trevor, had been exhilarated by the freedom the spelling exer-cise had given him. A very intelligent man with a virtually non-existent writing histo-ry, his intellectual grasp of language far exceeded his ability to put it on paper. Onceintroduced to educational kinesiology spelling, he was able to transfer the ability to visu-alise to almost any word he had had prior exposure to (if the context was unique enough)and write it correctly. Examples of words Trevor was able to visually reproduce werethose on public signs such as police, station, council, toilet, street signs, and many otherwords such as vehicle names and grocery items. When asked to activate his visual mem-ory, Trevor experienced a fair degree of physical discomfort (similar to that described

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by Frank in his conversation): his eyes watered, his forehead tingled and ached, and his"brain felt like it was actually moving". Trevor considered this the moving pains froma long-unused muscle, and the discomfort made him all the more determined to perse-vere. Unfortunately, this ability to transfer the skills seems to be limited amongst stu-dents: Perhaps some need a consistent introductory program of spelling visualisationbefore they can make the transfer themselves. Trevor was unusual in other learningaspects, too: He developed an intense interest in the derivation of non-phonetic words,and was perhaps more visually aware than the key students.

Another student, Leon, has a history of specific learning disabilities caused bybrain damage as a result of an accident as a teenager. Leon fmds writing a difficult andstressful task because his hand often does other than what his mind wills it to. Oftenwhen spelling, Leon will begin a word incorrectly, say out loud "No, of course not, " andthen re-write the same wrong letter several more times to his intense frustration andhumiliation. He performed the Double Doodling exercise with me, and amazed both ofus with the increased fluency of his handwriting immediately after. The effect did notlast, but he was prepared to perform the Double Doodling exercise before class to givehimself the increased fluency. Leon said the writing now "felt natural" in a way he hadforgotten experiencing. It is the "naturalness" and ease of doing the task after the edu-cational kinesiology which is the greatest encouragement to the students, and creates theoptimum mental state for successful learning.

Cross-crawling has been used in infant classes for a long time, and many midlinecrossing activities have been incorporated into sports training schedules. Anecdotal evi-dence reinforces that these students become more able and willing to attend to tasks, andthe tasks become easier and more natural to perform. This is what the adult literacy stu-dents who enjoyed the exercise found: Joan, Brenda, Leon and Frank were all very keento commence their normal classes with some form of kinesiology, as they found them-selves more able to work if they did so.

Conversation analysisThe conversation analysis did not provide me with a different view: rather, it reinforcedthe problem I had anticipated occurring of the students wanting to be cooperative ratherthan analysing the process as we were talking. Nevertheless, the students' opinions var-ied considerably, and as turn-taking through the conversations was generally quite egal-itarian, I feel confident that these expressed opinions are sincere, and not the product ofa student saying what he/she thinks the teacher wants to hear.

An example of the cooperation is provided by this excerpt from a conversationwith Frank. Frank is so cooperative that he reinforces with an agreement in the positiveor the negative voice, depending on my wording in the previous sentence.R: OK right good that's wrong, but that's not bad, all right I wantF: [yeahR: you to try two wordsF: [yep

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R: so I'm not going to show you how to spell that nowF: [noR: 'cause I want to try the technique.F: yeah.Consistently Frank gives me encouragement to continue by reinforcing my questionsand statements. He also uses the same words to echo mine, either when he queries me,or when answering a question.R: you can see the word mortgage, can you lift your eyes towards it?F: [towards it?

R: it really stands out does it?F: [oh, yeah the T stands yeah

F: 'cause sort of to remember that I've got to write it out/R: lots and lotsF: [lots and lots of times.

In a similar manner, Brenda consistently gave a `mmm' sound to allow me to con-tinue, whether or not I specifically asked for some response. Brenda also laughed fre-quently, nodded and interspersed longer sentences with 'mmm'.R: can you see it - all of the word there?B: mmm

R: Which is really good because that's nothing like you wrote before, soB: [mmm [mmmR: obviously it's a few too many letters for you to take a photo of, so we'll just

have toB: [mmm [mmmR: try again and/B: MD=

R: Just a whole piece of card with the letters on itB: mmm

Joan was the exception. Normally, Joan is a loud, communicative group member,but only gave me feedback in nods and facial expression whilst doing the exercise.Perhaps she was slightly intimidated by the presence of the tape recorder, or perhaps shewas very involved in the exercise. Joan certainly became more verbose and expressivewhen she had been successful, and became eager to share her experience.

On my part, I hardly gave the students a chance to do anything but concur, as Iwould often begin and/or end statements and questions with "OK?". I seldom gave justa single response to the students, but said:R: right good OKR: yeah, OK point where the picture is


R: great, that's good, all rightR: good right good OK

The above conversations were between just two participants - myself and the stu-dent - but the voices of the individual students played a greater part when I spoke to thegroup. The group included four of the five students who had participated in the research,and their tutor, Trudi. Trudi did not volunteer any input into the conversation, soalthough the responses were elicited, there was far greater communication freedom forthe students to genuinely express their opinions.

The group session reinforced what the students had stated to me individually.Joan, Frank and Brenda were positive about educational kinesiology. Joan and Frankwere convinced that they would never be free again of the vision of their word. Thevisual impact for them was profound, and they could really see a possibility of successwith spelling with this technique. Joan in the individual session says, "It just feels likeit's tattooed across the inside of my forehead. There it is. I'm going to live with thisforever, aren't I?",and in the group repeats herself:"It's just been there tattooed across my forehead. I've been going to bed with it, wak-ing up with it, eating and sleeping with it."

Frank is slightly less excited, but says in the individual session, "that i looks queerin the back of your head", ... "It's just that seeing something over here is very urn,weird", and, "It's a weird sensation, I'll tell you that now, seeing things like that".In the group he states that it is still there, "it was just automatically there", "...I don'teven have to... I just... it automatically pops out", " and I haven't been practicing iteither, its just been there/ so I know it's there - I can bring it up straight away"

Brenda's response is perhaps the most validating because she had been told byFrank and Joan about the exercise, but was a bit dubious about their reports. When shecompleted the exercise, she said, "I didn't think I would be able to ... actually see it", and"I really didn't think I'd be able to spell it"

Martin and Alex were both lukewarm in their response: Once again the barrier ofpoliteness was apparent in their responses. In the individual session, although both menwere able to perform the task and visualise the word, both preferred other, more tradi-tional methods. In the group session they were more forthcoming; both stating that theywould prefer their own way - Martin with the Look Cover Write Check method, andAlex with his trusty spelling lists. The politeness was apparent here too, as Martin tookquite some prompting before he would commit himself: "Oh it's hard to say for mef', "Ithasn't been in me head like that ...", "yeah it's hard for me to say really/", "I wouldn'tlike to say really I wouldn't"; but later when I asked the group what was their preferredmethod, Martin agreed he wouldn't choose to do it.R: "OK so it's not a method you would actually choose to use"M: "That's right it could work for some people, but I"Alex was ready a couple of times to ensure I knew his preferred model, each time inter-rupting Martin.

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M: I wouldn't like to say really I wouldn'tA: [This would be easiest for meR: Which way?A: Like that - spelling.

M: That's right it could work for some people but IR: [yep that that's what I wanna knowA: [I just write it then check it in the dictionary.

It is interesting to speculate about why Alex felt he could interrupt Martin, whowas slightly negative about the process, but not any of the pro-kinesiology students. DidAlex feel he was supporting Martin? Did Alex feel the subject had been opened, andthat he was safer to voice his views? This conversation pattern differed from the rest ofthe transcripts, which followed equal turn-taking by all participants.

FindingsThe limitations of this research project have meant that I was not able to quantify cog-nitive outcomes to the extent I would have wished to, but nevertheless, these findingscertainly corroborate what I have found occurs in wider practice. They also lead to thehypothesis outlined in the conclusion.

The exercises worked: Students were able to spell specified words correctly.The ability to spell the specific words given in the exercise remained longer thanexpected.Most students were more than usually motivated to work after doing kinesiologyexercises.None of the key students was able to demonstrate that he/she could transfer the visu-alisation skill to correctly spell other words in a different environment.There was not a general improvement in spelling skills.Some students were inspired by educational kinesiology and strongly requested moreexercises.Dyslexic students (as defined in this study) make the most dramatic progress, andcould most beneficially be targeted for educational kinesiology.

SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Tony Buzan describes an individual's talents as those areas of our potential successful-ly developed, and subjects of difficulty being those of dormant potential which couldflourish given the right support (Buzan, 1991, p. 19).

Dennison offers a possible solution to learning difficulties when he states that"Educational Kinesiology teaches you to maximise a student's potential by eliminatingblockages and avoiding stress which interferes with learning" (Dennison, 1981, p. 103),and considers that most learning difficulties are self created or imposed - albeit

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unintentionally.Brennnan and his Australian colleagues found that "what actually happened in the

(adult literacy) tuition process was ... the key to understanding why the programs wereeffective in producing the outcomes" (Brennan, et al., 1990, p. 69). The factors includ-ed a suppportive atmosphere and climate, well designed groups, and a 'good' tutor. Self-confidence was shown strongly to be the foundation of literacy success.

In this research, all participants demonstrated specific cognitive outcomes: All thekey students were able to correctly spell selected words after completing an educationalkinesiology exercise designed to achieve that outcome. The students who enjoyed theprocess were positive about it and stated an interest in continuing with an educationalkinesiology program. The key students who demonstrated dyslexia, in that they experi-enced significantly greater problems in one specific area rather than their general skillslevel, made the most dramatic improvement. These students also displayed the mostpositive reactions. Those students who expressed a disinclination to persevere with edu-cational kinesiology, although not negative about the process, were able to state a pre-ferred technique.

For struggling adult literacy students with a history of constant failure in an acad-emic learning situation, educational kinesiology offers a novel, non-threatening tech-nique. It can prove to students they have a 'perfect' memory, and it can be enjoyable toperform.

As with all teaching and learning strategies, educational kinesiolgy is not theanswer for all students. As part of an effective teacher repertoire, it should be offered tolearners to accomodate those whom it can serve best. Dennison, Savage and Dalton alldeal primarily with dyslexic students, due in part to educational kinesiology being treat-ed as 'last resort' therapy, but also because this group is targeted. My findings, both inthe key group, and in wider practice, agree that dyslexic students stand to gain the mostfrom these techniques. As both neurological and educational research suggests themajority of this category are male, a male dyslexic student should definitely benefit fromeducational kinesiology.

The hypothesis which this poses is that, If the cause of the specific learning dif-ficulty or dyslexia is due to damaged, ineffective or blocked communicationbetween hemispheres through the corpus callosum, then educational kinesiolgyexercises will succeed, if the premises upon which they are devised are true. Toestablish this, comparison could be made between a control group of adult literacystudents with a general low skills level displaying non-specific learning difficulties,and a test group of dyslexic male students with demonstrated high skills achieve-ment in a related area. If the hypothesis is correct, then the test group should show sig-nificantly greater skills development after completing educational kinesiology exercisesthan the control group.

Finally, I repeat and concur with Dalton's assertion that educational kinesiologymay provide a model with which we, as tutors and students, can relate to the brain. Assuch, we can all aspire to our potential excellence.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bonham, A., 1985, Learning Style Use: In Need of Perspective. In Lifelong Learning:An Omnibus of Practice and Research., Vol. 11, No. 5, pp. 14 - 17

Brennan, Dymock and Clark, 1990, Outcomes of Adult Literacy Programs, Universityof New England

Brown, R. A., 1980, The Alexander Technique - Therapy for the Whole Person,Somantics Autumn 1980, pp. 25 - 30

Brundage, D. and MacKeracher, D., 1980, Adult Learning Principles and theirApplication to Program Planning, Ontario: Ministry of Education

Burn, S., 1992, What Every Teacher Should Know About Learning. Tape

Buzan, T., 1986, Use Your Memory, BBC Books

Buzan, T., 1990, Use Both Sides of The Brain, Penguin

Campbell, R., 1990, The Computer Vs The Crowbar. Good Practice Vol. 34, pp. 4, 5,19

Carroll, D. H. L., ( ), Effects of Edu-K in the Classroom on Beginning LanguageSkills

Cope, B. & Kalantzis, M. (Eds.), 1993, The Powers of Literacy : A Genre Approach ToTeaching Writing, London: The Falmer Press

Cox, H., ( ), Effects of Edu-K in a Remedial Summer School Program. USA

Craig, R. L., 1987, Training and Development Handbook 3rd Ed., New York McGraw-Hill

Dalton, J. and O'Shea, J ., 1994, Dyslexia - How Do We Learn? Hill of Content

Dalton, J., unpub, Educational Kinesiology

Dennison, G., Dennison, P. E. & Teplitz J. V., 1994, Brain Gym For Business, Edu-Kinesthetics Inc.

Dennison, P. E. & Dennison, G. E., 1989, Brain Gym A Teachers Edition, Edu-Kinesthetics Inc.

Dennison, P. E., 1981, Switching On, Edu-Kinesthetics Inc.

Devitt-Dawson, D., The FM Alexander Technique, [Brochure]

Eccles, J. C., 1989, Evolution of the Brain, Creation of the Self, Routledge

Educational Kinesiology Foundation,1992, Field Studies on Educational Kinesiology

Edwards, B., 1979, Drawing on the Right Side of the Brain, Fontana/Collins

Entwistle, N., (Ed.), 1985, New Directions in Educational Psychology, Falmer Press

Eyestone, R., ( ), Correlates of Edu-K Repatterning Pre-Checks with At-RiskPopulation. USA

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Falk, I. (in press) Australian and New Zealand Journal of Vocational EducationResearch

Gardner, G and Gardner, C., 1989, Effects of Combined Brain Gym and MountaineeringExperiences on Teen and Pre-Teen Scholastic Achievement, USA

Gardner, H., 1985, Frames of Mind. The Theory of Multiple Intelligences, USA: BasicBooks

Gee, J. P., 1992, The Social Mind - Language, Ideology and Social Practice, Bergin andGarvey

Hannaford, C., ( ), Effects of Brain Gym with Special Ed 5th Grade Students, USA

Herrmann, N., 1987, Brain Dominance Technology, In R. L. Craig (1987)

Jensen, C. R. & Schultz, G. W., 1977, Applied Kinesiology: The Scientific Study ofHuman Performance, McGraw-Hill

Knowles, M. S., 1990, The Adult Learner: A Neglected Species, 4th Ed., Gulf Publishing

Lefrancois, G. R., 1972, Psychology For Teaching: A Bear Always Faces the Front,Wadsworth Publishing Co.

Macquarie Everyday Dictionary

Marguiles, N., 1991, Mapping Inner Space, Hawker Brownlow

McCormack, R. & Pancini, G., 1990, Learning To Learn, Footscray Institute of TAFE

McGovern, N., 1992, Effects of Brain Gym in a District Wide Field Study, In J. M. Sifft,(Ed.), Experimental Research on Educational Kinesiology, Canada.

O'Hara, B., 1990, Vis-Ed Learning Seminar Workbook, Vis-Ed Learning

O'Hara, B., 1991, The Childrens Song Book, Vis-Ed Learning

Primost, J. & Shar'abi, C., 1989, 1990, Effects of Edu-K on Academic and Social Skillsof High School Students

Rickover, M. R., Self Help Alexander, Direction Vol. 1 No. 8, pp. 327, 328

Savage, T., 1987, Learning To Learn The Switched On Way With IntegrativeKinesiology, [Self published]

Savage, T., What is Kinesiology? [Brochure]

Savage,T., 1985, Australian Wellbeing, Sept/Oct.

Sperry, R., 1982, Some Effects of Disconnecting the Cerebral Hemispheres, Science 217

Thie, J. F., 1973, Touch For Health, TH Enterprises

Whetton, P., ( ), Longitudinal Perspective on Edu-K Outcomes with Special EdStudents, Australia

Wickert, R., 1990, No Single Measure, NSW: Faculty of Adult Education, Universityof Technology

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APPENDIX I Conversation transcription conventionsNote: The notation used in this study substantially follows that used and described byBaker and Freebody (1989), with minor amendments to suit the situation.

X: Student (initial) talksR: I talk

latched turns (no intervening pause)// heard as interruption

said simultaneuosly and overlaps at this pointco:old heard as extended sound(4.0) length of pause in seconds((laughs)) transcriber's description

) untranscribable(mouse) uncertain transcriptionso-he-is words said very quicklyalong letters said slowly as read or written

question or upward intonationdownward intonation

, or - minor pausetalk omitted

must emphasis

CA4.0 1.-AJ

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APPENDIX II Transcript of discussion with groupR: Just a couple of things, yeah, what I want you all to do is write the word, that word that

you had last week with me. See how you go.(15.0)A'right? Everybody remember it? ((Checks around table))Great, everybody's got it right - oh right, yeah two that's right.

F. [yeah yeahRe all right. How do you think about that as a way of remembering them? Would you have

remembered those words as easily done another way? Would you have rememberedthem easier if you'd done them another way?

A: seems a simple word for meR: yep OK so you remembered it without a problem.A: yeah I did me homework but I didn't look it up, I left it there. Spelling test.R: [OK Fair enough. yeah. But did

doing it the way we did it last week make it any different to you or not?A: Oh yeah I think it would.R: What about you Joan?J: I haven't even looked at the word since we had - since I sat in the office with yaR: rightJ: It's just been there - tattooed across my forehead . I've been going to bed with it, wak-

ing up with it, eating and sleeping with it ha ha ha((laughs))Re so for you it's a stronger way of remembering/J: yeah/R: so would you normally remember a word like that a week later?J: [no

noR: how what how would it normally be for you?J: it would be spelt incorrectly like I originally spelt it.R; OK so to you it's a real differenceJ: [oh yeah.R: What about you M?M: Oh it's hard to say for me/Re right so it's/M: [it hasn't been in me head like that. I've just been doing me homework one night I

just thought oh yeah I'll write it out see how I go with it/R: so for you it would be much the same doing it that way or doing it the other way?M: yeah it's hard for me to say really/Re [yeah

yeah/M: I wouldn't like to say really I wouldn'tA: [This would be easiest for meRe Which way?A: Like that - spellingRe Yep - your spelling list, yeah What about you Frank?F: Oh if I want to learn a word I've got to write it out hundreds of times /R: and you didn't have to with this one?F: [na

it was just automatically there.R: all rightF: no I find this way easier than writing on paperR: yeah all right

how, do, do you reckon you'd be able to keep lots of words in like that, or do you reck-on you'd overload?

F: well, I reckon this is the best way for me , any way for me that locks words in/R: yeah, right/F: cause the way I spelt it the first time and the way I spelt it now is totally...Re very different mmm/

R: OK[very different I don't even have to I just it automatically pops out

R: OK so as a method, do you reckon you'd be able to do it yourself at home? If you want-

A:ed to spell a word, would you be able to give yourself the picture?Yeah

J: [Yeah

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F: [I reckon I could do it myselfR: Would you try if you needed a wordJ: yeahF: yepR: would Mat be something you'd do or how would you go about it if you had a word you

needed to lock in, what would you do?F: I'd have to write it down on paper and continue to write it till it was locked in.R: rightA: [I d check it in me dictionary after I'd wrote itR: yeahF: If I'm going to learn a word, I've actually got to have the word in front of meR: yep/F: and just keep writing it till it locks inM: When I was with Jennifer ((previous ALBE tutor))I at ummm umm Adult Ed once

R: [yeahM: I was having trouble writing solicitor and secretary/R: yeah/M: and that's what she was doing - sort of holding the word up and making me look at it -

really look study itR: [yeahM: Then I'd write it, I'd get something wrong again, look up again/R: yes/M: I dunno I give it up in the finish - just kept writing it out, just kept writingR: [rightM: till it sunk inR: [sunk in yep

OK so it's not a method you would actually choose to use.M: That's right - it could work for some people but IR: [yep, that that's what I wanna knowA: [I just write it then check it in the dictionaryR: right yeahA: That's the way I do itR: What about you, Joan?F: //I just get the word off TrudiR: mm?

F: I get the word off Trudi, and then write it out (much laughter)A: Oh yeah mum= minium

((goup laughs))J: Well I mean if I write something out heaps of times , like usually write out three or four

timesR: [nunmJ: and then whenever I've got to write it within the next hour I can usually remember it,

but then it's gone/R: then it's gone mmm

So you need another method for long term memory/J: yeah/R: and this one seems to work for you at the moment. It would be interesting Trudi , to try

a few more words with JoanJ: [ I can remember that one ( ):R: and see if you can build up a filing cabinet of words Joan,J: yeahR: whether. Right well it would be really interesting to see how long the words that we

work with you stay - words like mortgage and business.A: What, are we going to do it again one day?R: Yep, probably in( a month

eahor something like that, if that's all right?

F:R: and don't anybody hard to remember it in the meantime, obviously, I just mean don't

bother working at it in the meantime, we'll just see if it's thereA: [put it in the background/R: yepF: well I know, I haven't worked on mortgage or business

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R: well business is quite a hard word, 'cause it's got three s's to remember where theygo,and for Frank, -I know, you often confuse doubles and things around, so

F: [yeah, all the timeR: to be correct, for Frank I know that's been over a month since it's been done isn't itF: [and I haven't been practising it

either, it's just been there/R: it's just there mmmF: [it's just there. I mean occasionally it'll pop. into me head - NOW -and I'll spell it out

to meself and then go on with what I was doing before.R: yeahF: so I know it's there - I can bring it up straight awayR: rightF: so I know it's there, hasn't hasn't/R: hasn't gone at all.R:J:A: ( )J: I know I know I know it's there for the simple fact is I turn around and I say "spell mort-

gage backwards"and like they'll start to spell it, but then they have to s..l..o ..w downand think of it forwards/

R: right/J: I just rattle off backwards now, and it's like ( ) it's not hard for me at all

((laughter))R: All right thank you everybody

APPENDIX HI Transcript of individual session with JoanR: all right, all I want to do is to unun try a spelling technique with you The idea of the

technique is to actually get you to see the word in your head rather than just rememberit on paper. It's called Educational Kinesiology, that's its..

J: ((laughs))R: just to be a , but first of all I've got to find a couple of words you can't spell so:o, can

you, how about mortgage, can you spell that word? Like a house mortgage.(17.0) OK yeah that's ((spelt moreg)) it's wrong, but that's what I want

J: ((giggle))R: it's just what I need. Umm the couple of other things I have to do first. I have to find

out which sort of side of your brain you use to remember things with and which side youmake up things. So what I want you to do is shut your eyes and...can you picture yourcoffee cup at home?

J: ((nods))R: where... where can you see it, touch where you see that cupJ: ((touches forehead))R: ah, good. I want you to picture your bedroom door, can you see that?J: ((nods))R: OK where can you see that, touch that..J: ((touches centre of forehead))R: OK that's right in the middle too, all right, lets try one more, ununm go and get the mail

out of the letter box. Can you see it?J: ((nods and points slightly off centre of forehead))R: OK that's out here a bit.mmmJ: Well actually its here ((points to a different spot)) if I'm standing on the path to get it/R: that's where you see it , is it, out there?J: mmmR: OK we'll try it on that side , that'll do, and we'll work on that being the side you remem-

ber , and this side being the side you make it up. It might not be, 'cause its kind of inthe middle/

J: mmm/R: but we'll hope that's it. OK here's mortgage ((shows card)) It's got a silent 't' in the

middle - just to be nasty - so its sort of mort - gage all right?J: ((nods))R: now what I want you to do is sit up straight with your head straight ahead, and I want

you to have a look at the word, and that's the area you remembered , there ((points)) allright, so that's where we'll see if we can put it in your brain.Now I want to bring it over here which is much harder on you , which is ((Joan moveshead to follow word)) try and keep your head straight

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J: [((laughter))R: just move your eyes OK? This is the area you , where you make new pictures in your

mind and this is what we're goin to try to get you to do. So can you see that, there,without moving your head? (2.0((moves card slightly)) that better. can you see it at all?

J: yepR: what I want - keep looking at it while I'm talking to you - try and look at it as one thing,

as a picture, not just each individual letter, the whole thing as a picture. Now make yourbrain a camera, and take a photograph of it. Can you make your brain go 'click" andtake a photo. Can you do that?

J yeah I think I've got it.R: ()K shut your eyes and bring your eyes back over to here ((touches forehead)) in

your head, now, can you see that picture? that word?(5.0)

J: ye/R: Can you see the orange 't'? in the middle there?J: uh hmrnmR: OK try and spell it out to meJ: mor tgageR: That's great, that's correct. What comes after the 'r'?J: 1.0) `trR: at comes before the 'a'?J: (1.0)R: all right, great spell it backwardsJ: e g a gt r o m ((with no delay))R: fantastic - gee that was quick. That's correct ((with laughter))J:R: ((laughter))R: That's incredibleJ: Yeah, you're right there((laughs)) I can't spell words that quickR: yeah, nobody can, unless you can see it , you can't spell it backwards, but you must have

been really able to see that there as letters and Just sort of reel it off backwards. Thatwas umm amazing

J: yeahR: What I want you to do now is I want you to see it again and then see if you can write it.

OK so see it in your head first, got it in your head? and see if you can write it down (6.0)Good OK is it correct?

J: [yeah/R: Check it with your picture It is?J: [yeah yepR: great, excellent. That's really, I mean I've never ..that's fantastic how quickly you do

that, really quickJ [((murmurs))000h ((laughter))R: and can you see that quite clearly there?J: yeahR: What does it feel like in your head? Does it feel strange at all?J: It just feels like it's tattooed across the inside of my forehead. There it is. I'm going to

live with this forever now, aren't I? ((laughter))R: That's what Frank reakonsJ: I can understand whyR: But you can sort of build up a filing cabinet of words that way, especially as it's some-

thing that obviously comes very very easily to you. Ah you can build up lots of words,do you have any particular problem words that you always get wrong?

J: (2.0) theirR: OK, which one? the one that belongs to other people? their jumper?J: [ummm

I always spell it t h e r eR: Right yep, and so you need the other one/J: I need , yeah, usually I need the other oneR: OK well would you like to try it? see if we can put that in your mind?

((process repeated))At the end, of session, about 5 minutes, Joan had both mortgage and their securely remembered,and was confidently writing both words.

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APPENDIX IV Transcript of individual session with FrankR: can you spell mortgage, as in, you know, house mortgage?F: mortgage ((laughs)) aah (35.0)

((two tries - moreg, then morge)) yeahR: OK right good that's wrong, but that s not bad, all right I wantF: [yeahR:F:R:F:R:F:R:F:R:F:R:

F:R:

F:

you to try two words[yep

so I'm not going to show you how to spell that nowno

`cause I want you to try the techniqueyeahthe other word I want you to try is businessbusiness (12.0) ((spelt as bisene))OK that's wrong too, that's great, you're wonderful

[((laughter))just what I wanted, that's wonderful. Now what this system does - there's how you spellmortgage, right? it's got a 't' in the middle which is a silent 't'. Mort - gagemortgagethe rest of it sounds all right Now what this system does - first I'm going to have to giveyou a couple of minutes lead up. First I want you to close your eyes and imagine yourcoffee cup at home, can you see it?

zAeeR: ere can you see it touch/F: [hereR: [ touch your cup where you can see itF: ((points)) yeahR: right goodyood OKF: yeahR: I want you to picture your car. Where can you see that?F: yeahR: here, can you see it?F: ((laughs, points)) It's out thereR: [right good Picture one of your kids, Donny, can you see him going

into his bedroomF: yeeeah, yepR: where, where can you see that?F: Donny, where in his bedroom?R: yepF: he's over by the windowR: yeah OK touch where the picture isF: there, here ((points))R: great, that's good All right what I'm doing now is because when you remember things,

basically you're seeing them out this sideF: rightR: [which means that things you make up for - new pictures - you'll make up the other side

and that's what this process is forF: [rightR: All right, what I want you to do, I want you to look at this ((flash card)) with your head

straight forwardF: [rightR: OK can you see that at all there? Lift your eyes up but not your head , till you can see

the word, can you lift your eyes towards it?F: [towards it?R:F:

ahlike this?

R: at's it, yes keep your eyes on itF: I still can't see it properlyR: OK ((moves card ) can you see it now?F: esR: Now the idea of is is to really look at this, not as single letters, but as a whole word,

like a picture, allF: [right.

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R: right? Green things on a white page, a picture of it. OK I want you to take a photograph.Make your brain a camera

F: //num a'right a'rightR: and take a photographF: I've got bliiiky eyes nowR: yeah I know it often hurtsF: rightR: OK shut your eyes and take the photographF: I can just see greenR [That's OK now come over here ((moves card)) move your eyes over to here

but keep your head straightF: rightR: now that's the area where you're making the new picture

that's your old areaF: [rghtR: ((points)) this is your new areaF: yeah well I can see that betterR: now take a photographF: I can see words sort ofR: OK OK well, we'll look at that again got it? as a whole thing, and take a photo

yeR: Now bring yopur eyes back to here ((points)) in your head ((touches temple)) as if you're

looking up to about hereF: [rightR: close your eyes. Can you see a picture of it?F: yeah I can too..R: [OK spell it outF: m (1.0)m ort a g um now aR: OK you nearly got it We'll try again 'cause you got really close, you got to here, then

you said a and g, but then you weren't sure if you had the a or notF: yeahR: OK it's nearly working and isn't it surprising how you actuallyF: [yeah/R: see the pictureF: What I couldn't get was the a or the eR: all right so this time you know you've got to concentrate on that area OK? All right we'll

try again over this area 'cause that's your remembering area OK? take the picture?F: (3.0) yepR: OK bring your eyes back over here in your head. Shut your eyesF: yeahR: Now see if you can spell it outF: m o r t ag ageR: nearly right again, what you're doing ((shows card)) you're going a gage/F: ah rightR: you're making this g into an a, now what we'll do is, we'll make it ((G)) not look like

that so we'll curl the tail up a bit more so it looks more like a g.F: rightR: Right? 'cause I think that's the problem. Are you feeling uncomfortable in your eyes?F: No, it's just that seeing something over here is very, urn, weird ((laughs))R: [((laughs))

does it feel a bit uncomfortable does it?F: no it's OKR: OK let's try one more time, 'cause now we know this is the bit you're going to have to

concentrate on

F: (hone ringing interrupts for 60 secs))right

ri

R: now have you got the photograph of it?F: yeahR: bring your eyes back hereF: rightR: now spell it outF: mortgageR: that's great, look that's correctF [phew 131

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R: now look again and get the picture again, that's good that's really good. No you'll haveto bring your eyes up here before you'll see it properly ((touches Frank's head))

F: m ort a g, no I lost itR: yeah, see if you can get the picture upFR: what's after the r?

[right

F: tR: what's after the t?F: gag eR: [good right good OK , do it again, do it again from the t. get the picture. What's after

the t?F: gageR: good great OK spell it from the r onwardsF: r t ga geR: great OK fantastic, isn't that interesting?F: [yeah, you wouldn't think that...yeahR: yeahF: ((laughs)) weirdR: especially as you had trouble with itF: [yeahR: I picked a word that had, what's this got 2, 4, 6, 8 letters which is quite a lot to remem-

berF: [yeahR: OK write it down a couple of timesF: right (9.0) ((Frank writes))R: goodF: rightR: That's great, now, do you reckon, would you be able to handle a second word?F: yeah es no problemsR: all right, we're going to try business So we're going to exactly the same with

business which has got even more letters. Right business is spelt like bus -i-ness right,so there's an i you don't expect to be in there/

F: right i/R: right that's why I've made that sort of a differentF: [right/R: picture ((i is highlighted on card)) so you can see that

OK now we're going to hold that over here, can you see that?F: yeahR: and look at it as a whole thingF: right, yeahR: see if you can take the pictureF: (6.0) yeahR: OK bring it back over here to your remembrance area and verify your picture, so take

another oneF: (3.5) rightR: OK can you see it now from here?F: I can see I can see the iR: OK spell out as much as you canF: bus i n e ssR: Guess what?F: What?R: It's correct ((shakes his hand )F: That i looks queer in the bac of your headR,F: ((laugh))R: it really stands out does itF: [oh yeah the i stands yeahR: isn't that fantastic/F: the e and the s's I don't know why they came out clear, but the n didn't come out clear.

The i was there 'cause it was so longR:F:

yeahbut the n wasn't clear

R: [perhaps because it was next to the i. I don't know, but look at how you speltit first, so its completely different isn't it?

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F: [oh right yeahR: shut your eyes again, bring them up to that recollection place and see if you can see it

againF: businedoublesR: right, fantastic, what's after the s?F: What's after the s? right umm s the iR: good OK spell it backwardsF: double s e nisubR: isn't that fantasticF: ((laughs)) yeah especially the way I spelt it! Oh that's incredible!R: if you can spell something backwards, obviously you can see itF: [yeahR: else you wouldn't have been able to do thatF: yeahR: now comes the real trick, can you bring up mortgage again?F: [mortgage ((murmurmed))/R: shut your eyes, bring it back to here, can you see itF: mort gageR: fantastic, that's correct, that's really goodF: [gee that hurts over here ((rubs forehead))R: does it? yeah a few people have said that, and some people their eyes water/F: yeah well they feel like they're wateringR: yeah right/F: Hurts I know that, like I've got a headacheR: when the picture's there? or when//F: no when, like you're sort of relaxedR: Oh!F: ah ah feels weirdThat's crazy that is "Cause sort of to remember that I've got to write it

out/R: lots and lotsF: [lots and lots of times I'd never thought of doing it that way That's goodR: You can't overload it, like if you try and do too many words you might find you'll mix

them all upF: 1711TIM

R: but a couple of words at a time you can get, you can develop a really strong sort of flingcabinet of words

F: [yeah? 'cause the only way I remember is to actually continue to write it outR: mmm well what I'd be really interested in doing is see if you can do it yourself. Bring

it up in your mind a couple of times and see if it's still there next weekF: all right thenR: But don't leave it the week, try and bring it upF: [yeah right/R: a couple of times and spell it out or write it outF: ah right No it's a weird sensation I can tell you that now, seeing things like thatR: Can you tell me at all what it feels like?F: Especially if I get the picture on this side ((recollection)) it's sort of like um,mm there

iis a picture there but its really like a small pain in there ((temple))/R: nurun/F: and my eyes definitely feel like they're wateringR: right they're not but they/F: yeah they feel like they're watering. I never thought of doing it that way, especially the

way I spellR: All right that's great That's ten minutes now so I might do another one with you next

week if that's OK?F: [ yeah, yes, no that's all rightR: well I'm pleased you got both of thoseF: yeah well I didn't think I'd get them 'cause my major problem is big wordsR: Do you know how many letters you can remember easily?F: since I've been coming here, most of where I used to have problems with small words

like where, there and all that well I've got that fineR: [yeah [num uh huF: now I'm getting on to the big words and that's where I am at the moment.

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APPENDIX V Transcript of individual session with BrendaR: All it is, is a different way of doing spelling, and what I have to do first isB: [mmm

find a couple of words you can't spell. All right?R: 'cause if you can spell them it's not going to workB: [mmmR: so we need a couple of words. Can you spell scissors? Write it down.

(28.0) ((spells it correctly))R: well that's correct, you're no good to me at allB: ((laughs))R: ilium do you have words, any words you know you have trouble with? (5.0) Do you

have trouble with longer words?B: [yesR: What about something like temperature? (10.0)B: ((spells it temprature))R: OK that's got just one tiny error - it's not much at all - just one little thing. What if I

give you a really nast word, what if I give you diarrhoea?B: oh gawd! ((Laughs))

(24.5) ((spells it diarear)R: Oh good that's a spelling error, that's what we want. OK now the idea of this is so that

- it's supposed to use both sides of the brain - it's to actually make you kind of see theword. All right?

B: ((laughs)) mmmR: as Frank was saying how he still sees itB: [mmm ((laughs))R: that was over a month ago we did it

((visualisation preparation))R: Good now what I wanted to know was which side of your head you remember things

and which side you use to make things up. So you use thatB. [mmm

((points to B's right side)) right side to remember them, so that means you use B:mmm

the other side to make tLem up. That's good . Ta. Now I'll just write this down.[nunin

B: [inrrun LmmmR: ((writes word on card)) (7.0)

OK now what I'm going to do - that's how you spell diarrhoeaB: 000h rightR: OK it's a horrible word. Now what I'm going to do, I'm going to hold it up - here - in

the place you remember things right? Sit up straight, keep your head to the front and justmove your eyes. I'm going to take it to where it s fairly hard to see it. Can you see it -all of the word there?

B: mmm? mmmR: OK I want you to look at it as a whole thing, like a picture, not just as a letter by letter

attack - but as a picture OK?B: mmmR: OK now I'm going to bring it over here ((to above left eye)) and this is the area where

you make new pictures in your head. OK'?B: mmmR: Can youpretend your brain's a camera and take a photo of it? Just a whole thing - make

your brain go clickB: (3.0) yeahR: OK now shut your eyes, take your eyes back over to here ((touches B above right eye))

in your head. Now can you still see it?B: (6.0) mmm yeahR: a little bit?B: yeah, just a little bitR: Well we'll take the photo again, so bring your eyes back to me here and take a photo of

that word. Just a whole piece of card with the letters on itB: (3.0) mmmR: OK? Shut your eyes, take your eyes back to that recollection place and see how you go

spelling it out. See how much you can remember.B: [you want me to say it out loud?R: yeah, say it out loud

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B: d i a double r h o double r aRR: very close to being right, you

gotot all that to there ((points to `o'))

[R: and you got all that correct/

right

B: 000h ((sighs with relief))R: which is really good, because that's nothing like you wrote before, soB: [mmm [mmm

obviously it's a few too many letters for you to take a photo of, so we'll just haveB: [mmm [mmm

to try again, and((B nodded throughout))

R: just think about it this time, we know we've got the first half in the photo, concentrateon the last part. OK? Have a look up here again. OK take the photograph

B:mR: thinkyou've got the picture?

B: [yeah think soR: OK take them back here. Can you see that now?B: yeah ((strongly))R: OK spell it outB: diarrhoeaR: OK fantastic, shut your eyes again, go to that spot again - I want to ask you where the

letters are. What's after the 'aB: rR: and after that?B: rR: OK what's before the 'o'B: hR: good, can you spell it backwardsB: aeo h double r a idR: very good, really greatB: ((laughs))/R: isn't that amazing?B: [yeahR: tell me what that feels like, did that feel strange in your head?B: yeah it did/R: in what wayB: I didn't think I would be able to ...R: actually see it?B: [actually see itR: and could you see it as a picture?B: [mm yeah yeah yeahR: That's interesting isn't it - that's apparantly what it's done - to use a newB: [mmm

area of the brain - it made up a new picture and put it back here in yourB: [mmm [nurun [mmm

memory.B: mmm I really didn't think I'd be able to spell itR: and look how you first spelt it. diarear, there's no problem with that, but look how dif-

ferent it isB: [mmm Yeah that should have been over thereR: Now can you see it and write it?B: (12.0) ((spells it dirarrhoea))R: OK there's one tiny little problem. Shut your eyes and see if you can see (8.0)B: Oh I've got the `r' in it (2.0)R: it shouldn'tB: [it shouldn't be thereR: excellent cross it out and write it again properly so it's in your mind.((spells it correctlyip.R. great, an it's one of the nastiest words you'll ever findB: [yeah [yeahR: Do your spelling words stay with you all right?B: Sometimes - if I really think about them they stay all right, but otherwise..they don't.

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HOW DOES THE GOVERNMENT'S SPECIAL INTERVENTIONPROGRAM FOR THE UNEMPLOYED DIFFER FROM WHATTUTORS CONSIDER 'BEST PRACTICE' WITHINADULT LITERACY AND BASIC EDUCATION?A PHILOSOPHICAL ENQUIRY

Fay Forbes

INTRODUCTIONThe Government's Special Intervention Program (SIP) has raised the profile of AdultLiteracy and Basic Education (ALBE) but at the same time it has caused the tutors atALBE to question their place and role. During 'shop talk', Adult Literacy tutors oftenexpress concerns as to how they should address the differences between Governmentpolicy and the students' perceived wants and needs. Hence, it is necessary to articulatewhat the tutors see as differences and possible conflicts and investigate them.

Investigations of teaching issues are sometimes undertaken on a basis of assump-tions about education. Often, traditional or new theories can affect such assumptions.As this research is really on behalf of the tutors, and a journey to fmd where their advo-cacy and responsibility lies, it was necessary to question our practices, as tutors, and beaware of the unstated assumptions and their influence on what we teach.

Tutors can often recount personal anecdotes about student/tutor experiences butwill also argue that they sometimes cannot see the full ALBE picture. They also recog-nise that with SIP funding, the emphasis and functions in ALBE have changed from astudent-needs focus to a trifocal view of Government initiatives, tutors' role and stu-dents' needs/wants.

Also, it is acknowledged that interpretation depends on your perspective. The per-spective can provide insights, but it also can obscure some important issues, particular-ly if one is unfamiliar with document subtexts (Gee, 1994). Through not knowing thesubtext, tutors could be accused of having myopic vision. As the current provision forALBE is dependent on Government funding with its focus on defined outcomes, it isnecessary to become familiar with the text and interpret the subtext of the officialGovernment White Paper, Australia's Language: The Australian Language and LiteracyPolicy (DEET, 1991). Then we can ask why tutors see conflicts, and ask how suchviews impinge on their role as tutors of literacy within ALBE.

To build an overall picture without making assumptions on the tutors' behalf, itwas necessary to fmd out what questions tutors considered pertinent: Hence, a dialoguewith ALBE tutors, SIP referral officers from the Commonwealth Employment Service(CES) and SIP students, was necessary to present an informed response.

My enquiry and interviews initially led into a quagmire where no particular issueheld dominance. What became obvious was that the 'right' questions were not being

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asked. When the research was reversed and the three participating groups were askedwhat questions they had, an obvious theme emerged. The theme, was similar to L.Wittgenstein's 1921 'Philosophical Investigations' in which he uses an analogy:`becoming familiar with a foreign city, you need to get to know its streets and its struc-tures before one can venture into its satellites'. Enquiry issues can be complex, and ifyou venture into the realms of conjecture before you know the basic structure and issues,you become limited to a circular journey whereby the guideposts to new roads aremissed.

The Special Intervention Program, as set out in the White Paper, is theGovernment's strategy for implementing its policy of training a workforce for the 21stcentury. The motivation for this research was the tutors' comments and concerns onhow Government policy, with the implementation of the Special Intervention Program,could compromise their perceived role as advocates for their students, as they were nowexpected to be defenders and upholders of an economic political agenda.

This enquiry is singular in that all the participants are residents of the North Westcoast of Tasmania. The sample group contained 15 SIP tutors and 28 SIP students.

METHODOLOGYAs there was no singular vision for the three participating groups (Government, ALBEtutors, SIP students), directions and a road map were needed for this journey. It was nec-essary to become familiar with their texts and submit these to an analytical enquiry.What the groups perceived as their particular signposts had to be discovered. A dialoguewith the three groups was necessary to ascertain:

whether each group of participants had their own vocabularyon what they placed valuewhether there were assumptions that had no empirical basiswhat their questions were.

Government SIP documents were then reviewed.The Government's official policy, set out in the White Paper entitled Australias 's

Language: The Australian Language and Literacy Policy (henceforth ALLP) August1991, along with the accompanying Government papers on the implementation anddirection for funding from the Department of Employment, Education and Training(DEET), Background to Special Education and Component of Employment AccessProgram, Volume 7, 1993, were obtained. To be conversant with the interpretation ofthe official government policy, informal interviews were held with SIP referral officersfrom CES.

An overview of the implications of the Interim Literacy Competency Matrix(ILCM) scale meeting of students' or government's requirements was derived throughliterature research. The ILCM scale is applied by CES to ascertain the entry and exitlevels of literacy students, plus the eligibility of people to receive SIP funding. Suchfunding can only be approved if students' literacy levels fall within the matrix (see theheading "Where does the tutors' advocacy lie?").

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What were the tutors' questions?Informal interviews were arranged with tutors to ascertain what questions they have ofthe Special Intervention Program. From this, a questionnaire that broadly covered theirmain areas of concern was compiled. As the tutors' concerns were orientated towardsthe best interests of their students, the questions mirrored their concerns:1. What do you perceive as your students' aims/needs?2. What do you perceive as the Special Intervention Program's aim?3. Are SIP Guidelines broad enough to meet your students' needs/wants?4. What yardstick do you use to monitor your students' progress?

The majority of the tutors wished to elaborate on their answers and were encour-aged to do so. What was of particular interest in the expanded interviews was the tutors'concerns for the loss of autonomy for their students under large bureaucratic infrastruc-tures - an effect that they felt does not happen within the existing structure of ALBE,where individual wants/needs are catered for, but which could occur within the SIPProgram.

What were the students' concerns?The assistance of a number of tutors was co-opted to ask their students about the stu-dents' particular concerns. From the feedback, interviews were arranged to seek the stu-dents' views on the issues that were dominant in the initial enquiry. The informal inter-views, which continued throughout each student's course, were to seek each student'sviews on the Special Intervention Program, and how it applied to their particular situa-tion.

At the end of their Special Intervention Program the students were asked how theyfelt about their particular program. The following six questions formed the basis of theinterview. Once again, the interview was conducted in an informal way to allow the stu-dents to evaluate their own progress, needs and wants.1. What were your aims before you started the Special Intervention Program?2. Has the Special Intervention Program enabled you to meet those aims?3. Do you think the program could be improved to help you meet these aims?4. Have your aims changed? If so, how?5. What do you think your next step will be?6. Do you consider that SIP funding plays a role in helping people find employment?

OVERVIEW OF THE OFFICIAL POLICYThe White Paper set out Government policy and the method for funding Australia intoa global economy. The DEET manual focused on the eligibility of people to receivetraining allowances.

In 1991 the Government issued the White Paper (DEET) outlining the strategicdirections and funding that is to be adopted to implement what it perceives as the needsof Australia for the remaining decade of the 20th century. The needs were identified assustainable prosperity that will assure Australia of a prestigious global status. In this, it

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is assumed that what is good for Australia is necessarily good for all Australians.Poor literacy skills is seen as a major problem requiring a government response.

While it is recognised that measuring literacy is problematic (Wickert, 1989)Government proffers the theory that competence with literacy practices enables eco-nomic growth.

While the White Paper does acknowledge that literacy is of "...importance to theindividual Australian's personal, social and cultural development" (p. XIV), its mainthrust is a conceptualised vision for a "...more dynamic and internationally competitiveAustralian economy" (p. XIV).

The Government's vision of Australia in the 21st century is the driving forcebehind the funding of the Special Intervention Program. The Government sees thechanging position of Australia, within a global context, dictated very much by econom-ics: "To the extent that poor language and literacy skills are affecting industrial produc-tivity, there is now a much stronger incentive for governments, business, industry andthe individual to raise language and literacy skills in the workforce"(DEET, 1991, p. 21).

Paradoxically, the White Paper also targets existing skills that it considers willinhibit Australia's capacity to compete within a global context. The White Paper corre-lates literacy courses with job skills training, (DEET, p. 21) and in so doing predicatesthe need for Australians to become economically viable.

DEET's guidelines for funding to comply with the White Paper are set out inBackground to Special Intervention, Volume 7, 1993. The White Paper identifies, as itsoverall theme, how it aims at reaching its perceived economic needs for the 21st centu-ry, however, it incorporates the aspect of personal advancement of the individual. Therationale behind the directives of the CES put very little emphasis on this integratedaspect. The CES's main target areas as set out in their selection criteria for suitableclients for SIP funding are stated as:

outdated workskillsemployment-related personal development needs (Section 3, p. 6).

"Special Intervention training is directed to entry level occupations and opportunitiesappropriate to the needs of disadvantaged job seekers, rather than training in occupationsthat require professional or para-professional qualifications" (Section 3, p. 6). "In offer-ing the job seeker Special Intervention, you must be convinced that the identified 'bar-rier' is the job seeker's major barrier to employment or training" (Section 3, p. 7).

Job seekers are ineligible under section 3, page 17 for "General education/interestcourses that do not provide a basis for progression into employment or training".

The paper states quite clearly DEET's objective for SIP funding implementation:"For the purpose of Special Intervention, a valid outcome is employment, education,training or linkage to another labour market program which will enhance the partici-pant's job readiness." (Vol. 7, p. 44)

What is the Government's agenda for setting up the Special Intervention Program?The questions to establish vocabulary, value and assumptions, as set out in the

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Methodology section, were applied to the official texts. Both documents set economicparameters for the delivery of the Special Intervention Program and of its implied out-comes. Economics was the overriding concern of the White Paper (DEET. 1991) andthe DEET, SIP directive (Vol. 7, 1993). These economic parameters have implicationsfor the delivery of SIP programs, for SIP providers and for the students, and place aneconomic rationalist value on SIP provision.

Whereas some commentators and tutors see it as a sub-plot for a wider agendawhich encompasses more than just addressing the literacy needs and wants ofAustralians, others see that it has a misguided focus, which is technically and historical-ly flawed, and economically motivated. Yet others view it as the first step toward theGovernment's recognition that education can free adults. It could be argued that theWhite Paper presents a visionary prospect of Australia in the 21st century - the vision ofan economic, competitive global economy; of individuals becoming proficient inEnglish and the many accompanying discourses that 'global' conjurs up.

The implementation of the White Paper's agenda is to enhance, as it states, "...theobvious, benefits. As Australia moves towards an open economy, rewards for businessand industries, which can be internationally competitive, will motivate increased pro-ductivity." (DEET, 1991, Vol. 2, p. 21) In other words, the value of literacy equates toeconomics and Australia's reward is a place in the economic global context.

A conflict arises with the CES's interpretation and implementation of the DEETALLP policy. The theoretical vision for Australia which is expressed in the policyexchanges from an objective of providing literacy funding to address the need and"...importance (of literacy) to the individual Australian's personal, social and culturaldevelopment" (DEET, 1991, p. 10) to a process where the unemployed are subject to aset of criteria which decides who is eligible to participate and receive funding. Visionsof equitable provisions of literacy become obscured by the need to prepare people for theworkforce. The defmition of 'education' in the CES guidelines of focuses on eligibilityfor 'entry level' (Section 3, p. 6). A narrow definition of literacy is applied, one whichencompasses job/vocational skills, basic reading levels and minimum competence, asmeasured by reference scales.

A further conflict arises when we ask whose eligibility to receive SIP funding isadministered. The DEET guidelines are specific and do not encompass the all-embrac-ing vision of economically viable and productive skills expanding Australia that theWhite Paper projects: Instead, the guidelines pragmatically state that for "...many job-seekers, current labour market demand is the major barrier to obtaining employment. Inthese cases, the provision of additional skills that will not enhance the jobseeker'sprospects of obtaining employment in the current labour market is not warranted underbest use of program funds". (DEET, 1993, Vol. 7, p. 8) Also, the guidelines specify thatgeneral education/interest courses are ineligible for SIP funding/training (p. 17). Onetutor likened the CES's guidelines to social conditioning a section of our community -that section being the most economically dependent on government resources. In this,economic rationalisation dictates who will be encouraged to upskill/educate to fit into

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the visionary and idealistic global future. Will training/education be a wasted econom-ic resource if spent on those who don't come up to the particular skills standard requiredby the assessors of 'what the global economy wants'?

SIP referral officers are given guided discretionary powers in applying the criteriafor eligibility to receive SIP funding (DEET, 1993, Vol. 7, Section 3, p. 7), but the mon-itoring of SIP funding is to be by quantified measured outcome. "The measure of suc-cess for Special Intervention is ultimately how many jobseekers get a job followingSpecial Intervention assistance" (p. 44). The values and assumptions that are applied toeducation by the White Paper (ALLP, 1991) and its implementation policy administeredby CES cause concern to most of the tutors who were interviewed. "We want them toread the job advertisement board; at ALBE they want them to read War and Peace".Though the preceding quote was a flippant, throw-away line by a SIP referral officer atCES, it does illustrate the differing values and assumptions that prevail between bureau-cratic management and practitioners at ALBE.

Lankshear (1994) overviews current changes in what is called 'education' or edu-cating/training of workers for the 'New Work Order' and quotes Gee (1994):

...willing a vision into being: a vision - which is nothing short of totalizing -of new goals and values, new social purposes and practices and whole newways of being (new) identities, steeped in the world view of the (new) busi-ness - managerialist organizational culture.

Lankshear wishes to put the brakes on this vision and likens it to a fairytale vision of an`enchanted workplace'. He questions the validity of funding into being an economicvision that uses objectivity as the overriding criteria.

Do we risk unwittingly becoming implicated in educational projects that actu-ally deny learners opportunities to become critically informed and betterdefended participants in the processes which create the shape of working andcivic futures and, thereby, their own (future) identities as working adults andactive informed democratic citizens ( Lankshear, 1994, p. 415).

Luke (1992) suggests that the link between economic rationalism and literacy hashad a long, "...if not distinguished history". Sighting examples of 'human capital' modelliteracy campaigns, he points out that, "...there is no evidence that their reforms have ledto substantive changes in literacy rates, however measured, or achieved any of the hopedfor associated economic effects". He places such claims in the realms of myths, and assuch they"...help nobody, except those who would use the social construction and dis-tribution of literacy as ways of furthering their own economic and political interest" (p.13).

THE TUTORS' PERSPECTIVETutors' concerns were with using economic indicators as a way of measuring the suc-cess of educational programs. By evaluating literacy in monetary or quantative ways,their role was being debased. But this concern was peripheral to where they saw theirrole within the Special Intervention Programs overall aims. Most questioned what they

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were to teach and they saw a conflict between the CES definitions of literacy and edu-cation. Also, many tutors questioned whose interest they were really serving - theGovernment's or the students? Many expressed antagonism towards the concept ofALBE being used purely as a means by which literacy skills are only to be gained inorder that someone may become employed. There was a non-acceptance that vocation-al/functional literacy, in itself, is the answer for their students. Many reflected on thefact that they tried not to impart their own value judgements but acknowledged that whatthey taught was not a neutral transmission of skills.

Mass productionWithin the framework of SIP there is the danger that training and literacy will be seenas a panacea for other social ills, therefore making claims for literacy that are not realis-tic. Literacy is seen by the mythmakers, those who consider that people's wellbeing issubjected wholly to economic parameters, as the key that will somehow free victimsfrom the discrimination, oppression and indignity that illiteracy breeds.

Tutors find that the majority of their students are in need of basic education andthat there is a conceptual gap between vocational training and the important role thatbasic education plays. They see that their students, with little formal schooling, will notbenefit from new career pathways unless they are exposed to the basic education need-ed to step on the first rung of the ladder. Graff (1987) argues that "...literacy is anacquired skill in a way in which oral ability or non-verbal, non-literate communicativemodes are not.' (p. 4). The literacy that society uses is school-based - regardless ofwhether we consider it flawed or not. This definition of literacy is accepted by many insociety because it is seen as enabling people to function effectively in society.Vocational literacy by itself could effectively curtail people's ability to become familiarwith the various facets of the society which has a controlling influence over them. Beingconversant with only the vocational literacy that goes with the terminology required tobe a plumber does not allow for the broader ramifications required to be adept at suchan occupation. New product advertisements, regulations and standards, government sta-tistics; let alone the necessary social contact, require a much broader literacy base.Deprivation of society's standard of education isolates competencies and skills, andinhibits social interaction. Without incorporating broader-based education, proponentsof vocational training can be accused of controlling the outcome and the means of reach-ing it by conditioning and programming people to meet implied goals.

Draper (Taylor, Iowe & Draper, 1991) suggests that task-orientated approaches toliteracy often ignore the students' needs and wants. He argues that programs "...whichvalue student participation and the overall development of the individual skills of criti-cal thinking and communication", (p. 95), give students choice.

When the question "What do you perceive as the Special Intervention Program'saims?" was asked, most of the tutors did not wish to be quoted. Typical replies werecouched in words such as "take them off the unemployment statistics", "By the time theyget on to a SIP they have already been put in the too-hard basket", "Baby-sitting".

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Many SIP students were hostile towards the CES's directive to attend AdultLiteracy but, when questioned, students stated that Adult Literacy did not have a Fordistapproach of the notion of mass production towards product standardisation. Instead,they were treated as individuals and actually asked what they wanted.

In allowing their students to initiate and negotiate their learning, the tutors wereconfronted with the guidelines of SIP and found that these were not broad enough toaccommodate their students' needs. The vocationally orientated guidelines were seen bythe tutors as an inhibiting factor. Vocational/functional literacy cannot automaticallycreate greater productivity and end unemployment. Narrowing education to vocation-al/functional literacy becomes a tool a government can use to create a society. Literacyfor living skills/practical purposes and literacy for knowledge are inevitably intertwined,and to 'know' is to be familiar with.

Where does the tutors' advocacy lie?SIP tutors receive an initial assessment of each student that places their students in cat-egories according to the LLCM scale of:1. "Kickstart English"2. "Words at Work"3. "Communications at Work"4. "English Skills".

As the language and the basic thrust of the Special Intervention Program is job -or work-oriented, it is assumed that tutors will use vocational and specific workplacewritten and verbal articulation which is steeped in notions of educating and training aworkforce. The SIP guidelines are specific in their requirements: By following these, arethe tutors compromising their professionalism and customising what they teach? Bybeing competency-based, the SIP program is by definition pre-described and pre-descriptive. Wickert (1992) discerns a similar insight when she points out that even theterm training, with its connotations of a process, is being replaced by the terminology`skill formation', with its emphasis on a measured outcome.

Tutors are very much aware that competency in understanding signs for safety,comprehending forms, preparing resumes, etc. is vital, but they also realise that theirwords can fall on deaf ears unless their students feel comfortable with being students.

Tutors question what value they are to address: Are they only to look at the objectof Australia's economic enhancement, or should the students' wants as autonomousindividuals be taken into account as well? "The more we...understand the varying cir-cumstances and aspirations of different learners, and the better informed will be themeans and processes employed towards (negotiated) learning outcomes" (Lankshear,1994a).

Many of the tutors surveyed saw an ideological struggle between the SIP initia-tives, with their basis in problematic issues that are projected along economic lines, andthe historical role of ALBE. The tutors spoke of the ethos of ALBE, mainly in terms ofthe flexibility of approach and teaching methods that aim to address the particular wants

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of individual students. One value that was uppermost, when talking about their practice,was the need to focus on eliminating the negative internalised labels that come withbeing a 'literacy' student. The revival of an individual's self-esteem is considered animportant outcome. Tutors do not see the actuality of these values as merely academic.

The dilemma that the tutors have posed is:Is government policy using Adult Literacy as a way of implementing social reformso that students are being used as subjects and re-shaped to fit into government eco-nomic strategies?

or:Is Adult Literacy advocacy with and for the individual student, whereby literacy prac-titioners are to address the students' wants and needs?

These questions automatically pose other questions: What values are we toaddress? Are the students seen as a sub-literate class that has very little value, or are thestudents autonomous individuals, who have explicit aspirations and worth? Is there aconflict between personal values and institution/client/learner goals?

The national socio-political agenda as expressed in the DEET SIP manual assertsa relationship between improved literacy and employment. Classifying people accord-ing to particular job literacy skills implies stereotyping of adult learners with the empha-sis on a reform agenda. Being illiterate, in the bureaucratic sense, has disenfranchised apercentage of the population. Very little emphasis is placed on individual needs, rather,utilitarian motives are used to question the tenability of adults who lack command oftext. Grant (1987) viewed this as an important component in how governments shouldview adult learners, in conjunction with devising literacy programs:

Skills centred functional definitions of literacy as an up-to-date kit bag ofrequest skills, that society deems important, inevitably fall short of...(the)holistic concept of the organic relationship between literacy and adult educa-tion generally that is between literacy process and the rest of our lives.

Luke (1992) also questions bureaucratic definitions of what adult learners requireand assumes that government orientated occupational literacy is simply a matter ofrecognition and compliance with such things as compentency scales. Luke poses thequestions "Literate in whose interest?" and "To what ends?"

The DEET manual could be interpreted as answering Luke's questions becomeliterate or be disenfranchised. Also there is the real possibility that by looking at func-tional literacy or job orientated reading and writing, the bureaucracy is controlling andeffectively gagging people by directing adult literacy institutions to concentrate on voca-tionaly orientated curricula, so supplying the workplace with people tailor-made to fitspecific class and job requirements, instead of enabling each individual to understandand be in control of their own process.

Wickert (1992) points out that "...many literacy teachers...are not aware of the hid-den curriculum of what they are teaching;...they do not even recognise let alone questionthe values implicit in the materials they use." It is not a generalisation that the tutorswho were part of this survey would accept. Their awareness of these values and their

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Literacy, Adults arid Diversity

questionning of it was the matrix for this journey.Tutors recognise that their SIP students have been directed to them to fulfil the

ALLP vision: "...the objective of these programs is still primarily the placement of peo-ple in jobs" (p. 41). They are cynical about the political motivation and view the crite-ria for funding and its agenda as a conscious pursuit of an economic strategy that willcontinue to exclude a large percentage of their students from an active life of earningtheir own living. There is no cut-off point when someone can be classified as 'job liter-ate'. Newman and Beverstock (1990, p. 49) point out that "literacy is not an on/off char-acteristic" and they suggest that government-perceived literacy needs are placingemphasis on the wrong criteria. Instead of concentrating on vocational outcomes, gov-ernment should be asking whether people are 'sufficiently' educated to meet their ownneeds.

FOR WHAT FUTURE?If SIP funding is to be a temporary crutch to a person's obligation to earn a living bybeing actively employed, this presumes the right to have a job. Yet tutors recall numer-ous stories from their students whose concerns are that the right to a job has been deniedto them not just because of poor literacy skills but because they cannot show CES a pieceof paper to say they are educated. The actuality of economic based policies and fundingcriteria for literacy and retraining do not allow people in need to reach satisfactory lev-els of education for today's job market.

There is endorsement for literacy/numeracy continuing access programs as a gov-ernment responsibility. Access for adults in the Special Intervention Program is cur-tailed to 'entry level' only. In this there is an endorsement for ongoing education. Lackof a high ILCM rating is not the only impediment to finding a job; there is also a lack of`education', changing workplace practices and technology and most of all, the scarcityof jobs.

It is understandable that there is criticism of courses which are seen to be trainingpeople for jobs that do not or may never exist. On the North West coast of Tasmania,historically jobs have been in rural industries which have faced many crises and haveresponded by becoming more mechanised. The majority of the original jobs no longerexist.

It is not only the selective functional training that is being questioned here, but alsothe concept that is enshrined in the White Paper - that to meet its 'essential' goals themajority of Australians should be in the workforce. Annually, we celebrate 'Eight HourDay' which encapsulates the social ethic of Australia: eight hours each of work, leisureand rest. This makes employment only one-third of the equation. Some tutors haveargued that this aspect is being ignored by current training programs. Not only do peo-ple have leisure time, but because of technology and work practices there is an actualdecline in the job skills that are required. Jobs that are replacing traditional ones in therural and manufacturing industries require repetitive and de-skilled textual competenciessuch as computer operators for supermarkets, offices, packing lines, etc. The need for

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literacy in these jobs may decline to the point of making literacy non-functional to somein our society and the perceived benefits of vocational literacy minimal. Maybe theequation has to be balanced and an equal amount of training/education resources shouldgo into preparing people for their leisure time as a counterbalance to mentally and phys-ically unproductive jobs.

BEST PRACTICEWithin Adult Literacy itself there has been a chronological change in emphasis on what`Best Practice' means. The 1970s saw 'second chance' education, the 80s brought in`life-long learning', to be followed in the 90s by 'vocational' outcomes. What the sur-vey of tutors made clear is that, regardless of prevailing ideologies, in Adult Literacy orthrough government strategies, 'Best Practice' cannot be measured in mass outcomesthat match a specific socio-cultural, political or economic result, as each of these couldpredispose a disposition to gain control over individuals. Empowerment, through edu-cation, was not to fulfil any ideology but to allow choice.

It is by no means contradictory to the tutors' role, that when students advise thatthey have to give up their literacy studies because they have found employment, there isall-round celebration, as illiteracy is only one of the fetters that prevent them from get-ting a job. What tutors do find contradictory is that literacy is seen as a panacea forunemployment. All the tutors surveyed had a commitment to the view that educationaims at enhancing people's capacity to act. To become competent and comfortable withone's own language is seen as path to personal empowerment and there is celebrationwhen students can negotiate their own learning.

Though Brown (1992) uses a well-worn cliche, it does encapsulate what tutors seeas that transition from functional training to education: "Education is a double edgedsword and a sight of struggle. It holds the potential to transform power relations and itis this type of political challenge that constitutes reform for radical educators".

The phrase "what is in the best interests of the students" arose many times duringthe survey. In this context the voices of the economic/political world do not take prece-dence. Many of the practitioners felt that their priorities should be towards their stu-dents' perceived needs. Directives from the CES, in many instances, imposed anabstract interpretation on what reading and writing English mean and how they are to beinterpreted in order to identify only skills or the 'major barriers' that pertain to the work-force.

Whether it is because of historical conditioning or the gambit of 'Best Practice',within ALBE, tutors considered that the 'best interests' of the students came before anybureaucratic directive. Adult literacy pedagogy in the ALLP cites perceived outcomes,using the unemployed as its object to achieve them. This pedagogy has tended tobecome focused on the student rather than on the learning process itself as reflected inAdult Literacy. In ALBE, the demand for literacy to serve the workplace and not thestudent goes against 'best practice'.

This only widens the dilemma for tutors who are contracted to fulfil the set agen-

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da. Does this mean that tutors are obligated to subdue their holistic approach to educa-tion and comply with the 'enchanted workplace' vision as projected by Government/eco-nomic policy?

Contrary to this, the National Framework for Professional Development (TSNDC,1994) states that, "The discipline of ALBE was seen to have become far more profes-sional, as all teachers now had an opportunity to develop to a consistent standard, todevelop 'best practice' in teaching methods based on a common theoretical founda-tion..." (p. 19).

Perhaps what has always been mooted as 'Best Practice' within ALBE has to bechanged if the Government's economic strategies are to hold sway in the climate of pro-fessionalism of ALBE tutors: Or have tutors been put in an untenable position?

Brown (1992) sees that the Adult Literacy tutors' role is in danger of beingchanged to accommodate a rationale of efficiency and control whereby the "...educatorsare the new operatives being deskilled by the design of technology". The specific voca-tional literacy programs, as directed by CES through the Special Intervention Program,will present no problems to be engaged with or situations to be investigated.Compliance would bring no questions.

THE CONFLICTNegotiation of education for one's own ends is in conflict with education being themeans towards ideologically directed economic/political ends. For ALBE students to bein control of their own lives they must become familiar with society's rules, and therecan be no equality of opportunity until they can. Education is used as a filter to identi-fy future holders of power. Vocational /functional literacy can be seen, in this context,as a method of effectively gagging a section of society. By depriving ALBE students ofthe opportunity of a broad-based education, tutors feel they are depriving them of allthose resources that the ruling elites of society find so important.

When analysing the recent enthusiasm for vocational/functional literacy theories,Luke's (1992) sober reminder is to look at the "...political forces vying to shape litera-cy, literacy workers and citizens into the next century". Lankshear (1994b) asks us toconcentrate on addressing the "...complex literacy needs of an intricate society in a peri-od of rapid and far reaching change: change which...threatens as never before the ten-ability of adult life for those who lack command of text" (p. 123).

As Wickert (1988) views it, it is not only bureaucratic strategies that can inhibitacquisition of education. She points the finger at tutors who, however unwittingly, actas gatekeepers "to maintain the status quo". If literacy students only learn how to readthe job board at CES, how will they ever question the fact that it may be the drafting ofthe form that causes them (and most of us) concern - or that the job advertised on thenoticeboard reading "should be proficient at windows", is not talking about cleaningglass panes. If the students are not exposed to the language of education as opposed tovocational training, they will remain subject to a ruling class and so will inevitably bedeprived of familiarity with and experience of the necessary language, or even the rules

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of the game. Gatekeepers are seen as being just as instrumental in gagging people asLuke and Lankshear sees government policy being.

Purpose is tied up with goals. The Special Intervention Program's goals aredefined in ways which tend to be interpreted in terms of facts. (X amount of money willrelate to X number off the unemployment statistics = X productivity) In this theGovernment is acting as an agent of economic power. It is when we get to the area oftutor and student goals that the journey is not so clearly marked. Empirical cause andeffect criteria can be viewed as not only impinging on our language but on our freedomto know and to use language and choose our own advocacy.

The Special Intervention Program has found the students a purpose for 'doing' lit-eracy - to "read the job advertisement board at CES" with its inbuilt connotations - asopposed to the proposition that people have a choice, or feel that they have a need forvocational orientated literacy. Many adult students express their literacy needs as beingable to spell 'difficult' words. In many cases, this bailiwick is effectively narrowingcompetencies in English, as is vocational literacy. If students cannot put those 'difficult'words into context, and if such spelling techniques are performed in isolation from therest of their lives, the students are still in a deficit position. Both situations can causestress and anxiety.

A number of tutors observed that, in their practice, it was not meeting their stu-dents' needs to teach context-specific literacy in the hope that it was transferable into awider range of everyday needs and contexts. A broad educational base and exposureallows a cueing technique to be developed. Finding their way around the world of every-day activities, such as reading the newspaper or interesting magazines, is part of a worldthe student may be familiar with and relate to. To come face to face with, and to be ableto comprehend, context-specific, obvious or subliminal requirements of Governmentforms, job advertisements, regulatory procedures, etc., can, for those without familiari-ty with the complexities of the written text, place them in a foreign environment. To findour way around, cueing techniques are needed. The broader our familiarity is with anyforeign city, the quicker we will be able to venture further.

Power DifferentialPower play is another crucial area that causes tutors concern - particularly within theirrole and in their assumptions of what they think is best for their students. There is a dan-ger of Adult Literacy tutors being devotees to a cause, and this zealousness can have anegative effect. Literacy practice needs to do more than simply justify itself by defend-ing its good intention. Adult Literacy practitioners can be authoritarian figures and canbe accused of doing exactly what they object to in the bureaucratic stance if they limittheir practice to teaching their students to read the lob Board', and shut the gate on edu-cation. If literacy is viewed by tutors /government as a remedial strategy, designed by`missionaries' to fulfil their particular vision, it could be interpreted as a form of condi-tioning and control. These beliefs may limit perceptions of students' real needs.

Freirean (1987) pedagogy is predicated on an understanding that it is the needs

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expressed by the students themselves which should form the basis of any curriculum.Yet Gee (1990) challenges such theoretical formulations and argues that our social con-ditioning gives us the questions we ask. When we set up theories and political agendasfor literacy we can only understand them from our own social linguistic perspective.Gee asks practitioners to submerge the intangible, metaphysical and aesthetically pleas-ing theories of how they approach the teaching of literacy and find an "empirical basefor a consistent theory of literacy...the focus of literacy studies cannot be, and ought notto be, on language, or even literacy itself as traditionally construed. Rather, the focusmust be on social practices" (p. 137). This is asking the tutors to be the students first,by asking the right questions of their students and knowing the sub-text of their ques-tions. To be efficient teachers, do tutors have to be 'bilingual'? To become so, by Gee'sdefinition, we would have to be familiar with each student's social conditioning.

This postmodern textual analysis and its accompanying theory is, in the consideredpractice of many tutors, problematic, because they argue that it changes nothing for dis-enfranchised groups and does little to address unjust power/knowledge relations. Theparadox is that Adult Literacy students wish to enter the world of the tutors. Tutors areseen by students as having the knowledge which, once gained, provides not only accessto jobs, but release from bureaucratic control. Issues to do with power can be ignoredby relatively powerful people. The power differential between tutors and their SIP stu-dents will remain if only a sub-text is looked at, be it vocational literacy or literacy with-in a particular social context. Power differentials cannot be addressed by the powerless.Luke (1992) notes that "disenfranchisement and marginality are not a matter of choice"(p. 1). He sees that in the practice of adult literacy the acquisition of literacy can be self-contradictory. There is the potential for literacy to be both a means for "...shifting deeplyembedded practices of control and disenfranchisement, and the possibility of perpetuat-ing these practices through the very literacy policies and strategies which propose equi-ty and justice" (p. 2).

The real value that is being portrayed is that tutors have the language of bureau-cracy. Tutors cooperating and learning the students' sub-text aborts the aim of empow-ering the students to take their places in the society that the White Paper envisions theyare to be trained for. To be conversant with the students' sub-text might help in theunderstanding of particular social contexts, but would only enhance the tutors' educationand detract from the purpose of fulfilling the students needs/wants. An underlyingassumption is: are the tutors failures if they do not turn out rubber stamps of themselves?

Informed by ResearchThe independent evaluation study on the Impact of a National Framework forProfessional Development (NSDC, 1994) states an aim and objective as: "....to ensurethat current practice is informed by research and theoretical implications..." (p. 3). Witha focus on theoretical implications as well as research it will no doubt generate a lot morequestions. If Adult Literacy is seen to be empowering individuals through education,then practitioners must be able to describe their practice and support their theories with

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on-going research that questions not only new theories but well entrenched practices.As Cope and Kalantzis (1993, p. 76) argue, "...literate discourses have peculiar

power to generate certain kinds of analysis and critique. They have the power to pro-duce synthesis out of complexity". The tutors surveyed did question their role and theirpossible subjection to overriding ideologies.

OVERVIEW OF STUDENTS' PERSPECTIVEEconomic gain also played a part in students' attending SIP literacy courses. The train-ing allowance was seen as a welcome adjunct to their fortnightly social security cheque.

As SIP is a recent manifestation of Government policy, adult literacy tutors haveto learn new strategies to deal with reluctant, resentful learners: sometimes a feature ofthose drafted by CES. They see students being coerced into literacy programs. Manystudents feel that they have no choice other than to front up to adult literacy classes.

Tutors acknowledge that is easy to verbalise about the low self-esteem, embar-rassment, lack of motivation, as well as the antagonism that many of the students feelabout being directed by the CES to attend literacy classes. To break down those formi-dable barriers is seen by the tutors as their initial task. Methods of and techniques formaking adult students comfortable and valuing their eclectic experiences are indispens-able, and are created and re-created to adjust to individual students. Tutors sometimesfmd it necessary to spend a great proportion of the alloted SIP-funded time to get a ver-bal response from reluctant students.

One young man in the student group interviewed was at war with anything thatlooked like a government institution. As a forestry worker, he felt that the governmenthad, through legislation or non-intervention, deprived him of a livelihood. He wasextremely hesitant to put his trust in anyone and was quite sure that his required atten-dance at ALBE was a punishment because he could not fmd a job.

`Now I'd like you to write something for next time we meet'Ì haven't got anything to write about'

`What about football?`That's a mugs' game'

`Did you do anything interesting over the weekend?'`Nope'

`What sport do you like watching on TV?'`Nothing'

`What sort of car do you have?'`Car talk is for rev-heads'

`What do you call people who ride motor bikes, then?'Òh, they're OK'

`Do you have a bike?'Òf course!'

`What sort?'À V.F. Honda. I tinker round a bit with them...'

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Half an hour after the fmish time, G was continuing to educate his tutor on thefiner points of the art of motor-bike appreciation. But the step from talking to writingseemed to be fraught with insurmountable obstacles. Each session a new and imagina-tively charged excuse for not writing was proffered. G moved into a group, and in eachsession members would read their own piece of writing. He became comfortable withthe format of discussing their interests and posing questions that would prompt the nextpiece of writing. But G's turn to read always passed with, "next week". During the allimportant `smoko', G was telling the group about the rally that was coming up.Someone suggested that he ought to jot down his thoughts about the rally as it wouldmake a good 'read' for next week.

The group's response to G's first piece of writing unleashed a flow that had allenthralled for the next few weeks. The eventual collection of sheets handed to an editorfor possible publishing came back marked "Must have". The process of going from non-writer to author in G's case could become a manual on 'How to write a book withoutreally trying'.

In this instance, the tutor, no doubt, was technically in breach of the SIP guidelinesas it would be very difficult to justify a vocational/job orientated structure. The inter-view may be theoretically flawed, but student G's writing gave him the confidence andthe ability to start negotiating his own learning.

All but three out of twenty-eight students expressed that initially they had negativefeelings about coming to Adult Literacy. Adult Literacy had connotations of schoolabout it and reminded them of past failures and, in the main, unpleasant experiences.This was exacerbated by the fact that if they had to go back to school they would still belabelled as 'duds'. If they could not achieve when at school, what hope would they haveas adults? A number felt that their security was threatened if they did not turn up for lit-eracy classes. They perceived that attendance at Adult Literacy positioned them in anongoing deficit position in the eyes of the Government and community. The negativereaction to their initial encounter with the SIP program at ALBE can be summed up withone student's comments: "One man said to me, 'If I couldn't learn while I was at schoolwhy should his taxes go towards training me?"'

Through the survey, and in subsequent dialogue with the students, it became obvi-ous that the majority were acutely aware of why the CES had directed them to AdultLiteracy. Many were antagonistic towards the bureaucracy but even more so to theirunemployed status. There has been a general student consensus that their limited liter-acy skill compounded many problems but caused few. They saw that literacy problemsin themselves are not the major cause of unemployment the lack of jobs is.

The Government SIP scheme places value on literacy to meet implied aims. Thestudents place value on being literate to meet their very real aims. It is not the bureau-cratic aim that literacy is necessary that worries the students: It is the 'up front face' andperceived stigma attached to the terminology 'Adult Literacy' that concerns them. AsFreire (1976) pointed out, "Adult literacy still carries a stigma - to many it is still seenas some kind of mysterious `poisonweed' or 'contagious disease' that only we experts

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know how to eradicate".For students, 'doing literacy' has a degrading social significance. As a counter-

balance to the negative reaction to them and the community's reaction to 'AdultLiteracy' as a synonym of being a 'dud', for many an enthusiastic search to fmd out whatthey missed has become obvious in the SIP tutorial groups.

Government and student aims are similar. Basically the students wish to conformand fit into Government economic strategies and become employed. As Paulo Freire putit: "...the unemployed are the unwilling pioneers of a new way of coping with life".There is a duality in this, as the students are not unwilling to enhance their employmentprospects but they are unwilling to be labelled 'Adult Literacy' students, with its impliedstigma, and many feel that a choice has been denied them.

As much as students voice their grievances about their individual dealings with theCES and Government directives to attend literacy classes, their enthusiasm and motiva-tions exhibited at Adult Literacy centres in Burnie, Ulverstone and Devonport show thatthe CES's investment is well placed for the students' interests as an intital step to fmdtheir way around the world that literacy opens up. SIP students have a language that theyuse to successfully negotiate and regulate their personal environment. But this literacydiscourse can also exclude them from the discourse of social and educational mobilitywhich portends access to jobs and personal empowerment, allowing and giving studentsoptions that the lack of education denies them.

Identifying and Assessing OutcomesTutors fmd it hard to encapsulate their students' progress to suit bureaucratic formulae:Yes, he/she can now read the job advertisement board, but they also realise those intan-gible requirements of raising low self-esteem, or feeling comfortable about venturinginto the unknown are still a progressive educational step away, with no scale to measurethem.

This still leaves the student with the dilemma that, if by attending Adult Literacyhis/her ILCM has been raised, is the student now considered employable? Does anILCM scale advance equate to being employable? The bureaucracy, by advocatingassessment scales for literacy skills, places a workplace value on it. Also, the SIP pro-gram assumes that the ILCM scale improvements can be met in 40 to 60 hours.

McCormach (1991) points out "Adults with literacy problems do not need some-thing called 'literacy'. They need an education". The SIP program envisages a produc-tion line, and the only focus is on becoming literate in an employable sense. This utili-tarian focus on functional literacy which would debase reading and writing to a merelyadequate efficiency is abhorent to the 'good practice' and the ideology of Adult Literacy.As Falk (1994) discussed, "The issues of employment and adult learners is only oneaspect of the problem. Further education and training is the other". Government policyrecognises literacy as a factor influencing economic recovery and development but hasbecome context-specific.

The drive towards the identification and assessing of standardised outcomes and

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competencies is another negative factor. We may lose sight of the fact that adultsalready have a great richness and variety of language and literacy in their daily lives andwish to be subjected to a wide socio-cultural context, in which uses of literacy are situ-ated. Students tend to measure themselves against those whom they assume have 'edu-cation' and so doubt their own worth.

If we persist in relying upon attainment criteria for language and literacy acqui-sition that exemplify only the set of experiences of one group in our society, weare liable not only to miss a great deal but also displace other equally vital usesof language and literacy as somehow inferior, inappropriate or even invisible(Breen, 1993).Basic education is not a short-term need. It is not a quick-fix, mopping-up opera-

tion that students want. The setting of targets in the Special Intervention Program catersto a bureaucratic perceived view of student deficiencies and does not address a student-centred program. As Evetts and Flanagan (1991) viewed it, "literacy skills can help peo-ple take more control of their lives, but literacy can also contribute to people being con-trolled and silenced". By using quick-fix SIP literacy programs without follow up train-ing or education, it can be argued that SIP is directing and disempowering individuals,that is, "You have had 40 hours literacy and now you still cannot get a job. No wonderthe students categorise themselves as 'duds'.

"A crucial lesson... seems then to be the need to avoid viewing or designing liter-acy as an overwhelming technical solution to problems that are only partly technical.(UNESCO, 1976, p. 122) As Luke (1992) points out "...you may become just literateenough to get yourself badly in debt, exploited and locked out", which suggests thatbeing vocationally literate rather than becoming independent through education, couldreinforce people's sense of powerlessness.

How the students perceive their futureThe overall objective of many of the students surveyed at the start of their SIP programwas to secure employment. So initially, 'best interests' meant the most expedient routeto the job market. By the end of the program this vision had changed. Yes, they stillwanted that elusive job, but there was an unsatisfied appetite. They had just started tofind their way around a foreign world and wished to become more familiar with it. Asone student wrote at the end of his program, "I came to be taught, I was taught and nowI'm just starting to learn".Cope and Kalantizis (1993) argue that,

...the more genres people have access to, both spoken and written, the broad-er the range of social things they will be able to know and do. Some socialrealms need the peculiar linguistic technologies available to literate discours-es, not only so that people can read and write in those places, but so they canlisten and speak and, ultimately, think in and through each realm.

Tying students into a one-genre stream of literacy is not conducive to anythingmore than situational apprenticeship learning. Wider discourses allow social access,

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whereby generalisations and abstractions about socio-political and economic relation-ships, which pattern our institutions and therefore our lives, can be questioned.

W. Smith (1990), tells of her students' delight when she introduced them to the lit-eracy heritage, so giving them "gifts from gold". She was arguing that, to know, youneed to understand firstly your heritage, which adds dignity and integrity to curriculumnegotiation. Just introducing a narrow, functional understanding of literacy which doesnot enhance students' capacity to think, create and question negates their 'knowing' theirway around their language and so stymies the possibilities of an entry into a world fromwhich they have so long felt excluded. If students have the opportunity to understandthe sub-text (Gee 1990) of education this will also empower them to question and chal-lenge society. Even by definition, this surely allows them to be bilingual in discourses.

One student likened tutors to guards, using the analogy of an army supply bar-racks. "All the goods are stored inside - you only let us have what you think was goodfor us". What a telling comment - suggesting that only what they see as the 'educated'have power and control, and that without an education they are effectively gagged; asobering thought for all tutors.

Freire (1987) states: "...you cannot change the world if you do not understand it".To understand it one must become familiar with the prevailing mainstream education toknow the language of the controllers before one can venture beyond.

The Students' VoiceAt the end of their program the students were asked if their aims had changed. Themajority said, "Yes"."Now I tell everyone, I'm going to school.""I still don't know about Shakespeare and my girl at school said I should.""I keep saying to myself - I can do something.""Where do I go from here?"`Why wasn't school like this place?'Barer-Stein (1989) speaks of learning as a "process of experiencing the unfamiliar". Themajority of SIP students ask of their tutors that they show them the way to have confi-dence to be autonomous individuals who can venture into the unfamiliar themselves.

CONCLUSIONSThe Special Intervention Program implemented by the CES is the result of the WhitePaper. It was to address what is seen as the literacy needs of adult Australians. It wouldfund into being the Government's vision of the needs of an economically viableAustralian economy projected into the 21st century. To achieve this vision it wasassumed that Australians needed to be specifically vocationally literate for Australia tocompete in a global economy - vocational literacy equated to economic improvement.

Interviews with the SIP tutors gave many insights into their concerns: Many ques-tioned their own practices, their particular biases, teaching theories and political visions.One overall concern was evident. The tutors felt that they were advocates for their stu-

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dents' needs and wants. They questioned the CES's interpretation of the White Paperand voiced concern at the political theory that implied that improved vocational literacyfor the unemployed, who lacked basic education, will automatically create greater pro-ductivity and thus dramatically reduce unemployment.

ALBE tutors who are contracted to fulfil the Special Intervention Program feltcompromised by the aspect of using students to achieve a government agenda. Their`good practice', they felt, was being debased; as the ethos of ALBE was very much cen-tred on students being ends in themselves. The utilitarian philosophy of using people forgovernment aims created a dilemma that they felt impinged on their professionalism.Individual choice was being denied to people who lacked the enpowerment that educa-tion can give.

Initially, the majority of SIP students felt that they were victims of discriminationand oppression, and they suffered the indignity of being coerced into attending AdultLiteracy classes. They were unemployed and now had the label of 'literacy student'added to other causes of their low self-esteem. At the end of their courses they stillwanted that elusive job, but they also wanted to become familiar with the things that theyfelt they had missed out on. ALBE tutorials allowed them their voice and pointed outthe signposts so that they could start their own journey into the unknown.

There is a dilemma, and a trifocal view. The White Paper and the CES's direc-tives state the means of executing a political vision, in which the unemployed are usedfor political ends. The tutors, historically conditioned by the ethos of ALBE, considerthat their professionalism dictates that their priorities be directed to their students wants.The SIP students do not see literacy as the solution to their fundamental problem; theywant a job.

One unifying factor is that literacy does make a difference, but an education liber-ates and gives people the choice to be their own ends.

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REFERENCES

Barer-Stein, T. (1989). Reflections on Literacy and Universal Learning Process. In M.C. Taylor & J. A. Draper (Eds.). Adult Literacy Perspectives. Toronto: Culture ConceptsInc

Breen, M. (1993). Researching Literacy: New Possibilities. Network Notes, Issue 2, p.3

Brown, M. (1992). The Competency Agenda: What does it mean for Adult Literacy andBasic Education? In Australian Council for Adult Literacy 1992 National ConferencePapers. Vol. 2. University of Sydney

Chamley, A. & Jones, H. (1987). The Concept of Success in Adult Literacy. The AdultLiteracy and Basic Skills Unit. Kingsboume House. London

Cope, B. & Kalantzis, M. (1993). The Power of Literacy and the Literacy of Power. InB. Cope & M. Kalantizis (Eds.), The Power of Literacy: A Genre Approach to TeachingWriting. pp. 63-87. London: Falmer Press

Department of Employment, Education and Training (1991). Australia's Language:The Australian Language and Literacy Policy (2 Vols). Canberra: AustralianGovernment Publishing Service

DEET. (1993). Background to Special Intervention. Vol. 7, Section 3. DEET publica-tion issued 9.11.93

Evartts, J. & Flanagan, P. (1991). Basic Skills for the Workplace. Toronto: CultureConcepts Inc

Falk, I. (1994). Methodology, Data and Adult Literacy. Tasnotes, No. 1, May, p. 14.NLLIA Symposia

Freebody, P., Welch & Anthony (Eds.) (1993). Knowledge, Culture and Power:International Perspectives on Literacy as Policy and Practice. London: Falmer Press

Freire, P. (1976). A Turning Point for Literacy. In R. Wickert, Literacy Teachers:Oppressors or Oppressed? Links, 13

Freire, P. & Shor, I. (1987). A Pedagogy for Liberation. London: Macmillan

Gee, J. (1990). Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourses. London:Falmer Press

Gee, J. (1994). New Alignments and Old Literacies: Critical Literacy, Post Modernismand Fast Capitalism. London: Falmer Press

Graff, H. J. (1987). The Legacies of Literacy. Indiana, USA: University Press

Grant, A. (1987). Opportunity to do Brilliantly: TAFE and the Challenge of AdultLiteracy Provision in Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Printing Service

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Hartley, R. (1989). The Social Cost of Inadequate Literacy: A Report for InternationalLiteracy Year. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service

Lankshear, C. (1994a). Self Direction and Empowerment: Critical Language Awarenessand the New Work Order'. School of Language and Literacy Education. QueenslandUniversity of Technology

Lankshear, C. (1994b). Literacy and Empowerment; Discourse, Power, Critique. NewZealand Journal of Educational Studies Vol. 29, No. 1

Luke, A. (1992). Literacy and Work in 'New Times'. Open Letter, 3:1, pp. 3-15

Luke, A. (1992b). When Basic Skills and Information Processing Just Aren't Enough:Re-thinking Reading in New Times. Paper presented at the National ConferenceAustralian Council for Adult Literacy

McCormack, R. (1991). Framing the Field: Adult Literacies and the Future. In F.Christie, et al. (Eds.). Teaching English Literacy: A Project of National Significance onthe Pre-service Preparation of Teachers for Teaching English Literacy. Vol. 2. Darwin:Northern Territory University Press

Newman, A. P. & Beverstock, C. (1990). Measuring America's Literacy. USA:International Reading Association

NSDC (1994). Impact of a National Framework for Professional Development (1994)A report commissioned by the National Development Committee for VocationalEducation and Training

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Wickert, R. (1988). Student Centred Maybe - but as Gatekeepers or Advocates? GoodPractice. 1:1-6, p. 5

Wickert, R. (1989). Literacy Teachers: Oppressors or Oppressed? Links, Vol. 13

Wickert, R. (1992). Construction Adult Literacy Mythologies and Identities. Discourse12:2, pp. 29-38

Wittgenstein, L. (1921). Tractatus Logico - Philosophicus. United Kingdom: OpenUniversity

149 1 5" 7


WHAT ARE THE CRITICAL COMPONENTS OF AWORKPLACE LITERACY PROGRAM IN ACOMMUNITY AND HEALTH SETTING?

Patsy Hall

INTRODUCTIONThis paper describes a workplace literacy program in its embryonic stages. The work-place program was initiated by the researcher, a worksite staff development officer, whowished to develop a program that aimed to address the inequities within the organisationwhere 'operational' workers are disempowered by the presence of multiple layers of`professional' workers. The overall aim of the researcher was to develop and implementan industry specific workplace literacy program which

is integrated into the mainstream training program,is designed and evaluated with input and control from all levels of workers,uses workplace text as curricula material, andprovides task-related learning within a broader social context.

The research paper aims to describe the organisation, its historical base and cul-ture, as well as previous workplace training, including workplace literacy projects. Anexamination of the literature is included, in relation to literacy, workplace literacy, liter-acy skills audits and discourse and power in the worksite. The final phase of the paperdescribes a literacy skills audit conducted in two distinct units, within a service area, andthe results, as well as detailing the role of a worksite literacy consultative committee.Anecdotal information used throughout the paper has been collected from conversationsheld by the researcher and employees in the worksite described.

The project justifies the need for worksite literacy training that is embedded in themainstream staff development program accompanied by an organisational move to theadoption of Plain English practices.

The workplaceThis project was based in a public hospital facility within a community and health ser-vice which employs approximately three thousand staff. The overall project aimed toreflect the organisation's endeavour to redress the traditional social inequities in the sup-port and empowerment of its multilevel and multifaceted workforce. This organisation,like many traditional hospital settings, stems from Tayloristic management practiceswhich rely on "...layers of highly skilled, well-paid administrators to manage large num-bers of employees with only the basic skills necessary for front-line work" (Gowen,1992, 9).

The researcher believed the inequities within the organisation were reflected inthe mainstream staff development program as well as in previous workplace literacy pro-grams which had been unsustainable and not workplace specific.

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Previous workplace literacy programsPrevious workplace literacy programs were of two different types. In the first type, one-to-one consultancies were offered to employees who were identified by managers orthemselves as needing assistance in the area of literacy. The program was accessed byreferral only and was not advertised throughout the region. The second type of programoffered, on a one-off basis, was provided by an outside consultancy company. This pro-gram was limited to a small group (ten participants) and was conducted over a short peri-od of time. The program was not occupational specific and provided no formalisedtack-up' in the worksite or ongoing opportunities for development. Recruitment forthis program was based in the hospital setting and targeted at all staff but, due to the con-straints of the program, participation was limited to one person from each of the select-ed worksites. Participants with the greatest needs were chosen by their managers, fromthose who showed an interest in the program, leaving the facilitator with a diverse groupwith a wide range of training needs. As the program was provided to the organisation ata cost it was also not a viable choice for meeting ongoing training requirements.

The organisationThe three thousand employees of the organisation are dispersed throughout a large geo-graphic area. Sixteen hundred of these employees are based in a traditional hospital set-ting. It is within this setting that the majority of the research is based. The setting waschosen firstly because of its proximity to the researcher who is employed as a StaffDevelopment Officer within the region; secondly, because it is the largest setting foroperational workers; and finally, prior to regionalisation, it was an entity of its own andtherefore has a strong history and value base.

The question of what title to use for the workers discussed in this research demon-strates the lack of recognition shown for the contribution these workers make to theorganisation. Titles commonly used for these workers include ancillary staff, supportworkers, blue collar workers and operational staff. The Webster's Dictionary (1992)defines each of these titles as follows:Ancillary: I. Subordinate. 2. Auxiliary, serving to help (p. 54).Blue collar: Of pertaining to, or designating employees engaged in physical or manu-al work that requires them to wear rough-textured, dark, special clothing for protectionor as a uniform.(p. 149)Operational: I. Pertaining to an operation. 2. Organized or prepared to carry out tasks,especially of a military character. 3. Fit or ready for some specified task. 885)Support: To provide (a person, institution etc.) with maintenance; provide for.

1261)The Tasmanian Industrial Commission, March 1995, Community and Health

Services (Public Sector) Award classifies Operational workers as, "A position whichrequires the performance of operational work (as defined) ". Further on, the Awarddescribes this as "working within a functional area/s (as defined) ". Routine, manualtasks, are the terms used to describe operational work and operational workers as those

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who " provide assistance to technical and professional staff, operate equipment,machinery and vehicles, and trade work" . A Functional Area refers to "a work unit pro-viding a distinct service, e.g., cleaning, catering, kitchen, attendants, hospital aides,stores, workshops, laundry, etc.". After reviewing this literature the researcher hasdecided to adopt the term 'operational', and to describe it further as those employees,without tertiary qualifications, who are working in the following work units in the posi-tions specified:

Linen services - driver, laundry assistant, seamstress, cleaner, handyman, supervisorHotel services - cleaner, attendant, security worker, waste handler, supervisorFood services food assistant, cafe worker, trolley person, cashier, stores/purchasingperson, driver, vegetable preparer, supervisor, food monitor, clerical staffTransport services driver, clerical assistant, supervisor, parking attendantSupply department stores clerk, inventory/stores person, purchasing officerBuilding and Engineering services- tradesperson, trades-assistant, supervisor, recep-tion\ clerical assistantsome administration and clerical staff - switchboard operator, receptionist, mail sorter,delivery person

The organisation has been in existence since 1863 and has developed a strong`corporate climate'. A climate, according to Bean (1993, 22), that "exists where theorganisation has been in existence for some time and the members of that organisationhave shared a common experience leading to the development of a unique but intangi-ble character". This corporate climate is described (Kilman, 1985, 22) as "an invisiblequality - a certain style, a character, a way of doing things..." that has developed overmany years and is a product of a number of factors both known and perhaps unknownby the researcher and employees.

Some of these factors include the traditional roles of professional and non-pro-fessional worker within the organisational structure, the history of workplace training,the perceived value/contribution of non-professional employees compared to profes-sional, and an 'academic arrogance' of some 'professional' workers. This culture is typ-ical of that described by others and perhaps is not a unique finding. Gowen (1991, 448)described similar findings in a workplace literacy program for women in a southern USblack hospital:

...while we have put slavery and some of its overt brutalities behind us,we still tend to measure and categorize the other as deficient, as some-how less than well developed. This, in turn, enables the dominant cul-ture to keep the other in her place - doing the cooking, cleaning andwashing for institutions that could not survive without her constant sup-port.

This workplace culture is partly attributable to the history of training provided byStaff Development staff within the organisation. The structure of Staff DevelopmentServices as they exist at the time of this research was a recent initiative. Prior to thischange, staff development was delivered within the organisation by three distinct

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groups. Staff development for hospital based nursing staff was delivered by RegisteredNurses originally attached to the hospital based School of Nursing. Community healthworkers staff development was delivered by Community Staff Development Servicespredominantly staffed by Registered Nurses. The final and most recent service, staffdevelopment for general staff, that is, non-nursing staff, was delivered by a sole StaffDevelopment Officer attached to the Human Resources Department.

The change in training services for operational staff is of most relevance to thisdiscussion. Factors such as the ratio of staff development officers to staff, the trainingpriorities determined by the Human Resource Department and the culture of the work-place at the time are some of the factors which influenced the type of training deliveredto general service areas. It is worth noting that these factors were not within the con-trol of the Staff Development Officer despite efforts made by him to alter them.Virgona, (1994, 3) describes a similar historical base for workplace training for generalstaff and its effect of the value of training within a workplace: "The energies of this train-ing resource was mostly directed at management levels in the belief that shop floor taskswere either catered for through the apprenticeship system, or were mechanistic and min-imal and therefore needed no significant training", a belief still widely held and some-times voiced within the organisation described.

Professional staff are often heard referring to operational staff as "just the clean-er", the "wardsmaid", "the little man" or a term recently heard, "cannon fodder". Staffworking in operational areas frequently complain about the way they are treated withinthe organisation. Professional staff often expect them to "drop everything" to meet theirneeds and appear to have no perception of how they work or even what their workentails. Correct procedures for requesting work\services are abandoned, with staffdemanding services without considering normal prioritisation of workloads.

These attitudes seem to have worsened with the change from unit driven to cen-trally driven control of some operational work groups. Staff were once 'attached' to aunit or department and were seen by staff as a part of the team. They are now rotatedthroughout the organisation at the discretion of their manager. This change, althoughbeneficial to workers in relation to multiskilling, etc., also seems to have increased thedistance between operational and professional staff and reduced their understanding ofwork practices. Central control also appears to have stifled creativity, decision making,initiative and time management of individual workers, as well as reduced their sense ofpride in and ownership of the unit to which they were attached.

A recent comment heard in relation to performance review of operational work-ers, "They only need to clean - and there's clean and not clean what else is there?", sug-gests that their role is limited to the performance of skills only, and raises the questionof their need for further training or development. This unfortunately exemplifies the atti-tude of some 'professional' staff. Is it their belief, as is suggested by Virgona (1994, 5)in describing similar organisations, "that workers did not need to think and wereemployed primarily to reliably perform repetitive tasks consistently" and, that theseworkers "are a product of an authoritarian culture and most have not been tearing at the

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barricades, but have acquiesced to structures that served to silence them" (1994, 16)?Compared to professional staff, operational workers are more frequently expect-

ed to attend training in their own time and see training programs within the organisationas something provided for other workers. The introduction of Quality Improvement,Award Restructuring, the Training Reform Agenda, Workplace Reform andMultiskilling have also influenced the current organisational climate and certainly train-ing within the organisation.

The changing workplace in AustraliaThe National Training Reform Agenda, through tripartite agreement, has as a centralstrategy the development of a workforce in Australia that is productive, adaptable andhighly skilled (DEET, 1993, 9). The Training Reform Agenda has meant the restructureof Award systems within Australian industries.

Award Restructuring is the process of changing awards which set out job classi-fications and working conditions. Awards are being restructured to enable greater flexi-bility and to improve efficiencies in the workplace to account for the introduction of newtechnology and production methods, and to provide access to more varied, fulfilling andbetter paid jobs, as well as career paths, for workers without trade or professional qual-ifications (Prince, 1992 (b), 20; Joyce, 1992, 3). This will bring those employees previ-ously seen as 'unskilled' into the training picture (Prince, 1992 (a), 64). Community andHealth Services are currently undergoing award restructuring and dramatic changes totheir awards structure, with a reduction of forty-seven awards down to four.

Award Restructuring, through workplace reform, has had a major impact ontraining within the workplace. As stated by Mawer (1992, 14),

At the local workplace level, the structural changes to awards have alsobeen accompanied by the introduction of new technology and Qualitysystems which have dramatically increased the oral and written commu-nication demands placed on all workers....Under industry restructuring,these workers' career progression and wage increases have becomedirectly linked to their ability to demonstrate achieved competenciesthrough training initiatives.

Competency standards are being developed for industries across Australia and area recent development for those industries represented in the workplace described in thispaper. The development of competencies has included the identification of those litera-cy skills required for competent performance. The National Textile, Clothing, Footwearand Allied Industries Competency Standards (Draft, May 1995) - Laundries Sectordescribes the underlying knowledge and skills necessary for the successful demonstra-tion of competencies concerned as, "The ability to communicate in the workplace suffi-ciently to: interpret records, work orders and operating instructions; complete timesheets and reports; give and receive basic instructors effectively; be aware of and under-stand safety and other relevant regulations and instructions" (p. viii).

Multiskilling - the "training in a number of formerly discrete skills which enables

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an employee to perform a wider range of tasks" (Joyce, 1992, 3) comes as part of thepackage to change work practices across industries. This also requires employees toundertake training on a regular basis, and movement horizontally or vertically in theworkplace will be based on accredited training. (Joyce, 1992, 14).

The federal government's Training Guarantee Levy has also encouraged employ-ers to invest more in the development of all employees. In the past, expenditure on train-ing has generally been directed to middle management, apprentices and 'skilled' work-ers (Prince, 1992, 64).

Quality Improvement, Occupational Health and Safety programs and the prepa-ration for, and maintenance of, Accreditation has meant that operational workers areexpected to attend compulsory training sessions on Manual Handling, Fire Safety, andEvacuation Procedures, as well as participate in quality assurance programs /circles,waste management committees and so on. "These changes have meant that competencein language, literacy and numeracy has become integral to the success of a flexible com-petitive, productive and collaborative workplace" (Mawer, 1994, 3).

The current climate of change in the workplace may give workers newopportunities to gain access to training and to new jobs.... For these tohave any real impact training must include literacy, numeracy and lan-guage training. This is particularly the case for workers who have had lit-tle or no access to formal training, in or out of the workplace, and who aretraditionally locked into low paid jobs that are regarded as unskilled.(Durie, 1991, 75).Virgona (1994, 4) describes these changes to workplace training delivery, in par-

ticular with the implementation of Quality Improvement. For the first time, formal train-ing programs were set up for shop floor workers, which she describes as a "...dismal fail-ure.." which "... left shop floor workers bewildered and bemused and usually no morethe wiser...".

The introduction of Quality Improvement, Award Restructuring, the TrainingReform agenda, Workplace Reform and Multiskilling have left a similar mark on theresearched organisation. Operational staff still utilise Staff Development programs lessthan other categories of workers and, it is the belief of the researcher, often leave pro-grams none the wiser.

Most operational workers see participation in quality assurance committees as arole for the supervisor or manager, not something which relates to 'real' work. Staff par-ticipating in Train the Trainer programs, offered as part of the mainstream StaffDevelopment program, have represented all layers of the organisation. Feedback fromstaff participating in this program, particularly those from operational areas, suggest thata high percentage of the training was difficult to understand and not relevant to their roleas a worksite trainer. This is the reverse of the response of some professional staff par-ticipating in the same program, who suggest that the program was "pitched too low".

If it is the organisation's aim to provide training to all levels of staff on a region-al basis, the conflicting /issues, raised for the researcher working within this organisa-

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tion, were as follows:Do I offer two levels of training: one for professional and one for operational levelstaff? Or does this continue to perpetuate the inequities and division between levelsof workers?Do I offer pre-course training or a `bridging' course to operational level staff as a`stepping stone' to the mainstream program?

Do I offer training at the middle of both levels and run the risk of meeting no-one'sneeds?

Do I offer a workplace literacy program? And if so, to whom? Or do I offer a PlainEnglish program to 'professional' staff?Whose objectives am I meeting in doing this: The Training Reform Agenda's? TheVisempowered' workers '? The Staff Development Officers?

and,Is there really a literacy gap in the organisation?

LITERATURE REVIEWIn order to answer some of the questions raised by the research it became necessary forthe researcher to review some of the literature relating to literacy, workplace literacy,workplace discourse and power, workplace literacy programs - types and best practice,and literacy task analysis.

Literacy/Workplace literacyIn 1978 UNESCO defmed a person as literate "...when they have acquired the essential

knowledge and skill which enables them to engage in all those activities in which liter-acy is required for effective functioning in their group and community, and whose attain-ments in reading, writing and arithmetic make it possible for them to continue to usethese skills towards their own and the community's development." (UNESCO 1990, 3)

To be functional within their own group a person needs to have attained a suffi-cient level of literacy (Derewianka, 1990, 4): This level will be different for every groupor context. It then becomes necessary to ask not whether a person is literate or not, butwhether the person is sufficiently literate (Newman & Beverstock, 1990, 49). A surveyconducted on attitudes of employers defmed literacy as "... the integration of mathemat-ical and linguistic skills necessary for filling out a job application, filing, conducting rou-tine correspondence, monitoring inventories, and expressing oneself clearly in writing."(Research for Better Schools, Inc., 1978). If we were to adopt such a definition it wouldsoon render most of those operational workers in the research group as 'illiterate'. Theskills outlined in the above definition are not skills used in a lot of positions within work-places. The ability of workers to gain and retain these skills does not necessarily supportthe idea of attaining skills to enable workers to function in their work community.

Literacy is a relative thing and is different for different people, at different times,and within different situations (Street, 1992, 5). The literacy we use at work with onegroup of clients may well be very different from that which we use with another group.

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This will differ again from the literacies we use with our children, partners and friends.The literacy a person develops is that which is required within the social group to whichthat person belongs: it is that social group which 'apprentices' us in the literacy required.

Discourse and powerLiteracy is a social practice, or "a discourse with a capital 'd' as described by Gee (1992,7):

... socially and historically distinctive ways of saying, doing, being, valu-ing and believing (and sometimes writing and reading ) in the 'right'places at the 'right' times with the 'right' people and with the 'right'props so as to mark out social identities or play specific social roles.

Literacy, then, becomes a characteristic of a social group which is "...embeddedin the larger framework of social relationships and social institutions" (Gee, 1990:103).The literacy or Discourse we belong to serves the purpose of 'situating' us into a "socialfield of status" (Gee, 1990, 104). Each social group or Discourse will have its own lan-guage. Fairclough (1989, 64) describes the discourses within institutions referring tospecialist vocabularies, or jargon which serves to exclude outsiders. Discourse, he states(1989, 74), "... is part of social practice and contributes to the reproduction of socialstructures".

The Discourse within the researched organisation are embedded within the layersof workers. The Discourse of Food Service workers is very different from the Discourseof drivers in Transport, or nurses, or medical staff, or staff development officers, or theChief Executive Officer.

What happens when people step out of the Discourse they are socialised into?Gee (1992, 11) suggests that,

If your mental network of associations (which is never identical to any-one else's) gets too much 'out of line', or your folk theory deviates toofar from that of others, your practice will render you marginal to theDiscourse and the Discourse will 'discipline' you and put you back inline, or you will cease to be a ...[food assistant, driver, laundry worker,etc.]

The people who step out of their Discourse and start to adopt behaviours or languagesimilar to those of another Discourse are disciplined. A cleaner who developed a lovefor reading and started to use the hospital library (traditionally the domain of the med-ical staff) described negative comments from her peers in the cleaning Discourse. Themanager of Cleaning Services, when describing a staff development officer who sug-gested cleaners refer to some of the texts in the library, said, "cleaners do not use thelibrary - they don't even like to clean in there !". Literacy becomes an access issue:"access to discourse and membership, and interpretive community" (Wickert, 1993, 63).

If I am an outsider to a community then my literacy will position me as one. Thispositioning occurs both in the larger community as well as those communities or levelswithin the workplace:

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Literacy is highly valued within our society, and a great deal of sociallyimportant and prestigious practices take place in 'the written word'.Access to a high level of literacy is a precondition for a variety of social-ly valued 'goods', including most rewarding and well-paid jobs"(Fairclough, 1989, 63).

The literacies or Discourses used within an organisation serve to position peopleinto a social group, making it very difficult to communicate with those in other groups;they also serve to keep people within those groups. Fairclough, (1989, 58 - 65): states"...the power behind the conventions of a discourse type belong not to the institutionitself ... but to the power-holders in the institution". He also states, "The policing of con-ventions is in the hands of the institutional power holders, at various levels.... Inculcationis the mechanism of power-holders who wish to preserve their power, while communi-cation is the mechanism of emancipation and the struggle against domination".

Workplace communicationWorkplace communications occur within a limited number of contexts:

within own teams,within other teams,outside the immediate work context,

or within the job specific context, enterprise context or broad industry and training con-text (Baylis & Thomas, 1994, 21). Each context is influenced by register variables offield, tenor and mode, as described by Derewianka (1990, 20 21):Field - the familiarity in each context influences the level of difficulty of communica-tion. For example, the employees communicating within their own team share knowl-edge of the field. They understand the vocabulary used in exchanges and are very famil-iar with the typical language functions expressed on a daily basis. A nurse communicat-ing with other nurses will use vocabulary unique to their profession, and often the typeof communication will be affected by the type of discourse they are participating in, forexample, the discourse of 'hand-over'.Mode - the language used within a work team is generally close to the action and so isless abstract. When the communication is further removed from the immediate workcontext, for example, in a quality assurance committee, or where it is written and notspoken, for example, in the hospital bulletin or the organisation's newsletter, the lan-guage is likely to be more abstract.Tenor - three aspects which influence tenor in communication are power or status, affector feeling, and the amount or frequency of contact between the interactants. This latteraspect is more significant, for example, in interactions with others outside the immedi-ate work group, or in interactions between workers or supervisors. The interactionbetween food assistants and medical staff is an instance where tenor will greatly influ-ence the communication exchange.

Interviews for a new position within the organisation are an example of a situa-tion where all register variables; field, tenor and mode, are uncommon to the intervie-

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wee and thereby exclude him or her. Fairclough (1989, 47-48) describes these situationsas "gatekeeping encounters" in which the 'gatekeeper' is someone who belongs to a"societally dominant cultural grouping" and who controls an encounter which deter-mines whether another person gets a job or access to some other valued object. Theassumption is made that all workers would be familiar with the interview situation andwould be sufficiently at ease to present themselves favourably at interview. The diffi-culty operational workers experience in applying for positions and 'performing' at inter-views is demonstrated by the frequent demand within the organisation for workshopsand individual consultancies in these areas. Baylis and Thomas (1994, 21-26) describethree differing workplace contexts: The job specific context, the enterprise context andthe broad industry and training context. For each of these contexts the language changes.The job specific context is

defined by tasks which relate to the job itself. The tasks are unique to aparticular job and mark the job off from other jobs....instruction is clearbecause the concrete familiar context of the job provides the clues towhat this instruction means.

In the enterprise context, instruction is "...not so easily understood since the context maynot be familiar to the employee and the language itself is more abstract ...". Languagein the industry and training context occurs where "... the loss of the immediate contextfor an instruction results in the typical language of the training manual which is moreabstract ...". As these authors state:

Frequently employees with limited oral and written English languageresources have sufficient language to meet day-to-day demands of theirjobs. However they are often unable to access the more abstract lan-guage of the enterprise as a whole or of the training room.

Workplace literacy programsIf, as stated in the International Literacy Year Report (1990, 29), "literacy is the keywhich enables workers to gain access to higher levels of skills", and "For workers, bet-ter levels of literacy can mean a better chance of satisfying employment", what impacthave workplace literacy programs had? Several different types of workplace literacyprograms have been described. Askov and Van Horn (1993, 116) describe two differenttypes of programs. The first type of program is for the general enhancement of the work-force; the second is to supply training for the demands of new technology or the chang-ing workplace.

Dune (1991, 79) describes a workplace program which concentrates on the rela-tionship between literacy and consciousness: "In the workplace this would mean litera-cy and language training that provides workers with the ability to reinterpret their expe-riences in the workplace and to challenge the traditional role between workers and man-agement".

O'Connor, (1993, 196-197) gives a much broader view of what a workplace lit-eracy program should include:

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...any working definition of workplace basic education would need toinclude: a range of written and spoken language skills, maths, readingand comprehension, interpersonal skills, communication and problemsolving, required in the effective performance of occupational tasks andfunctions and enabling participation in workplace and social processes.That is, workplace basic education would provide specific task-relatedlearning with broader social and educational objectives as its contextand basis. It would also include effective learning techniques and strate-gies to enable workers to study efficiently and independently....The con-tent and outcome of learning in the workplace must extend well beyondthe restrictions of the workplace and into the world of worker's dailylives.

The aim of a workplace literacy program should be to assist people at an opera-tional level to take on the challenges of award restructuring and multiskilling, enablethem to seek further career options if they wish, to be informed about the functions ofthe organisation, and to actively participate in organisational, industrial and communitydevelopment to the extent that they desire or their role requires.

Bee, (1992, 67) describes a beneficial work-based literacy program as one whichprovides:

integration of literacy with competency based training;ongoing literacy skills audits;development of long term literacy strategies in the organisation;Plain English writing of various workplace texts;advice to trainers and managers;an influence on the training agenda;support for individuals with literacy needs;first-hand training experience, knowledge and understanding of culture in the work-place;credibility in the workplace; and,ready access to work-based materials for curriculum content.

This is in tune with the idea that the workplace trainer's role is much wider than that ofa person who just provides training programs. Bean (1993, 16) suggests, "The work-place educator is not only responsible for the development of an education program butmust also foster and contribute to the creation of an educational climate across the enter-prise within which such programs can thrive".

Hull (1993, 44) suggests,We need to look with a critical eye at how work gets accomplished andto examine what roles literacy has within work and what relationshipsexist between skills at work and the rights of workers. We must askwhat is meant by literacy, and in what circumstances, this literacy willbe empowering.

To do this workplace trainers must listen to workers, "to different voices" (Hull, 1993,

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21), see what their realities are, and then they may be able to change the "popular dis-course of literacy and work" (Hull, 1993, 22). To provide an effective workplaceliteracy program it is essential to examine critically the role workers play within theorganisation and the tasks embedded in their roles, not just to provide a quick fix, class-room-based reading and writing program or general set of academic skills. (Askov &Van Horn, 1993, 116; Bean, 1993, 24; DEET 1990; Falk, 1992, 3; Falk 1995, 2; Officeof Multicultural Affairs et al., 1994 (a), 31-33; Wickert, 1990).

Literacy skills analysisSeveral authors (Hamilton & Park, 1993; Baylis, Caldwell & Nussbaum, 1991; Falk,1995; Taylor & Lewe, 1991; Drew & Mikulecky, 1988; Victorian T.C.F.I.T.B., 1992;Rush, 1985;) describe literacy task analysis, or literacy skills analysis as a method usedto identify language and literacy skills required for any given work task. Literacy taskanalysis is a process, based on the knowledge gained by workers about the jobs they areperforming, used to

identify the basic skills required to do various jobs,obtain information about specific parts of a job that require literacy skills, andprovide direction and scope for setting up a workplace literacy program based on theactual job content, as well as the job content of likely career paths. (Taylor & Lewe,1991, 217, 227)

Literacy skills analysis is based on research (Drew & Mikulecky, 1988, 1) whichindicates that people learn more readily and are more likely to retain information whenit relates to job tasks. Literacy task analysis is similar to a traditional job /skills analysiswhich is "... a way of critically assessing the components of a given job in order todescribe the job, determine the required behaviours of that job, and identify the condi-tions under which these behaviours should occur" (Davies, 1973, 2). With literacy taskanalysis it is the identification of literacy skills which are embedded in the tasks of a job.

This section has provided a discussion of the literature reviewed relating to liter-acy, workplace literacy, discourse and power, workplace literacy programs and, fmally,literacy skills audits. From this discussion, it can be concluded that the best startingpoint for a workplace literacy program is a literacy skills audit as a method of "hearingother voices" (Hull, 1993, 43), identifying the literacy tasks embedded in the roles ofworkers, and finally, isolating any areas of need for inclusion in training curriculums.

THE RESEARCH PROJECTMethodologyThe aim of the research was to complete a literacy skills profile for the organisation,commencing with a pilot program in the Food Services Department. The steps of thepilot program were, for each classification of worker, to identify the current occupation-al literacy requirements by

interviewing worksite manager, supervisor and union officialestablishing a worksite literacy consultative committee

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visiting the worksite, identifying the range of work activities, identifying environ-mental and contextual literacy, investigating the structure of the work-unit and thenature of the workforce in terms of age, sex and language backgroundsselecting workers, representing each classification, to observe and interviewobtaining a copy of the position description and task list for each classificationinterviewing workers and observing them as they performed basic skills/tasks, identi-fying current language and literacy requirements by focusing on the five skills ofspeaking, listening, reading, writing and mathsidentifying the thought processes used by competent workers as they use printed mate-rials to solve problems at workgathering and photocopying the printed materials workers read to do their jobs; forexample, safety manuals, training manuals and other worksite literatureorganising and documenting the results of the literacy task analysisvalidating the literacy task analysis with managers, supervisors, union officials andworkersmaking recommendations for workplace literacy training.

ObjectivesThe objectives of the project were to

develop and conduct an industry relevant literacy skills audit to obtain an accurate pic-ture of all the literacy skills required in the organisationpilot the literacy skills audit in a defined departmentgather authentic texts and tasks to be used in the design of a curriculummodify the organisational mainstream Staff Development program to integrate Englishlanguage and literacy elementsprovide a framework for an investigation into the nature and depth of language and lit-eracy problems in the organisationprovide the basis for Best Practice in ongoing workplace literacy skills auditsadvise trainers and managers of worksite training requirements on a job-needs basis,only, not on a person-needs basisinfluence the organisational training agenda as a result of the outcomes from this pro-ject.

The project commenced with an introductory / briefing meeting with both the worksitemanager and trainer, both of whom were extremely receptive to the project and demon-strated a sound knowledge of the impact of literacy training in the workplace.

Worksite consultative committee.A worksite literacy consultative committee was established with the following member-ship: the manager, worksite trainer, supervisor representative, food assistant representa-tive, union representative and the staff development officer i researcher. The role of thiscommittee was to

promote the project

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advise workers about the project aims and methods and to dispel any myths about lit-eracy and illiteracyact as advocates for the needs and interests of workersidentify workers for interview and observations. This was based on the worker's com-petence to perform the role / position observed as well as the worker's receptivenessto being a participant in such a projectprovide background information to the researcher relating to current worksite issuesvalidate literacy task analysis findingsprovide recommendations, guidance and feedback to the researcher about planned lit-eracy training.

Using frameworks developed by Baylis, Caldwell & Nussbaum (1994), andO'Connor (1992), data collection consisted of two main types - interviews and observa-tion. It was the intention of the researcher to gather worksite texts and examine these aspart of the project, but time constraints impeded this and it has been deferred until timepermits.

Two different interview forms were drawn up; one for supervisors, and the otherfor workers. The questionnaire for supervisors included demographic details of the workarea: number of workers in the area, male / female ratio, work status casual, full timeor part-time, and language background (questions 1, 2, and 7). Questions 3-6 asked thesupervisors to identify the workplace texts or literacy skills with which they or theirworkers had difficulty and they were then asked (question 8) to prioritise the skills iden-tified. The final two questions related to the supervisors' or workers' readiness to receiveassistance or training in a workplace literacy program.

The questionnaire used for employees asked participants to identify workplacetexts which caused workers problems. Literacy texts / tasks were grouped according toJoyce's (1992) categories into two major areas - those texts / skills which related direct-ly to the job, and those relating to employment and the organisation, for example, pay /personnel, health and safety, stores, unions, etc.

The second type of tool developed was an employee observation form. This formwas used to indicate the literacy skills identified for each job task observed by theresearcher. Literacy tasks were classified as listening, speaking, reading, writing, andmaths (as suggested by Baylis, Caldwell & Nussbaum, 1991, 11).

Audit processTwo distinct work areas within Food Services were chosen by the consultative commit-tee for the commencement of the auditing process. It is the intention of the researcherto complete the auditing process throughout this department and eventually the wholeorganisation.

Description of the first work area auditedThe first area chosen for auditing was the Food Distribution area. This area is involvedin the distribution of meals and drinks for the hospital's patients. A brief description of

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the work of staff employed in this area is included to set the scene for the audit process.Staff are involved in the serving of meals for patient consumption onto individual trayson the processing belt. (As the organisation uses a cook-chill system these meals arealready pre-prepared by kitchen staff.) Once meals are served onto trays they are thenplaced into a trolley and delivered to the hospital wards, where they undergo a heatingprocess. Whilst this occurs the staff clean up the belt area then arrive on the allocatedward to serve patient meals and drinks. Following each meal the staff then deliver trol-leys back to the kitchen and work on the dishwasher belt before beginning the prepara-tion for morning / afternoon teas and then the following meal.

Worksite tourFollowing the formation of the worksite literacy consultative committee, the researcher,accompanied by the worksite trainer, toured the worksite and was introduced to any staffmembers present. The purpose of the worksite tour was to orientate the researcher to thework environment, to the type of work performed and to the workers. This tour was fol-lowed by a meeting in the worksite with the group to be audited. The worksite trainerprovided a brief introduction of the researcher who then outlined the process for audit-ing as well as the overall aim of a workplace literacy program.

At this point, it is worth noting that following discussion with the consultativecommittee it was decided to use the term literacy freely in the worksite, attempting todispel any myths relating to literacy / illiteracy, and also as part of the researcher andcommittee's desire to be totally open and honest with all staff involved in the project.

Following the initial reaction from the workers, including the comment,"we arenot illiterate, if we were we wouldn't be working here", a discussion took place wherethe researcher described literacy as a skill acquired at many different levels; from learn-ing basic reading and writing skills through to a managerial level and the production ofcomplex reports, etc. Participants were also encouraged to view the project as somethingwhich would be beneficial to themselves as community members and parents, as well asin their roles as workers.

At least two of the people present at this 'briefing' were previous participants inthe one-to-one literacy consultancies offered by the researcher, as described earlier inthis paper. This had the effect of establishing immediate trust and rapport between theresearcher and the workers aware of both this relationship and the effect the program hadhad on these people. As the worksite trainer was well respected amongst the staffinvolved in the project, her endorsement of the project also added to the acceptance ofthe researcher in the work area.

Those employees selected by the consultative committee to participate in the firstpart of the project were introduced to the researcher by the worksite trainer in individualmeetings over the following few days. The trainer described the project to the employ-ees and introduced the tools to be used in the audit process. The selected employeeswere asked if they would like to participate in the project, and dates of observation andinterview were negotiated. As well, times to be observed during the shifts where tasks

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would differ were established. No employee approached declined the opportunity to par-ticipate in the project.

The researcher would like to stress at this stage how critical the role of the work-site trainer was in ensuring the acceptance of the researcher and the project to the work-ers involved, as well as in the day-to-day planning of rosters, etc.

Data collectionFor each classification of worker the researcher followed the same process. During eachperiod of observation the researcher would observe and document, on the observationform, a description of the task performed, indicating which literacy skills were used.The observation of each participant was for an average of four to six hours.

At the completion of the observations period the documentation was discussedand validated by the participant. Using the interview questionnaire as a checklist, eachparticipant was interviewed by the researcher. For the employees (that is, not supervi-sors), the researcher stressed that the questions related to workers in their role or classi-fication, and not to themselves.

During the observation phase of the audit the researcher was readily accepted inthe workplace by workers, using humour to alleviate any nervousness displayed by thosebeing observed. At the completion of the observation and interview phase for each ofthe areas, data was analysed and recorded. For each classification of worker, data wascompared to duty statements to validate information collected and to check that all tasksperformed in that role were observed.

The final report for each area included a list of tasks observed for each classifi-cation of worker. (The description of the supervisor role audited also included tasks notobserved during the audit but discussed with the researcher.) The percentage of job tasksobserved requiring literacy skills was calculated as a percentage and tabled. This pro-vided a comparative study of the literacy skill requirements for each classification ofworker in the unit (see Appendix [4]). In most cases, speaking and listening occurredsimultaneously during a task and these results were combined.

ResultsIn the first area audited, six different classifications of workers participated in the audit-ing process. For the 6.30 a.m. - 2.30 p.m. position it was decided, by the consultativecommittee, to observe a competent worker and a new employee, although each per-formed different tasks during the observations. This decision was based on the premisethat competent employees may not recognise the difficulties new employees experiencein a particular position.

A total of sixteen duty statements were collected for this area and although eachposition these represented was not directly audited by the researcher, a perspective onthese positions was gained during the observation of workers alongside them. This workgroup contained sixty workers; fifty-seven females and three males. Twenty-five of theworkers were employed full time, eighteen were part-time and seventeen were casuals.

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Data collected from the interviews was collated and recorded as an overall summary .

All positions audited required some degree of literacy skills. The position requir-ing the minimum amount of literacy skills for the tasks observed, Gopher 1, required lit-eracy skills for 35 % of the tasks observed. The positions requiring the highest percent-age of literacy skills for tasks observed were those of the Supervisor and the FoodMonitor. As the types of literacy skills described often occurred concurrently it is diffi-cult to give an accurate total, although it is worth commenting that 93 % of theSupervisor's tasks required reading and writing skills. The Food Monitor's tasksrequired reading for 77 % of the tasks observed, writing for 71% and 28 % of the tasksobserved required mathematical skills.

Of the tasks observed for the 7.30 a.m.-10.30 a.m. position, 29% required math-ematical skills. These tasks related to menu choices for a small number of residents,whereas the Food Monitor position required calculation of menu choices for each wardin the hospital. These choices were tallied concurrently and a 'tally' machine wasutilised for this purpose by the person audited. The documented skills audit for eachposition audited (see Appendix) describes the tasks observed. These can be used asexamples and/or strategies for teaching the literacy skill types embedded in each. Forexample, to teach writing and reading skills to a participant in, or aiming for, the posi-tion of Supervisor, a worksite roster with a list of staff calling in on sick leave, and theadjustment sheets, would provide rich resources for a training session.

Areas identified by employees as those texts /tasks causing problems are spreadthroughout the tasks directly relating to the job and those tasks relating to employmentand the organisation. Other areas identified by employees included those that wouldassist them in the literacy tasks associated with job tasks, for example, altering menus tomake them more user- (client and worker) friendly, or those associated with texts relat-ing to employment and the organisation, for example, the use of Plain English.

Participants also identified other training needs relating to their positions, such as:being assertive, resolving conflict and dealing with the frail elderly, etc. At this pointthe report was taken to the consultative committee for validation and discussion.

It was decided to present the results to staff in the area in a meeting. This enabledstaff not involved in the project to ask any questions and/or comment on the project. Theresearcher also took this opportunity to thank participants involved in the project and tocommend them on the commitment they had to their work and the degree of skillinvolved in each of their positions.

Using areas identified as difficult or a problem in the interviews, a training needsanalysis questionnaire was designed and this was presented and circulated at this meet-ing. The return rate for this survey was disappointing (only ten returns out of a possiblesixty). The reasons for a poor return rate were discussed at the next consultative com-mittee meeting and it was decided to

offer a training session for employees on selection process at this stage;to thank, in writing, all people who responded to the questionnaire and notify them ofthe plan;

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seek further information on "Expressing myself in words" from those who identifiedthis as an area of need;repeat the survey following the second work unit audit; andoffer programs identified in both audits to all of the employees in the areas involved.

The results of the further survey on "Expressing myself in words" was very good. Six ofthe original 10 respondents had identified this as an area of need. Seven surveys werereturned, collated and recorded. The results of this survey clearly identify topics for cur-riculum development for a literacy program, for example, report writing, resume writ-ing, and completing incident forms.

Description of the second area auditedThe second area audited was based outside of the main setting where the rest of theresearch was conducted. This area was chosen as it was to be relocated to the main areaalready described. It was felt this area had priority due to the issues for staff arising outof relocation and the changes that would occur.

Audit process/findingsThe same procedure was used as for the first group, and the results were recorded. Thisarea was smaller than the first, with staff multiskilled in several of the classifications inthe first area, as well as in others. Seven positions were audited, representing each ofthe duty statements collected. A total of thirteen staff were employed in this area, all ofwhom were female. Five staff were full time and eight were casual employees.

As expected from the results of the first survey, the supervisor position requiredthe highest amount of reading and writing skills. Mathematical skills were required inall other areas except one, although this reflected skills observed at the time of the auditonly. Examination of the duty statement for this position revealed tasks where somemathematical skills are required. As noted in the discussion on the results of the skillsaudits for the Distribution area, information gained during auditing provides strategiesfor a curriculum teaching literacy skills related to tasks performed in the job. The areasof training-needs identified in the second audit are very similar to those in the first, anda curriculum developed from these would be suitable for both groups.

AnalysisDiscourses which exist within the layers of workers employed within a traditional hos-pital setting, in community and health services, continue to disempower operationalworkers and 'serve to keep them in their place'. Traditional Tayloristic managementpractices have created an organisational structure that is multilayered both vertically andhorizontally. Recent changes in Australia's workplace reform aim to undo the layers andcreate a more flexible work environment for managers and workers. Workplace litera-cy programs which challenge the traditional relationships between management andworkers, as described by Durie (1991, 79), will compliment these changes and may pro-vide workers with some of the skills they require to adapt to the new workplace.

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Literacy skills auditThe results of the literacy skills audit confirm that literacy skills within the communityand health services workplace are embedded within the tasks which relate to the follow-ing contexts: the job context, the enterprise context, and the broad industry and trainingcontext.

Those areas identified by supervisors and employees as being difficult or causingproblems generally incorporate skills relating to the enterprise or the broad industry andtraining contexts. This is in keeping with the idea that as the context changes, through-out a continuum from job context to enterprise context, to broad industry and trainingcontext, the literacy skills also move along a continuum from concrete to abstract. Thisalso equates to the idea that the literacy requirements of jobs, as they are plotted againstthe Australian Standards Framework levels, are also moving along the same continuum.Changes occurring within the organisation that are part of national reforms place work-ers further along the continuum and heighten the need for a change in the type of train-ing delivered in the organisation.

Integrated training programThe process of developing a worksite literacy profile which identifies the literacyrequirements of each position within the organisation provides the workplace trainerwith valuable data to develop a literacy skills program which can be integrated into themainstream organisational training program. As stated by Prince (1992b, 12)

...unless language and literacy skills development is integrated in main-stream training activities many employees may be excluded from suc-cessfully participating in workplace training for a considerable time.This seems contrary to the spirit of Award Restructuring and agreementswhich seek to establish career paths for waged employees.

The provision of separate literacy skills training prior to entry into the mainstreamprogram runs "...the risk of marginalising literacy ..." and perpetuates

...the ongoing promotion of the common but incorrect perception thatthere is a 'basic' literacy and numeracy which can and should beacquired in a nominal period of time, ... and which once acquired, willenable employees to participate effectively in all subsequent trainingopportunities.

The provision of an integrated program is in tune with adult learning theories which sug-gest that adults leam best when it is relevant and directly relates to their job.

Traditionally, training and training materials have been "...developed without ref-erence to language, literacy and numeracy levels in the workforce". They are oftendesigned in "...a form that assumes that the audience is all the same and that informationand its communication are equally accessible to all workers". (Office of MulticulturalAffairs & Dept. of Prime Minister and Cabinet, 1994a, 32, 33). To meet the needs ofworkers within the described organisation it is necessary to develop a program wheretheir literacy skill requirements are integrated into the organisation's normal training

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program. To further develop this it will be necessary to complete the work commencedin the Food Services department throughout all departments where operational workersare employed throughout the agency.

An unexpected benefit of an internal auditor completing the literacy skills auditwas the understanding of the tasks involved in each classification of employer. This alsoestablished credibility for the researcher in her role as staff development officer for thisarea, due to the time and interest shown when working with workers. This was demon-strated by comments like, "no one has ever been this interested in what we do before".The role of a worksite consultative committee and worksite trainers, where they exist,are integral to the success of literacy skills audits and the identification of needs and sup-port of a program developed from this process.

Plain EnglishResults from the data collected in the workplace reinforced Fairclough's view of "dis-course and power". The workplace researched provides an example of how profes-sionals adopt specialist vocabularies and jargon which contribute to the disempower-ment of many workers, particularly those from the operational stream.

The development of workers' literacy skills needs to be accompanied by an effortto ensure that both the spoken and written language used within the organisation isaccessible and appropriate to all of the target audience (Mawer, 1992, 21-22). Textsidentified by the participants in the audit as being difficult are often integral to employ-ees' ability to function effectively within the workplace. It was alarming to find thatdocuments such as payslips and accident reports are often difficult to understand. Areasof difficulty such as 'writing a resume' or 'understanding union and fact sheets' couldbe addressed by an organisational / industry move to produce these in 'reader friendly'terms.

CONCLUSION / SUMMARYThe researcher has described a workplace literacy program in its embryonic stages in ahospital setting. Previous attempts to provide a mainstream training and developmentprogram did not alter the organisational culture where workers at the operational levelwere disempowered by the multiple levels of professional workers which stem fromTayloristic management practices. The issues raised initially by the researcher haveformed the framework for this paper.

Do I offer two levels of training: one for professional and one for operationallevel staff? Or does this continue to perpetuate the inequities and divisionbetween levels of workers?Do I offer pre-course training or a 'bridging' course to operational level staff asa 'stepping stone' to the mainstream program?Do I offer training at the middle of both levels and run the risk of meeting no-one's needs?

The questions raised in these issues have not been answered totally by the

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research. The description of the workplace and the problems arising out of the multiplelayers of the vertical and horizontal hierarchical system suggest that a change in the cur-rent training program is a starting point to the empowerment of operational workerswithin the organisation. The criticism (Prince, 1992b, 12) of bridging training programsfor workers at the lower end of the hierarchy suggest that this will further marginalisethese staff and perpetuate the myth of literacy as a set of basic skills. The literacy skillsrequired by staff to be able to function within the organisation need to be integrated intothe mainstream staff development program.

Do I offer a workplace literacy program? And if so, to whom? Or do I offer aPlain English program to 'professional' staff?

The literacy skills audit has identified several areas of problems or needs fortraining which addresses these issues. The program should be offered to staff in thoseareas who participated in the pilot project initially, and then to those in other areas asthey are involved in the auditing process. Work place literacy audits, using the modeldeveloped for this project, should be conducted throughout the organisation in all areaswhere operational workers are employed.

The need for a Plain English program across the organisation is essential to shiftthe use of jargon and professional discourse as a means of gatekeeping and 'putting peo-ple in their places'. The issue of power and discourse as it relates to external customersof community and health services has not been explored in this paper and warrants fur-ther research.

Whose objectives am I meeting in doing this: The Training Reform Agenda's? The'disempowered' workers'? The Staff Development Officers'?

The objectives of a workplace literacy program, as outlined in the paper, are toassist people at the operational level to take on the challenges of the changing workplace,to seek further career options, to be informed about the functions of the organisation andto actively participate in organisation, industry and community development.

The fmal issue identified by the researcher is Is there really a literacy gap in theorganisation? This is dependant upon the chosen definition of literacy. If workplacetrainers adopt the definition of literacy outlined in this paper as a set of skills whichenables people to function within their own group, then to answer this I must raise somefurther questions: IfI am unable to utilise texts that I come across on a day-to-day basisin my job, am I functional? If I am unable to interpret my payslip or fill in an accidentform? I conclude that these workers are not functioning at a level were they are informedparticipants of an organisation and until they are there is a literacy gap within the organ-isation. This literacy gap can be addressed through a workplace literacy program whichis integrated into the mainstream training and development program and the organisa-tion's adoption of a Plain English program.

A further research project, which identifies texts and/or writers of workplace textswhich cause readers/users problems, needs to occur as a basis for a workplace programof Plain English.

This project started out as a means of identifying a curriculum for a workplace

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basic education program for those workers who needed to upgrade their literacy skills.As often occurs with research, the outcome of this project has gone well beyond the ini-tial ideas of the researcher. The research has identified the need for a workplace litera-cy program which is integrated into the mainstream staff development program, as wellas an organisation-wide program on Plain English.

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APPENDIX [4]Literacy Skills Audit completed in Food Distribution in the following areasFood MonitorTrolley Person7.30 a.m. - 10.30 a.m.6.30 a.m. 2.30 p.m. Gopher 1

Food assistantSupervisor

Duty statements collectedMeals on WheelsDiet DrinksLow Chol. SandwichesFood Monitor 1P.M. Food Services Assistant - supperKitchen 14.00 p.m. - 7.30 p.m. F. S. AssistantWash up 3Wash up 1Trolley PersonGopher 1 and 2A.M. Food Services Assistant

. 6.10-2.30

..6.30-2.30Distribution Supervisor a.m. & p.m.

Total number of workers = 60male = 3 female = 57 full time = 25 part-time = 18 casual = 17Percentage of job tasks observed requiring literacy skills

POSITION % of tasks requiring literacy skillsREAD WRITE SPEAK/LISTEN MATHS

7.30-10.30 Ainslie 47% 29Trolley Person 25 7 9% 15

6.30-2.30 30 30%Gopher 1 11 3 14% 7Food Monitor 77 71 37%40% 28Supervisor 93 93 27% 37

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SKILLS AUDIT

POSITION: Food Services Assistant 7.30-10.30 a.m.Job tasks observedWash up

. unstacking dishwasher

. checking and returning any dirty dishes to sink

. packing up after wash up

. dismantle dishwasherhose down floor and scrape cleannotify supervisor of any faulty equipmentclean around the food liftclean trolleysclean down belt from dishwasherDistribute lunch at Nursing Home

. dish out sweets

. fill dishwasher

. wash up dishes

. talk with residents

. count number of residents for lunch

. serve out meals

. take meal orders from residents

. notify cook of meals

POSITION: Trolley PersonJob tasks observed. collect trolleys from wards.count trolleys to check they are all in. stock up jams. check breakfast foods, stores, condiments and gloves. order stores. restock containers for sugar etc. put out rubbish. returns stores to fridge. collect ice-cream from freezer for wards. collect milk from milkroom for wards. record amount of stores collected. collect cups to take to wards. stock up ice-cream in each ward. stock up cups in each ward. record amount of ice-cream delivered. deliver ward sheets

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. take lunch trolleys to wards

. turn trolleys on

. sweeps floors in plating room

. wash mats. turn on ward trolleys

. continue sweeping floors

. clean benches

. fill up sinks

. turn off dishwasher

. clean benches/belt of rubbish

. turn wash up belt around

. tong ward trolley (i.e. place hot food on patient meal trays)

. deliver trolley to ward

. return to belt

. refill detergent bottles

. clean down trolleys

. complete stores order and collect

. empty rubbish

. copy stores order into book

. prepare late meal (following handwritten order from food monitor)

. deliver meal to ward

. put stores away

. clean dishwasher

. wash floor (hose & scrape)

. wipe down dishwasher and put back together

. assist food monitor to collect late meal

. wipe down benches

. clean sink

. remove food debris from sink

. collect laundry and 'bag'

POSITION: Food Assistant 6.30-2.30Job tasks observedwash up

. clear trays from trolleys

. empty rubbish and food scrapes into binsbag cutleryhelp tidy up after wash updistribute morning tea to patients on wardsunpack tea trolleyassist lunch time beltdistribute lunches to patients

. wait for trolley to complete heating meals

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. 'tong' meals

. deliver meals to patients

. re-arrange patients' overbed trolley to assist patient to reach meal

. assist with lunchtime drinks

POSITION: Food Assistant 6.30-3.20 Gopher 1Job tasks observedserve sweets for 'meals on wheels'clean off serving trays and take to wash upclean up around belt`bag' breadrecord food wastageset up beltbring out trolleyunpack trolley for beltask for any missing itemsstock up trolley with bread & butterset out mayonnaise sachetsput out serving utensilsstrip down drink trolley and wash in ward pantry - prepare trolley for lunchtop up sugar, Milo, etc.wash up from morning teasclean floorscheck rubbish bag and change if necessarycheck and tidy fridgetop up milk, etc.collect any late meal trays, strip and wash and leave on trolleyChildren's ward pantrycheck milkshakes and cordial jugswash out jug and make up with new flavours.

POSITION: Food MonitorJob tasks observed. check patients completed menu's against ward plan. complete details. place into ward piles. discuss with Diets person an order for Sustagen. answer phone meal orders. ring wards to confirm/clarify ward lists. work on food belt (special diets). check meals served. control food belt

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. help tidy up after belt

. alter photocopied ward list with adjusted original. check patients completed menus on wards. collect menus from patients not completed by nursing staff and adjust ward lists.. place dots on menus to indicate special diets. check menus against ward diet list.. total number of meals gone out and number of alterations.. photocopy menus. stock up on all forms. alter menu from answer machine. check trays from belt line. complete fluid list. record tally. complete list for wards. give out menus to patients and answer any queries. photocopy x 3 ward lists. write up diets and fluid lists for next day. record number of incomplete menus for wards. update menu in office. tally number of foods to prepare for each ward - using 'tally' machine -from menus ofeach meal/ward

. answer queries from other staff members re number of meals required.

. add up totals on tally sheets and record on list for kitchen

. document special orders, sandwiches, sweets etc.

. use calculator to count and recheck tally

. record requisitions taken to ward

. ring ward for meal changes

. collect patient satisfaction survey x 1 month

. interpret dietitian request on weekends.

POSITION: Distribution SupervisorJob tasks observedcheck rosterreplace staff on sick leave

ring staff to call in for replacement-complete adjustment forms-discuss with other supervisor staff available to call in- check staff's phone number in book- notify staff of change / replacement.

take change of meal order message from ward over the phonerecord and pass change on to food service assistant

record special order from ward

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alter rostersdiscuss with staff member work related injury

- investigate injury- identify report to be completed

check temperature of heated meal on ward with temperature proberecord ward and trolley number

- record temperature for each mealcheck presentation of mealsaudit pantry

- check for cleanliness and record- check supplies in fridge

record amount of milk, orange juice, bread delivered to the wardrecord sandwiches, salads, hot meals delivered to accident and emergency department.

Jobs discussed (Not observed)kitchen hygiene auditspatient satisfaction audits (six patients from three wards)day book record staff on shift to check time sheet againstrosters computer roster available from deputy manager (six weeks in advance)

- allocation of staff to wards- enlarge and allocate numbers for dishwasher belt position- record pool roster

work on belt- shunt trolleys

test and record cool room temperaturecheck time sheetsattend supervisors meeting and quality assurance meetingsset up belt.

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Askov, E. & Van Horn, B. (1993) Adult Educators and Workplace Literacy: DesigningCustomised Basic Skills Instruction. Adult Basic Education. 3:2 Summer, 1993 pp. 115-125

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HOW CAN LANGUAGE RESHAPE THEMATHEMATICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THEADULT LEARNER FROM THE INFORMALTO THE FORMAL?Toni-Anne Carroll

INTRODUCTIONIn this study I show ways in which adult learners reshape their informal everyday math-ematical knowledge into curriculum-based school mathematics. In particular, attentionis paid to how the individuals move from informal folk language into the formal dis-course of mathematics appropriate to a hierarchical context.

I have observed that there are many adult learners in our Adult Literacy and BasicEducation (ALBE) groups who demonstrate through their interests, hobbies, work tasksand home duties, a mathematical knowledge that they use every day. These adults alsoindicate that they believe that there is an inadequacy in their mathematical abilities. Theycome to classes, often anxious about studying mathematics again after many years awayfrom school and often with negative memories of that experience, with an expectationof gaining the skills required to place them on a hierarchical scale of formal mathemat-ical knowledge.

At the first meeting with a group of adult learners in ALBE I discuss conjointlywith the participants their perceived individual needs and demands. As the tutor, I amleft with the perplexing question of what I have to offer each individual and the group.There is the requirement to talk with the adult learners, to listen and to reflect. I hopethat, through this, we will build up a trusting relationship: one in which the adult learn-er recognises and voices past perceived failures and offers his or her needs and goals. Byvoicing my confidence and communicating positive expectations I hope that the adultlearners will be prepared to take risks in developing the new mathematical discourse,knowing that mistakes and attempts will be accepted and valued, and that my feedback,as well as that of other group members, will provide more encouragement and direction.

Working together as learner-teacher in a non-hierarchical group situation I hopethat we look beyond the notion of mathematics as a tool for daily survival and build onthe learner's informal mathematical knowledge to move towards a more formal andexplicit language and discourse that represents the meaning and reality of subject math-ematics. I intend the adult learners to take responsibility for their own learning throughgenerating questions, negotiation, and response to problems by immersion in the dis-course of formal mathematics.

As we progress from the real world language with its associated formal inventedstrategies to the language of the classroom, I introduce a formal mathematics languageto the adult learner which is learned, with new meanings in new contexts. These lan-guages are woven and intertwined with social and cultural aspects of mathematics edu-cation.

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LITERATURE REVIEWMathematics education is a constant and dynamic process which operates from earlychildhood to adult maturity. Language serves to present mathematics to the studentthrough school curricula and, in turn, the student can express him/herself mathematical-ly through language. We all grow to use mathematics in functional ways as our societalneeds demand, and in doing so we develop a language appropriate to the needs.

Bishop (1993) defines numeracy as "the mathematical knowledge needed byevery citizen to empower them for life in that society" (p. 148). Bishop finds that numer-acy sits within a certain societal context and different societies demand differentnumeracies (pp. 147-158). If numeracy is culturally based and socially situated, asBishop argues, then the alienation from school mathematics becomes more defmite interms of how numeracy is assessed and its value in the real world. The school mathe-matics curriculum K-12, with all the developments of recent arcades, is still essentiallytechnique-oriented, based around procedures, methods, skills, rules and algorithms(Bishop, 1988:7).

Typically, our school curricula follow a definition of mathematics along similarlines to that of Bradshaw and others:

The term mathematics in the generic sense relates to the numerical and spatialactivities including the use of calculators, estimation, appreciation of shapes,size, direction and measurement; problem-solving and logical reasoning; andthe interpretation and language of mathematical data and information(Bradshaw, Evans, Tout, Treloar & Waterhouse, 1989:2). However, Willisstates that, "Being numerate, at the very least, is about being able to use math-ematics - at work, at home, and for participation in community or civic life"(Willis, 1993:84).From the hierarchical and systematic environment of previous decades has

emerged a generation of adult learners, enriched with life experience, who measure suc-cess in mathematics as being able to obtain accurate answers to mechanical problems oneach step of an inflexible ladder. In doing so, these students have endured much bore-dom and are often left with the legacy of low self-esteem and feeling anxious about fur-ther study in mathematics.

Bishop argues that we can remove the fear of and failure in becoming numeratefrom our adult learners by emphasising their strengths and existing competencies(1993:147). Further to this, Bishop develops the concept of 'ethnomathematics', withinwhich he focuses on (a) mathematical knowledge in traditional societies,(b) mathematical developments in non-western cultures, and (c) the mathematicalknowledge of different groups in society (1993:151).

In his study, Bishop states, "... all mathematical knowledge which has been doc-umented in different societies is analysable into six main categories: counting, locating,measuring, designing, playing, explaining" (1993:151). Within each societal domain,we find adults who have been deemed failures in the school culture and yet they operateefficiently and competently in all these activities.

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When these adults return to the school-based society in order to gain further qual-ifications or personal achievements ALBE staff need to bridge the gap that existsbetween their cultural and societal knowledge and the institutional and pedagogicalrequirements. Willis states, "Many people do feel quite powerless in the presence ofmathematical ideas and this kind of powerlessness has been systematically reinforced inour culture which sees mathematics as accessible to a talented few" (1990:17). Bishopdiscusses the process of "mathematical enculturation" (Bishop, 1988) which takes sig-nificant account of the social context of the learner and through interpersonal and inter-actional activities enables the learning to become formal, institutionalised and account-able.

Much emphasis has been placed in the past on the mathematics student eventual-ly becoming a user, and the need for mathematics to have a functional nature, modelledon everyday tasks such as shopping, budgeting and home improvements. Mathematicsin this way is regarded as a tool for daily survival. In this study, however, I am interest-ed in the situation where an adult, a storehouse of life experience and unrecognisedinformal mathematical knowledge, reverses the process and wishes to gain access to theinstitutionalised, curriculum-based qualifications which deem a person 'successful' inmathematics in order to gain access to pre-vocational training or further education.Typically, such a student would be enrolling in a Grade 10 syllabus Mathematics courseconducted by Adult Education, lacking the formal language of mathematics which isoften symbolic and specific with new word meanings in new contexts. Too often the sys-tematic universality of mathematical truths can sometimes become the focus of schoolsyllabuses, and this may alienate the individuality of the learner if there is not regard tosocial and cultural contexts.

School mathematics is a complex pedagogical process that incorporates manylanguage and learning theories. Bickmore -Brand nominates several strands of pedagog-ical ideas which represent consistency across the various theories (1990:2):1. context; whereby there is a meaningful and relevant context for the transmission of

knowledge, skills and values.2. modelling; where the student has the opportunity to see the knowledge skills and val-

ues in operation by a 'significant' person.3. scaffolding; where the student is challenged to go beyond current thinking.4. metacognition; where the learning processes which are occurring in the classroom are

made explicit.5. responsibility; where the student can accept increasingly more responsibility for his

or her learning.6. community; in which is created a supportive classroom environment, where students

are free to take risks and be part of a shared context. (Bickmore-Brand, 1990:1-9).While centred on school-learning for the child, the Bickmore -Brand study has importantimplications for the adult learner in a mathematics classroom.

Placing the mathematical teaching of new concepts in context is particularly rel-evant to the adult learner. In a study of mathematic tasks in a range of eleven classrooms,

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both primary and secondary, Marks and Mous ley found that the communication of math-ematics in the classroom became increasingly divorced from the real world as the stu-dent progressed through the hierarchy, and that students were generally not encouragedto bring their worldly experiences to the classroom or to communicate them mathemat-ically (Marks & Mousley, 1989:142-148). Further, Marks and Mousley report that therewere "very few opportunities for students to talk, create or record non-algorithmic math-ematical ideas" (p. 145).

Here lies the key to unlocking one door of adult mathematical learning. An AdultEducation tutor must encourage the adult learner to express him/herself mathematically.Mathematics is embedded in so many aspects of daily living and in a wide variety ofeveryday tasks. In a report on Adult Education, Bradshaw and others state:

Selecting appropriate contexts for learning is an essential part of integratedteaching. Contexts for learning can arise from an area of particular interest,an everyday function or an issue of concern to students. The context pro-vides a focus and purpose for literacy and numeracy activities, and the useof real language and mathematics (Bradshaw et al., 1989:63).

So many mathematics resources in a syllabus are quite decontextualised in scriptand setting. More often than not, assessment at Grade 10 level is still by the perceivedability of the student to work through a set of problems, which are coded in highly spe-cialised words and symbols, and deriving answers from processes which bear little rele-vance to the student's experience. According to Bickmore-Brand, "The 'context' strandrecognises as a feature of mathematics genres that are largely decontextualised, and thatin order for children to assimilate concepts embedded in these mathematical texts theteacher must start where the child is at" (Bickmore -Brand, 1990:7). Bishop argues that,"Even if content is specified by a curriculum, the context for activities and tasks is opento choice by teacher and students" (Bishop, 1993:154).

As Willis says, "numeracy is about using mathematics", (Willis, 1993:85) and itis within the context of the various uses of mathematics such as counting, measuring anddesigning, that the adult should be learning and developing the language of mathemat-ics. Bradshaw and colleagues observe that, "For any contextually specific material, therewill be some students for whom the context is unfamiliar or to whom it does not appeal.The student for whom this is the case may not benefit from that particular activity"(Bradshaw et al., 1989:64). Context alone does not ensure that the adult learner willtransfer new acquired knowledge or language to other appropriate situations.

Bickmore-Brand discusses the need for the teacher and student to jointly recon-struct situations where a new concept can be used in a way that is relevant to the student.(Bickmore -Brand, 1990:3). Together they can then generate the underlying rule whichaccompanies that concept or operation. In this partnership the adult has the opportunityfor 'modelling', according to the Bickmore-Brand concept (1990:2).

If we move away from a routine, procedural method of mathematics teachingthen we move towards a holistic, process approach, which is more appropriate to theadult learner. Bickmore-Brand and Gawned discuss the concept of scaffolding for

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improved mathematical understanding (Bickmore -Brand & Gawned, 1990:43-58). Theterm 'scaffolding' first came from work by Vygotsky (1962), based on the traditionaldidactic approach, where there are clearly designated mentor and learner roles. In thelearning context the dyad provides the instructional opportunity which enhances thelearning process.

Another researcher in the Bickmore -Brand and Gawned model (Bickmore-Brandand Gawned, 1990:44) is Cambourne (1988) who sees the student's responsibility forextracting any instructional potential from a situation as having greater impact in thelearning process than any direct instruction from a teacher. The Bickmore -Brand andGawned (1990) model cuts across both natural language learning theories. They stressthe need for flexibility in scaffolding: "At time the role will be traditional with the childbeing the learner and the adult being the teacher and at others the child will take on thelead and use the teacher's language while the adult is more passive and non-directive"(Bickmore -Brand, 1990b:46).

In the discourse of the classroom then, there will be connections between lan-guage, power and ideology (Fairclough, 1989:5). Fairclough describes the discourseview of language as a form of social practice with the following implications: "Firstly,that language is a part of society, and not somehow external to it. Secondly, that lan-guage is a social process. And thirdly, that language is a socially conditioned process,conditioned that is by other (non-linguistic) parts of society" (Fairclough, 1989:22).

Scaffolding is the practice of building on what the child appears to know in orderto stretch the child to the next stage of development (Bickmore-Brand & Gawned,1990:43). In relation to this study on adult learning, scaffolding would then mean build-ing onto the adult's current knowledge and perspectives of mathematical language inorder to develop a new appropriate formal language. In order for this to be effective theremust be mutual understanding between tutor and student as to the requirements anddirections for further understanding.

Camboume outlines what he sees as the most common interactions in scaffold-ing:

focusing on a gap which the learner needs,extending the learner by challenging and modifying the student's control ofwhat he or she is trying to learn,refocusing on the learning need, andredirecting by offering new information if there is a discrepancy between thelearner's intent and the teacher's expectations (Camboume, 1988:117).

Bickmore-Brand and Gawned conclude by stating that "scaffolding should consist of ablend of focus questions interspersed with comments, information, suggestions andmodelling of metacognitive language and the language of the task" (Bickmore-Brand &Gawned, 1990:54).

In her description of the pedagogical states which comprise school mathematicslearning, Bickmore -Brand discusses the concept of `metacognition', or the notion ofmaking explicit the learning processes which are occurring in the classroom (1990:2).

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Through the experience of using mathematics and finding new methods to solve prob-lems, students can discover how the skill or concept can be used in one situation, suchas a real world context with which they are familiar, and how then this can be transferredto other situations immediately. Much of this process involves making choices aboutmethods which are appropriate in different circumstances.

Vygotsky, when referring to the cultural, professional and civic world of adultsobserves

If the milieu presents no such tasks to the adolescent, makes no newdemands on him [sic] and does not stimulate his intellect by providing asequence of new goals, his thinking fails to reach the highest stages, orreaches them with great delay (Vygotsky, 1962:108).

Willis argues that "Students should learn to recognise when mathematics might be use-ful and what is the more appropriate mathematics in the given circumstances" (Willis,1990:10). Adult learning, therefore, should present the student with complex activitiesin which all the basic concepts and methods can be trialled and investigated. Throughthis process, the adult learner will develop an increasingly complex mathematicalknowledge and language.

Integral to the development of mathematical knowledge and language is thenotion that the learner takes ownership of the learning. Using their own experiences,adult learners can generate their own investigations. They can utilise the willingness towork on problems in order to fmd satisfactory solutions. With a purpose for pursuing aparticular line of study, the adult learner will take more responsibility for his/her learn-ing. In order for this to happen, however, the tutor must provide a supportive environ-ment where plenty of time is allowed to explore a medium or activity, and where the stu-dent is prepared to take risks and step out beyond his/her field of known comfort.

In this study, I show how the strands of complex pedagogical theories as outlinedpreviously may be applied to the reshaping of informal everyday mathematical languageinto the formal mathematics language of the classroom. Classroom mathematics lan-guage is highly complex, often specialised, consisting of carefully defined symbols thatrepresent fundamental concepts. So often the students' understanding of mathematics isdependent upon their knowledge of mathematics as a language (Millar, 1993:311). Thelanguage of mathematics can be considered as a semiotic system (Halliday, 1975:61).Other theory and research relevant to the relationship between language developmentand the learning of mathematics is by Vygotsky, who states, "Word meanings aredynamic rather than static formations. They change as the child develops, they changealso with the various ways in which thought functions" ( Vygotsky, 1962:124).

Written language is used in mathematics to externalise thought in a relatively sta-ble form and is often formal on all levels of the semiotic system. Spoken language, how-ever, is more likely to be informal. Halliday argues,

It is wrong, therefore, to think of the written language as highly organised,structured and complex while the spoken language is disorganised, frag-mentary, and simple. The spoken language is every bit as highly organised

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as the written, and is capable of just as great a degree of complexity. Onlyit is complex in a different way (Halliday, 1985:87).

Talking is central to the process of moving from the informal folk language of our adultlearners to the refined formal language of the classroom. In this study I investigate howvarious forms of discourse enable adult learners to use their own language in the learn-ing of mathematics and then to move into the formal language.

Halliday describes the linguistic notion of register as "a set of meanings that isappropriate to a particular function of language, together with the words and structureswhich express these meanings" (Halliday, 1975:65). In mathematics language there aremany specialised words forming the vocabulary which have no direct meaning in otherregisters. Millar observes that "Many mathematical words represent concepts and notobjects" (Millar, 1993:312). Examples of such words which have no equivalent mean-ing in other registers would be 'quotient' and 'factor'. Another particular linguistic chal-lenge of mathematics education is that of lexical ambiguity, which relates to the ambigu-ous use of words across different semiotic systems.

In their study of primary and secondary classrooms, Marks and Mousley foundthat language was not used as a major vehicle for exploring mathematical concepts andthat "students scarcely produced any language of their own about the mathematics theywere doing" (Marks & Mousley, 1989:146). Further, Marks and Mousley found thatgenerally there was an imbalanced one-way communication of ideas, "where studentswere receivers, rather than creative users of mathematical language" (1989:146). Millarargues that empowerment of the student is achieved by making the connection betweenthe language used to teach mathematics and the student's construction of mathematicalknowledge (Millar, 1993:311). Millar states "without an understanding of the vocabu-lary that is used routinely in mathematics instruction, textbooks, and word problems,students are handicapped in their efforts to learn mathematics" (Millar, 1993:312). As atutor I must be able to introduce and use the specialised mathematic vocabulary as a partof classroom discourse, so that the students in turn will begin to express themselves,through speaking and writing, in this new language. Millar states this is in the words,"The link between the passive reception and active expression of mathematics is lan-guage" (Millar, 1993:316).

In concluding their study, Marks and Mousley found, "If communication ofmathematics ideas is not to be a special kind of communication accessible only to thosewho know a special code, teachers need to teach a range of genres throughout the school-ing process" (Marks & Mousley, 1989:156). Appropriate genres in adult education needto cover the various purposes for using mathematical language such as describing,explaining, designing and predicting situations. Gawned has described a multi-levelmodel of the language of mathematics. Within this continuum model, Gawned has iden-tified four specific language of mathematics components:1. the language of reasoning or problem-solving2. the language of the mathematics curriculum3. activity-specific language

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4. the literacy of mathematics (Gawned, 1990:32).Within this study I am interested in how the adult develops the language of the

mathematics curriculum in particular; the other components are mutually inclusive. Thelanguage of reasoning is often complex, and the role of the scaffolder or model is impor-tant. Activity-specific language refers to the purposes and genres appropriate to a task.The literacy of mathematics is concerned with the representation and recording of math-ematical problems and events.

Cassar-Patty states, "We cannot separate the teaching of facts and concepts fromteaching students how to use appropriate vocabulary, how to write for a purpose and howto understand what they are reading" (Cassar-Patty, 1990:9). So, in this study I exposethe adult to a wide range of discourse which involves both oral and written communica-tion as well as other language forms. As Willis observes,

Students need experience of the use of mathematical concepts and skills ina range of contexts and with tasks which vary from the relatively familiar tothe unfamiliar, from the structured to the unstructured, so that they come tosee that part of the power of mathematics lies in the potential for particularideas to be used in many different situations (Willis, 1990:10).

In addressing the question of how language can reshape the mathematical knowl-edge of the adult learner from the informal to the formal, I base the study around thethemes identified as relevant to this issue, in particular, ethnomathematics, pedagogicalideas, power relations and specific linguistic complexities.

METHODOLOGYThis study was conducted with adult students engaged in two ALBE courses. A 'Mathsat Work' group comprised a heterogeneous community of adults, ranging in age from20-50 years, who had the common purpose of improving their numeracy skills. Most hadbeen referred to ALBE through employment agencies and none had previously attendedan adult numeracy class. Some of the participants intended from the outset to enrol in aGrade 10 Certificate course at the completion of this 10-week course. The other groupin the study was the current Grade 10 Maths class, which again comprised a mixture ofages and experience.

In investigating how language can reshape the mathematical knowledge of theadult learner, there must firstly be evidence that there exists good functional numeracyskills comprising mathematical knowledge in the participants in an ALBE class. In thisstudy I sought such evidence based on Bishop's notion that mathematical knowledge isanalysable into six main categories: counting, locating, measuring, designing, playingand explaining (Bishop, 1993:151). Firstly, I detailed four case studies which provideda basis for such evidence. As a data base I used transcripts of classroom conversations,personal journal-writing, written reports on topics where a process approach wasemployed and transcripts of course evaluation questionnaires. I grouped data into thebroad categories outlined by Bishop (1993:151).

If the data collected and analysed according to Bishop provided the baseline evi-

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dence that there existed mathematical knowledge in an informal sense in the adult learn-ers, then there must have been further evidence that pedagogical processes were reshap-ing this knowledge into the formal mathematical language appropriate to completing aGrade 10 certificate course. Such pedagogical processes have been outlined byBickmore-Brand (1990:2) and in this study I analysed classroom discourse using aHeritage (1984) approach, and examined the results for evidence of context, modelling,scaffolding and metacognition. Integrated with these strands of pedagogical processesare the requirements of the ownership of learning by the individual and the sense of com-munity of the adult study group in which any individual is prepared to take risks andattempt to surpass boundaries in a comfortable environment supported by teacher andclassmates. Evidence was sought in classroom discourse for such features.

In this study I applied conversation analysis (Heritage, 1984) to the pedagogicalprocesses taking place, with particular emphasis on the orientation of three-partsequences or triads, in which a question is responded to and in turn evaluated. Heritagestates, "Rather, conversation analysis represents a general approach to the analysis ofsocial action which can be applied to an extremely varied array of topics and problems"(Heritage, 1984:291). Each transcript of conversation was analysed in relation to con-text and structure.

Woven through these pedagogical processes, which are reshaping the mathemat-ical knowledge, are power relations which can be analysed according to a Faircloughapproach in which the relationship between texts, processes and their social conditionsare determined (Fairclough, 1989:24). Fairclough argues that in discourse power is exer-cised and enacted, whist on the other hand, there are relations of power behind discourse."In both cases, power is won, held and lost in social struggles" (Fairclough, 1989:73).Using a Fairclough approach I looked at the power relationships that existed within theALBE group. In particular, I studied where traditional didactic teaching involving ateacher-pupil relationship existed and whether there were more dialectical alternatives.Does the class discourse lose direction if the teacher relinquishes his/her dominant role,and do other pedagogical processes come into play?

Finally, if the pedagogical processes have reshaped the mathematical knowledgeof the adult learner, then there must have been evidence of the new formal discourse ofmathematics within the language used by the ALBE students. If this was so, then thereshould have been evident examples of a new semiotic system employed by students intheir spoken and written language. Through conversation analysis of classroom andinterview transcripts, and discourse analysis of written reports, journals and evaluationsusing a Halliday (1975) approach, I demonstrated that the ALBE students engaged inthis course have developed a complex formal language with specialised words and sym-bols not found in other registers. Some data consisted of direct questionnaire results,where the student was asked to give the meanings to some words directly, or to choosean appropriate meaning for a mathematical statement from a list of alternatives. Suchmethods were employed to analyse specific linguistic features such as lexical ambigui-ty and the use of mathematical words in new contexts.

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I envisaged that such a broad range of analytical methods would give an encom-passing answer to the question of "How can language reshape the mathematical knowl-edge of the adult learner from the informal to the formal?"

DESCRIPTION OF RESULTSIn this chapter I present data which is later analysed, according to a broad range of meth-ods, addressing the question of "How can language reshape the mathematical knowledgeof the adult learner from the informal to the formal?".

Section A - EthnomathematicsFirstly, through case studies, I demonstrate the depth of mathematical knowledge, albeitinformal, that exists within a group of ALBE students. When an adult enrols in an ALBEcourse, he/she has normally set certain goals. These may be quite specific, or indeed,very vague. Often the adults are long-term unemployed and have been referred to thecourse by employment agencies. Even so, their goals are mostly far removed fromobtaining immediate employment opportunities. For many it is self-esteem solely, forothers it is a gateway to further courses. An examination of the goals and purposes forenrolling in an ALBE course reveals much about how the adult learner is already a store-house of complicated, but informal, mathematical knowledge.

Case Study 1 (David, aged 24, single)David left school at 16 with ambitions in horticulture. He was unable to gain a place ina pre-apprenticeship TAFE course, but was fortunate to commence employment at a hos-pital soon thereafter, initially as a kitchen-hand. David, now aged 24 and an OrdinanceOfficer at the same hospital, has built and furnished a house and bought a car, with lit-tle borrowing. Whilst David's perceived skills in Mathematics at Grade 10 level may nothave been sufficient to gain an apprenticeship, he has a numeracy knowledge and lan-guage that obviously serves him well in everyday life. However, he indicated that therewas an inadequacy in his abilities and came to the course with an expectancy, in hiswords, "to gain better understanding of maths and work and life skills".

David recognises that Maths is not an isolated skill that needs fine-tuning, but hasthe depth of experience to recognise that learning processes are relevant to life experi-ences and the building of a framework which encourages greater skills and knowledgeacquisition. David is ready to engage in a new learning situation.

Case Study 2 (Rosie, aged 40, single mother)Q. When did you last study Maths?A. 25 years ago.Q. What are your 'good' feelings about doing this course?A. To learn more about division, percentage, fractions.Q. What are your 'bad' feelings about doing this course?A. Hoping to understand these things.

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Q. What do you hope to learn or achieve from this course?A. The achievement of doing these will be a great help.

Rosie is a single mother of two primary-school-age children. She copes very wellwith running an organised home, including all domestic chores and maintaining a stricthome budget. Rosie is interested in cake-making and decorating and is often asked toprovide wedding cakes or other specialty cakes. Yet in the questionnaire, Rosie is quitespecific about her goals for the course; division, percentage and fractions. She uses thesemathematical terms clothed in her layers of maths anxiety. These words describe con-cepts which she feels she must understand and yet they are processes she would be usingdaily and competently in her personal and home life. Rosie has put up certain barriers toher learning from the outset, as she sees these concepts as being quite specific andlearned.

Case Study 3 (Chris, aged mid-40s)Chris is married and the father of six children aged from infancy through to early teens.Chris is unemployed and has spent much time at home attending to the domestic choresof an extremely busy household. He also supports his wife's interest in genealogy. Fromhis journal, Chris writes,

Everything was basic when I attended school.... I was in one of the lowlyrated classes, as the teachers thought it to be hopeless to try and teach meanything.Thinking back, I would have to agree with them. I certainly wasn't the sortof student that would cause a teacher to want to rush to school to teach me.It is amazing how quick one will learn when it comes to handling his/herown money, I know I did. A supermarket is a great place to do this, addingup - I think I did all my training in them. I learned a lot from doing the shop-ping and still do.You can only learn so much from a supermarket. What was to happen to mein the past twelve months was unforeseeable.I was introduced to Adult Education. This was something I would not havegave a second thought of entering. Things change though, you don't getmany second chances, so when I got mine I grasped it with open arms. Ithough it would be a chance to achieve what I'd failed to achieve first timeround.I have completed an English course, I am now nearing the end of a Mathscourse.When I have completed them, I will be able to sit back and say at least I gavemy best, even if I don't pass, I will know I gave all I had to give.

Chris certainly did give his best: At the end of the year he received OutstandingAchievement (OA) in both Certificate Maths and Certificate English at the Grade 10 lev-els offered. Chris pays some recognition to the informal mathematical knowledge thathe had prior to entering the course, but he has the desire to learn more beyond 'super-

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market maths'. He expresses the desire to formalise his mathematical knowledge.

Case Study 4 (Lesley, aged mid-40s)Lesley is a grandmother, and also the mother of a four-year-old child. She is an inter-esting character who is confident, and will voice her knowledge, her goals and any prob-lems with ease. Lesley was referred to ALBE through a disabilities program. She hassuffered epilepsy throughout her life and consequently missed much of her early formaleducation. The epilepsy is now controlled by medication, although Lesley has problemsworking with computer displays and other visual learning aids.

Lesley has many achievements to her name. She is an expert knitter and makesgarments on commission. She enjoys cooking and caters for many functions from a com-munity centre. She is proud of the fact that she once catered at a civic reception for thethen Prime Minister's wife, Mrs Hazel Hawke. She also catered in recent years for herown wedding and this involved such tasks as estimation, quantifying, budgeting andordering.

I first asked the question, "How can language reshape the mathematical knowl-edge of the adult learner from the informal to the formal?" after I had spent many hoursworking with Lesley and attempting to focus on her needs and perceived gaps in herlearning.

Lesley enrolled in 1994 in an ALBE Grade 10 Certificate course that I was con-ducting. After a few weeks of struggling with the syllabus requirements, Lesley decidedto leave the course. This was a great disappointment to me, because at this stage I hadrecognised numeracy skills and mathematical knowledge that surpassed the averageALBE student who managed the course quite comfortably. Further discussions withLesley convinced me that here was an adult who had almost everything to achieve excel-lent results at Grade 10 level: She had a wealth of life experience, she had commitmentto the course and a willingness to learn, she had a working knowledge of mathematicsthat was immeasurably sophisticated and yet she lacked the language that could reshapethis knowledge into a formal syllabus-based subject mathematics which could be recog-nised and measured.

After withdrawing from the Certificate Grade 10 Maths course, Lesley laterenrolled with me in an ALBE "Maths at Work" course, where we worked togetherthrough many pedagogical processes to reshape her mathematical knowledge. I detailmuch of Lesley's conversation and learning in the following chapter. Lesley is nowenrolled in the 1995 Grade 10 Certificate Maths course.

This cross-section of adult learners represented in the case-studies provided abase for analysis of the range of mathematical abilities and processes comprising theinformal mathematical knowledge existing in our society.

Section B - Pedagogical processesIn earlier chapters I discussed the strands of pedagogical processes that Bickmore -Brandhas nominated in her discussions of mathematical education: context, modelling, scaf-

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folding, metacognition, responsibility and community (Bickmore-Brand, 1990:1-9). Inthe following chapter I analyse conversation from classroom transcripts, within thesestrands, using a Heritage (1984) approach, to establish whether or not pedagogicalprocesses are reshaping the existing informal mathematical knowledge.

Section C - Power RelationsWithin the various discourses that I have examined in the ALBE numeracy classes, thereare a number of power relations existing which can affect the way in which language willreshape the informal mathematical language. Some of these power relations are high-lighted in this study and analysed with regard to situational context (Fairclough,1989:146), the participants and the establishment of social order. Particular attention ispaid to the role of language in the analysis of power relations.

Section D - A New LanguageGiven that there has been a reshaping of the informal mathematical knowledge of theadult learner through a variety of pedagogical processes, then there should have beenevidence of a new formal language employed by the ALBE students. In this section Ialso present some data which is later analysed with regard to its linguistic features toshow whether or not there has been a new language learnt by the adults in the study.

In response to a questionnaire, Lesley gave the following replies:Ql. Have you always understood the language used in the class?A. No such as volume, I thought it was a knob to turn up and down the TV sound.Q2. What words, ideas, or symbols were completely new to you?A. perimeter, volume, metric measures, it pi, area.Q3. Have you now changed your language at all? For example, do you use new words

now?A. Yes, now I ask for 320 g sliced meat. I knit jumpers and cardigans for my daugh-

ter. I know what size chest she now takes in metric measurements. I only knewinches, feet, yards and miles.

Q4. Are there words, symbols or ideas that you still do not understand?A. Yes, but as yet I haven't come across them as I haven't done geometry. Rhombus

sometime I might learn the meaning of these words.Another ALBE student, Jack, gave the following definitions in a questionnaire:

sum: the amount of moneyquotient: the price to cut the lawnangle: do not knowfraction: starting to understand the meaning of themfactor: do not knowperimeter: do not knowmeasure: length of timbermetre: the measurement of a straight line.

In the following section these results are analysed on the basis of a change in lan-

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guage register and other lexical features.

DATA ANALYSISSection A - EthnomathematicsThe existing informal mathematical knowledge of the ALBE students is analysedaccording to Bishop's categories of counting, locating, measuring, designing, playingand explaining (Bishop, 1993:151).

1. CountingMany of the everyday tasks with which adults are familiar involve counting. The casestudies in the previous chapter provide examples of where counting is employed infamiliar situations: Chris talks about the maths that is learnt in supermarkets. Anotheradult, Robyn, responds to the course evaluation questionnaire question,Q. Have you noticed that your skills in numeracy have improved in everyday life?A. "No, not really, In everyday life the only maths I use is adding (grocery items ormoney) or my tables, which I have never forgotten since primary school."Robyn probably underrates her 'everyday maths', but recognises the need for countingin her survival tasks.

An interesting example of the use of counting is noted in the discussion below,where an adult has developed a conversion system from imperial to metric systems,based on known contexts, using informal mathematics. (The numbers on the left-handside are transcript references.)100 Tutor: 3/4 of a kilogram is taken from 1 kilogram and 200 grams?101 Jody: 225102 Lesley: No, 450 grams103 Tutor: 450. How did you get that? How did you work that one out?104 Lesley: Because 75 is 3/4. So I said 3/4 of the kilogram is 750.105 Tutor: Right.106 Lesley: Because, you're coming back to the knitting see.

3.75 me needles you know.It all bounces back on that. Well 3/4. You buy your needles 7 3/4.

107 Tutor: Right?108 Lesley: See. And so I just take the, like, urn, like there's 25, then 50, then

75. They're my measurements right. So I just take that away fromthe 1,200.

109 Jack: She's got ways of doing things, hasn't she?110 Tutor: She certainly has!

Firstly, in statement 100, the tutor asks a direct question using appropriate math-ematics (metric) terms. In 101, a student gives an incorrect answer. Quite promptly,Lesley gives a correct and complete answer, using correct unit terms (102). This 100,101, 102 triad is an interesting initiation-response-evaluation sequence in that the tutorinitiates the question, which in turn is responded to by a student, but the evaluation

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comes immediately from another student, Lesley, who is quite confident in her answer.However, the tutor offers another challenge (103) by asking Lesley how she came towork that out. Responses 104-108 provide this unique, yet quite functional, countingsystem that Lesley has developed and employs. If a knitting needle in the imperial sys-tem is measured as a 7 3/4 and this corresponds to a 3.75 metric system unit, then Lesleyis attempting to argue that 3/4 corresponds to 75, so 1/2 (counting backwards) would be50 and 1/4 is 25. Whilst this explanation is very difficult for anyone else to understand(note Jack's comment in 109), Lesley has given an interesting example, in her ownwords, of an informal but sound counting system which she is able to extend and employin other situations.

2. LocatingOne popular activity in my ALBE classes is orienteering. The course is over varied ter-rain, and a detailed map shows such features as sealed and unsealed roads, tracks, reser-voirs, recreation areas, densely wooded and open areas, as well as contours and bearings.As an introduction to the course, time is spent using a compass and learning how to ori-ent the map according to landmarks, and measure the distance between points. Lesleycompleted the course very efficiently, leading her group so that they marked all pointsand finished well ahead of others. I observed, working with this particular group, thatLesley ignored the compass and used only a map. When I questioned her further on thisshe said, "Well you get to know these things. I mean I've lived on the West Coast andyou just get to know tracks and clues and what it all means on a map. You don't need acompass - you just need to know what all the lines and things mean. Like, you have to,you know."

Lesley's skills in locating points on a map were certainly learned, but learnedfrom necessity. Locating was a survival skill learnt the hard way on Tasmania's ruggedWest Coast, not with a compass in the classroom.

Lesley once explained to me that she could work out how far from the city cen-tre she lived by counting the old Post Office buildings. On further questioning Lesleyinformed me that all the Post Offices were once built one mile apart from the city cen-tre, and if there wasn't a Post Office there was a mile post or toll gate, so you could usethese to work out the distance from the centre to a locality.

3. MeasuringDuring a classroom activity I posed the problem, "Estimate how long the passage is".Lesley's reply was "18.9 m".Q. How did you do it?A. "My shoe".Q. How could you check this without accurately measuring?A. "My shoe is long".Lesley developed a system for her group to use for measuring lengths. This still requiredsome sound mathematical knowledge such as metric units, but which demonstrates an

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informal use of measurement.Another example of measuring that Lesley provided us with was the 'cold sliced

meat' example. Lesley had mentioned that she had no need for metric weights becauseshe used her thumb and finger to show the supermarket assistant how much meat sheneeded. I followed this up in class with a process method on weighing cold sliced meat.Some of the discussion given below outlines the informal mathematical knowledge thatis very appropriate to Lesley in this situation.35 Tutor: Alright, How, how much sliced meat would you, would you buy when

you go to the shop?36 Lesley: Me? That much (indicating with her thumb and finger).37 Tutor: That much.38 Lesley: Yeah, and if it's like, um, if you're going to eat any more, it all depends,

but just for sandwiches, that much.49 Tutor: That's plenty, alright. How, how many grams do you think are in there?50 Lesley: Oh, I've got no idea, it's that much. It's hard weighing that much. (A

practical session followed using a scale to measure the actual weight.)84 Tutor: So Lesley, what are you going to ask for next time you go in?85 Lesley: That much ham (indicates with fingers).88 Lesley: I'll just say I want a good handful (long pause). You see, you get to

know this. I mean if I went in and asked them for 355 grams of cold cutmeat, it's going to be a waste that meat that's over because when I takeit home they can make their sandwiches up in the week the amount theywant. There's going to be meat left over, so I'm going to have to eat iton my way home on the bus, aren't I?, and then I'm back to my normalamount. I've got it down to a tee, and that's just enough for them fortheir sandwiches.

89 Tutor: So you don't need to weigh it?90 Lesley: It confuses me weights. The only time I use weights, well I don't even

weigh myself any more, is to cook.Lesley demonstrates that she has no need for any concepts such as scale, metric mea-surement and costing.

4. DesigningUsing graph paper, I asked my ALBE students to design a garden. Initially I didn't askfor actual measurements. Later class activities included calculating measurements andcosting the materials required. Two examples of student comments on design are givenbelow.Rosie: Garden is split into three levels with steps leading to each. First level has

clothesline, shrubs around the edge with stepping stone with rose bushes oneither side. Second level has barbecue area with table and chairs plus poolThird level has swing, herb garden; each level has a rock edging near the steps.

Lesley: I have made a vegie, fruit and herb garden and it is in three parts. I have all the

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vegies in one part, herbs in another and fruit in the last part. I have includedmany shaded parts as children play in my yard. I have a sandpit, BBQ area.

Without formal mathematical knowledge, Rosie and Lesley have demonstratedthat they are able to design a garden appropriate to their needs, within the constraints ofthe graph paper. This informal process was later developed with concepts such as scale,metric measurement and costing.

5. PlayingAs a result of some friendly rivalry and classroom interactions early in the course, the1994 ALBE Grade 10 Maths group entered a team in the local Indoor Cricket Roster,providing an excellent example of Maths at work. Some, including the tutor, never didunderstand the intricacies of the scoring system, but we all relied on John, our captainand organiser, to lead us in this effort. Amongst any ALBE group, one is likely toencounter the expert darts player, indoor cricketer, card hand or even home televisionsports viewer, who demonstrates the informal, and often complicated, working mathe-matical knowledge required for games and sports.

6. ExplainingDuring a fairly dry session on the decimal system, particularly place value, the follow-ing discussion took place:11 Tutor: Are you familiar at all with the decimal system and the places after a dec-

imal point?...(Long silence). No, okay....If something is written as 1.256(demonstrates on board) that means ...its one whole number, 2 tenths, 5hundredths, and what would the 6 ...be then? (Further discussion contin-ues on place value).

16 . Lorraine: I know, I know, um, it in, urn, dollars and that.17 . Tutor:. Right. So if you had, for example, one dollar, twenty-five okay, that

...means you've got one unit, one dollar unit and how many cents ...haveyou got?

18 . Lorraine: 25 cents.19 . Tutor:. 25 cents....So the 20, the 2 means that you've got twenty parts out of a

hundred, ...and the 5 means you've got another 5 parts out of a hundred.Right....That's the tenths, so 2 tens make twenty and 5 parts out of a hun-dred....25 out of a hundred....So, when you're reading a decimal placeyou can read it to the last ...decimal place, so here the last decimal placeis in the thousandths, so ...you say its 256 out of a thousand.

Through this discussion, Lorraine has used a known context, dollars and cents, to con-jointly provide an explanation, with the tutor, of the decimal system and place value.Lorraine's informal knowledge of dollars and cents provided a basis for explaining amore detailed formal topic.

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Section B - Analysis of pedagogical processes1. ContextThe previously discussed "cold sliced meat" study provides an example of a familiarcontext used as a pedagogical process with the ALBE group. After Lesley had shown thegroup the amount of meat that she required, the following discussion too place:45. Jack: Now, how much is that going to weigh? ...How much is that going to

weigh?46. Lesley: That's going to be enough for sandwiches.47. Tutor: Is that enough?48. Lesley: Yes, That's plenty.49. Tutor: That's plenty, alright ...How, how many grams do you think are in there?50. Lesley: Oh, I've got no idea, it's that much....It's hard weighing that much.51. Jack: 25352. Tutor: 253 grams, alright....253 grams. ...Any other guesses? Any other guess-

es?53. Background: No, no.54. Tutor: Have a go.55. Jack: About two forty.56. Tutor: About two forty....Larry, how much do you think would be there?...Do

you buy cold meat? ...How much do you think would be there?57. Larry: I wouldn't have a clue.58. Tutor: Wouldn't have a clue. Alright....Anyone?59. Lorraine: I buy about four slices....That's all I ask for.

Jack's question in 45 is an interesting opening point to this analysis. Jack has pre-dicted the purpose of a discussion which up until now has been dialogue only betweenthe tutor and Lesley. Jack issues a challenge to anyone else in the group and breaks thetutor-student dialogue temporarily. He wants an answer in mathematical terms, as hesees that as being the purpose, but he doesn't elicit a direct response. The tutor, howev-er, takes up Jack's challenge and issues it again in 49, but asks it now in specific math-ematical language using appropriate terms. Lesley is required to give an answer to sucha direct question. As she is unable to do this Lesley justifies her negative reply by thecomment, "It's hard weighing that much" (50).

Jack's contribution to this discussion is to keep it moving by giving a responsehimself to the initial challenge (51) which is quite reasonable and in itself a challengefor further estimates. In 52 the tutor repeats Jack's response but adds the correct mathe-matical term, (grams), thereby evaluating his response. This initiation-response-evalua-tion sequence has been quite complicated and has involved a tutor and two students, whohave all contributed to the challenges and responses, but the end result is that the dis-cussion can now continue with the terms set, in that a reasonable estimate of the weightof the cold sliced meat, in grams, is required. The tutor is in a position to issue directchallenges.

Few responses are forthcoming, but Jack still continues in his role of moving the

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discussion along by giving a revised response (55) which can be challenged by the tutoror students. As there are still no responses from the other students, who perhaps havebeen isolated from the initial dialogue between the tutor and Lesley, the tutor starts chal-lenging students directly. In (56) the tutor challenges Larry, and follows this by thequery "Do you buy cold meat?". Here the tutor is really asking, "Is this a familiar con-text for you, Larry?" Larry's response (57) suggests that it is not a familiar context, andthat he will probably not benefit from this session. In 58 the tutor issues the challengeagain, but this time leaves the direction quite open by the comment, "Anyone". Lorraine(59) puts the discussion into her familiar context then by stating that she buys four slices(of cold meat).

If the discussion had been left at this point, the use of a familiar context as a ped-agogical process would have failed. However, the tutor is aware that the learning situa-tion could easily fall apart and re-directs the discussion by adding some further infor-mation, so that the following occurs:60 Tutor: Rosie?61 Rosie: No idea.62 Tutor: No idea?63 Rosie: No.64 Tutor: No idea. Alright. If I told you there was about ... (reading label)65 Jack: ...about 400.66 Tutor: ...about 490 grams to start with.67 Jack: Yeah.68 Tutor: Does anyone else want to have a guess now?69 Larry: In the bag there's about 490 all up?70 Lorraine: Did you use half of it or just a quarter of it?71 Tutor: I'll show you.72 Jack: Just a quarter of it.73 Lorraine: Oh, you've only used a quarter.74 Tutor: There's that much left.75 Jack: You've used three quarters.76 Lorraine: So you must have about 300 grams there.77 Lesley: This size here is the size I'd buy.78 Lorraine: 350.79 Tutor: 350, about 350 you reckon now. Okay, Anyone else want to revise that?80 Rosie: 320.81 Tutor: 320 okay.82 Jack: 290.83 Tutor: You're changing yours now Jack. Okay well let's have a go at weighing

it.

Jack is still very interested in this situation and eagerly contributes to the discus-sion, demonstrating an understanding using appropriate terms. Larry shows some inter-est and understanding now in the events (69), but it is Lorraine's question in 70 which

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is pivotal to the outcome. Perhaps Lorraine is using familiar informal mathematicalknowledge to put the process in context for her. Earlier in the discussion, Rosie (60) wasnot participating at all. However, at the end of the session, Rosie indicates that she cannow understand the process and participates using the appropriate terms (80).Interestingly, Lesley (77) is not prepared to offer a response in strict quantitative terms,but still refers to her known domain.

On the basis of this discussion alone, there would seem little evidence that famil-iar context has been a pedagogical tool in reshaping Lesley's informal mathematicalknowledge. However, in an evaluation questionnaire at the end of the course, Lesleymakes the following responses:Q. Can you tell me about other ways you had or have for describing or talking about

some of the ideas?A. If I wanted sliced meat I would show the person with my thumb and finger, but now

I ask for a weight. Butter had to have a measurement on the packet so I could cut theamount I need. Now I ask for 320g of sliced meat.

Certainly, for other members of the group, also, the exercise using a familiar context wasa worthy pedagogical process.

Z ModellingBickmore -Brand describes modelling as the process where the student has the opportu-nity to see knowledge skills and values in operation by a 'significant' person (Bickmore-Brand, 1990:2). In ALBE courses there exist many opportunities for a tutor and studentto jointly reconstruct situations where a new concept can be used in a way that is rele-vant to the student. An example of modelling is illustrated in the discussion below,which followed a session on using serves of quiches as a basis for understanding improp-er fractions. Rosie was not an active participant in the first activity, responding only onceto a challenge, with an incorrect answer. However, when the tutor chose to move fromthe context of quiches to a more formal discourse, the following took place:159 Tutor: Now, you can actually change that down without thinking about your

quiches, at the moment, by just looking at the fraction and saying,alright, if I had 8, 8 thirds we call that an improper fraction. We should-n't leave it like that, we should bring it down to a whole number and afraction. How can we do that? (Long pause) We can say, alright - howmany threes are there in 8?

160: Lorraine:2161 Tutor: There are 2...162 Lorraine:and 2 left over.163 Tutor: Two threes are six, and there are 2 left over.164 Lorraine:Two and a three, mmm?165 Tutor: Right. What have we got up here? (pointing to blackboard) Seven thirds

7/3. How many threes are there in 7?166 Lorraine: 2

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167 Tutor: 2 and 1 left over.168 Rosie: Oh, that's easier!169 Tutor: So let's have a look at some of these. Let's look at something like 7/4.

Would be what? (Silence) As a mixed...170 Rosie: One.171 Tutor: One.172 Rosie: and three quarters.173 Rosie: and three quarters. These are called improper fractions (indicating).

These are called mixed numbers (indicating). They are called mixednumbers because you have whole numbers and fractions put together. Ifits an improper fraction the top is higher than the bottom, which meansits at least over one whole. It may be 2 wholes, it may be 3 wholes ormore. Okay. So, 7/4 becomes one and three quarters.

In turn 159, the tutor opens the discussion with an explanatory comment whichintroduces new mathematical terms such as 'improper fraction' and 'whole number'.Following the introduction, the tutor offers a challenge, which brings no initial response.The tutor then offers a second challenge by introducing a new method. Lorraine gives apartial response (160) which is evaluated by the tutor (161) through repetition, beforeLorraine continues with the response (162). As a means of introducing a formal methodfor determining mixed numbers from improper fractions, the tutor evaluates the respons-es given by Lorraine in 160 and 162, by speaking in strict mathematical terms (163). Inorder to consolidate this process, the tutor gives another similar example and a new chal-lenge (165). Again, Lorraine offers the response which the tutor can evaluate and expandupon (167).

At this point, Rosie enters the discussion which, since her previous incorrectanswer, has been a dialogue between the tutor and Lorraine. In (168) Rosie commentson the process, demonstrating that she understands the concept now and is happier usingthese mathematical terms, rather than the previous idea of quiches. Rosie has a modelfor understanding the language and knowledge of improper fractions. The tutor offersanother challenge to reinforce the concept (169) and Rosie immediately responds withcorrect answers (170 and 172). In 171 and 173 the tutor is evaluating Rosie's quickresponses by repeating the correct answer and ends the discussion with a summary of theprocess using repetitive and appropriate mathematical terms. In doing so, the tutor isproviding further modelling opportunities for the acquisition of this new mathematicalknowledge. Worthy of note here, in the pedagogical reshaping of the informal mathe-matics, is Rosie's ownership of the learning process. When she understands the concept,by working through the steps involved, she boldly responds to challenges with confi-dence and purpose.

3. ScaffoldingScaffolding in this study relates to building onto the adults current knowledge in orderto create a new formal mathematical knowledge. An example of scaffolding would be

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the earlier discussion, where Lorraine and the tutor explained the decimal system interms of dollars and cents. In this example, Lorraine was able to build onto her currentknowledge of the decimal system. Other excerpts from the same class discussion alsodemonstrate the value of scaffolding in reshaping informal mathematical knowledge.1. Tutor: How did you get on reading that? Did that make any sense to you at ...all

or can you see what they are trying to tell you there? Let's go back ...tothat first one that we looked at. The packed suitcase weighs nine ...thou-sand, two hundred and forty, is that right?

2. Background: Yes.3. Tutor: 240 grams.4. Background: Yes.5. Tutor: Now, we say that there are one thousand grams equals one kilogram.

...Then, here we have 9,240 grams so we've got 9 lots of these, haven't

...we? So it means that there are...6. Background: mmm...7. Tutor: 9 kilograms. 9 kilos and 240 grams left over....Now sometimes you

might see that written as a decimal with a ....decimal point. So does any-one, anyone want to have a go at how you ...might write that as a deci-mal.

8. Student: Nine point two four '0'.9. Tutor: Right, Very good! Nine point two four '0' kilograms....Nine point two

four '0' kilograms.10. Background: mmm.11. Tutor: Are you familiar at all with the decimal system and the places after a

...decimal point? (Long silence) No, okay. If something is written as 1-

...256 (demonstrates on board) that means it's one whole number, 2

...tenths, 5 hundreths, and what would the 6 be then?12. Jody: Units13. Tutor: No.14. Darryl: Thousandths.15. Tutor: Thousandths. The units are actually those, there. (indicating) ....There's

one unit. That's, that's called place value.In this discussion, the tutor has used the familiar context of the weight of a packed

suitcase to extend and build upon the student's knowledge of the metric weight system.After working through a conversion exercise of grams to kilograms, and giving a solidframework to build upon, the tutor then introduces the decimal system with a challenge(7). An unidentified student responds to the challenge with a correct numerical answer,which is, however, incomplete in the use of units (8). This is evaluated by the tutor (9)who is positive in her response and repeats the student's correct answer, but adds theunit, 'kilogram'.

In statement (11) the tutor gives a more detailed explanation of the correct answerto the challenge in (7). She then asks the students whether or not they are familiar with

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the decimal system. When she doesn't get a reply, the tutor gives a further explanationof the value of places in a decimal number and offers yet another challenge. Jodyresponds to the challenge with an incorrect answer (12), and the tutor is quite definite inher evaluation (13). However, Darryl offers the correct response (14), which the tutorrepeats and then further explains why Jody's answer was incorrect (15). At this stage thetutor introduces a new formal mathematical term, 'place value'.

This process is scaffolding, as the tutor is focusing on a particular area of formalmathematical knowledge, challenging the student so that the gaps in learning are moreobvious to both the tutor and student, refocusing on the problem and then redirecting thelearning by offering new information. Scaffolding has served to bridge gaps and extendthe students as they move towards a more formal mathematical knowledge.

4. MetacognitionA real measure of whether or not the informal knowledge that exists within an adult hasbeen transformed into something more abstract or complex is obtained if the student canmake explicit the processes which are occurring. This is the concept of metacognition,which also involves making choices about methods and trialling new procedures.

An example of metacognition is given in the discourse below, which involvedusing counters to work out equivalent fractions.174. Tutor: Alright, lets say we have, you have, ten dollars, and four-fifths of that ...

ten dollars has to be paid out for a school levy. Okay. So how much ...do you have to pay out?

175. Lorraine: Two dollars.176. Tutor: How, how much then is four-fifths of 10? (Silence).177. Lorraine: Four fives are ten, and five fours are, what?, I don't know.178. Tutor: Well the first thing to do is to go back to the simple one and work out ...

what one-fifth would be.179. Rosie: So you go, five into ten is two, and two fours are eight.180. Tutor: That's right! 5 into 10 is 2, 2 fours are 8. (Silence). So what you've ...

worked out there Rosie is the rule for working out these equivalent ...fractions. Okay. To use the counters, what you've done there is right, ...Rosie. See how Rosie has divided them into 5 groups. Right, I've said ...what is 4/5 of ten equal to? So, you've got to work out, four-fifths, ...okay, how many there are in one-fifth. We've got ten and we've ... divid-ed into 5 parts. How many are there in one? And there's two in ... one.

181. Lorraine: mmm.182. Tutor: So in four of them there's 2, 4, 6, 8.183. Tutor: So, how much is going to the school office and how much is the child ...

going to keep?184. Rosie: So therefore, eight's going to the office, and two the child keeps.185. Tutor: It's all still part of the ten dollars, but its been divided into four-fifths ...

and one-fifth.

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Here, the tutor has set the scene in a familiar context (174) and issues a mathe-matical challenge. Lorraine responds incorrectly to the question, so the tutor immedi-ately puts the question in strict mathematical terms (176). An interesting response to thisis that Lorraine attempts an answer using mathematical terms and conventions, but thisis not nearly correct and she ends her response with, "I don't know" (177).

In 178 the tutor attempts to simplify the challenge, by leaving it in mathematicallanguage, but introduces counters to be employed in a concrete method. Rosie (179)immediately responds to this challenge by dividing the counters into groups and givinga solution in mathematical language. This solution is repeated by the tutor in Rosie' sterms as a mathematical rule, and then further explained by the tutor using the countersin a step-by-step process for the other students (180-182). Interestingly, here the tutorputs the challenge back into the original familiar contexts of the school levy and issuesthe challenge in different language yet again (183). This time Rosie is able to answerimmediately and correctly using the familiar terms (184) and the tutor concludes the dis-course by repeating the process in mathematical terms.

Rosie has demonstrated that she is able to solve a problem using concrete mate-rials such as counters, present a clear solution to the problem using mathematical terms,and transfer this solution into an everyday situation using her own language. Such aprocess is indicative of her metacognition.

5. CommunityExamples of the ownership of the learning by the adult student have been evident in allthe descriptions of pedagogical processes. Another important aspect of adult learning isthe sense of community existing in the ALBE groups. Lisa wrote in her journal about herschool experience and how learning in an ALBE Maths group was different:

During my high school years maths was for me a real nightmare and a strug-gle because I didn't understand the work and I was too embarrassed to sayI couldn't do it. Peer pressure played a major role in our classes. When youdidn't understand you acted as if you did to save being made feel an idiot.When you feel as if you are dumb you don't want to learn so you don't try!Joining a small group of adults to try and learn can be at first embarrassingbut it doesn't take long for you to feel as if you can offer something to theclass. When there is no pressure put on you and there is no time limit andyou are made to feel as if you are capable it makes you want to learn!

Clearly, the sense of community and the safety that exists for an adult in this ALBEgroup has meant for Lisa that any early fears or anxieties quickly dissipated, so that shewas able to face the new challenges with a willingness to learn. Given such comfortablecircumstances and the desire for some change, it becomes easier through those process-es of scaffolding, modelling and metacognition, using a variety of contexts, for the adultlearner to reshape his/her existing informal mathematical knowledge.

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Section C - Analysis of Power Relations and the Role of LanguageIn this study, examples of both traditional didactic teaching methods and more dialecticteaching are evident and used in appropriate situations. If such a pedagogical process asmodelling is to be effective, then there is an assumption of a traditional didacticapproach, where the roles of teacher and student, or mentor and learner, are clearly des-ignated. Such a power relationship exists in the previous discourse in which place valuewas discussed (see 'Scaffolding', turns 1-15).

Analysing this discourse in terms of situational context (Fairclough, 1989:146),the following interpretations can be made. The situation is a classroom discussioninvolving blackboard explanations by the teacher. Two topics are being discussed con-jointly, the original topic being the conversion of the unit grams into kilograms andgrams, and this led to a discussion of decimal points and place value. In this case, thereis a two-fold purpose of modelling the means for converting metric units, as well as ascaffolding purpose of introducing the concepts of the decimal system and place value.

If we ask the question, "Who's involved?" (Fairclough, 1989:148), in this dis-course, then the answer is multidimensional. Obviously a tutor and students areinvolved, but these participants can also be considered as speaker and listener, or chal-lenger and respondent. This then raises the question as to what is the relationshipbetween participants. Consistent with a traditional didactic teaching role, the tutor initi-ates the discussion and the students are the listeners. Throughout the discourse, it is thetutor issuing all the challenges and the students who respond.

Central to the analysis of the power relations in this discourse is the considerationof the role of language. Firstly, language serves to interconnect this spoken text to a pre-viously distributed written text (1). By asking such questions as "How did you get onreading that?", "Did that make any sense to you at all?" and "Can you see what they aretrying to tell you there?" (1), the tutor is placing herself in the role of the expert who isgoing to interpret the written text.

Language is also used to situationally connect the topics; that is, how the conver-sion of grams to kilograms can be connected to the decimal system. The tutor does thisby issuing a challenge (7), which elicits a correct response from a student, enabling thetutor to add further explanatory information. Throughout the discourse, specific formalmathematical terms such as place value (15) have been modelled by spoken language.In this example, language serves to clearly designate the roles of teacher and student, andthe tutor maintains her position by asking questions and evaluating responses before giv-ing detailed explanations. A clear social order has been designated within an institution-al setting (Fairclough, 1989:146).

However, in this study I have found examples of more dialectical teaching, wherethe participants contribute in interactive roles to the pedagogical processes. Such anexample would be the cold meat study, which has already been analysed in other sec-tions in some detail. The situational context of this discourse is a round table discussionand some practical activities involving the estimated and actual weight of cold slicedmeat. This activity was initiated by an earlier discussion in which Lesley had indicated

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that she had no idea of how much meat to ask for in metric weights. So the purpose ofthe activity is to help Lesley have an understanding of the metric system in relation toher domestic needs. A myriad of participant relationships exist within this discourse.Firstly, there is the relationship between tutor and student: However, unlike the exampleof didactic teaching, this does not correspond directly to challenger and respondent.Lesley is a key participant during parts of the discourse, where she could be consideredthe consumer. At these times Lesley is central to the discourse and determines the con-text in terms of her own situation. Another powerful participant in the discourse is Jack,who displays an understanding of why this process is occurring and issues challenges(45) and responses (51) which serve to keep the discussion moving along. The relation-ships between participants in this discourse are dynamic and whilst there exists pairedrelationships of speaker and listener, or challenger and respondent, these are not neces-sarily aligned to the roles of tutor and student.

Language is again important in the analysis of the power relations in this dis-course. An important feature of this text is the interconnections between the spoken textand the practical problem. Prior to commencing the discussion the tutor opened as fol-lows:31 Tutor: Lesley, I'm glad you came because before we go on with anything else

on that, look at what I brought.This is in reference to the sliced meat. Here the tutor is linking a past experiential prob-lem, through language, to a situational context. The tutor acts more as a convenor to thediscussion by asking appropriate questions, rather than an expert in control. At times herquestions are quite open and leading, such as "Is that enough" (43), whilst at other timesthey are closed and direct, such as "how many grams do you think are in there?" (49).Through such a direct, closed question the tutor is able to introduce specific mathemat-ical terms in which the participants can frame their responses.

Language serves in this discourse to align the participants in whichever situa-tional context they are in at a particular time. For example, in such dialectical teaching,it may be the student, like Jack, who is challenging the group: "Now, how much is thatgoing to weigh?" (45), or the tutor, "How many grams do you think are in there?" (49).Both are expecting a response which will determine further direction and context, andenable the formalising of mathematical knowledge.

In this discourse, the teacher still has some dominant position in her role as a con-venor, so what happens if the teacher relinquishes her dominant role? Such an exampleis given in the discussion below:91 Tutor: I've just brought a couple of things along here just to get an idea of sup

pose, really, of food weights. How much then, do you think, any guesses now, of an apple?

92 Rosie: about 65 g.93 Tutor: I don't expect you to be able to know. I mean I weighed this myself this

morning just to see how much an apple weighed, but I'm just trying togive you an idea of what 100 g feels like and what 300 g feels like.

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94 Lesley: Well, I'd say you'd need another 4 of them to make a kilo, whatever .thatis

95 Tutor: You're not far wrong. (weighing apple)96 Lesley: No.97 Tutor: Yeah, 5 of them. That weighs 200 g around about.98 Lesley: Yeah, I said another 4 of them to make a kilo. Is that right?99 Tutor: That's right.

If we analyse this discourse in terms of situational context, the situation consistsof a classroom demonstration which has a practical component involving the weight ofan apple. According to the tutor, the purpose of the activity is to estimate weights (93).This discourse only involves three participants - the tutor and two students, Rosie andLesley. Again, the language used is the key to unravelling the dynamic power relationsexisting. In the first instance, the tutor situates the discourse by giving some purpose toher actions. Immediately she follows with a traditional didactic challenge, wherein thetutor is the speaker and the students are the listeners (91). Rosie responds with a rea-sonable attempt (92), which is ignored by the tutor. In fact, the tutor is not at all encour-aging in her response with such a comment as "I don't expect you to be able to know"(93). Perhaps the tutor is trying to maintain her role of expert by, in effect, implying thatas she had no idea of the weight, she certainly wouldn't expect a reasonable guess fromthe students, without actually weighing the apple.

The tutor is attempting through her language to direct the discourse into a situa-tional context where the students will be required to experiment themselves, by weigh-ing the apple. However, the tutor's attempts are foiled by Lesley (95), who uses her ownfamiliar context and language to confidently respond to the challenge. With her verynon-specific evaluation of the response, "You're not far wrong" (95), the tutor relin-quishes her dominant role. Still struggling to maintain her role, the tutor confirms theanswer to her previous challenge by weighing the apple and being quite specific with herresponse in mathematical terms (97). However, Lesley stands firm with her originalresponse and indignantly restates her previous reply. At this point Lesley clearly holdsthe dominant role in the discussion and issues a challenge to the tutor (98). Here the tutorresponds with a definite answer which allows no further comment (99). With a changein power relations has come a change in the designation of roles of challenger andrespondent. The social order has been turned upside down.

An important outcome is that the pedagogical process has been modified from theintent of the tutor without losing its end result. Whilst the tutor appeared to be setting upa modelling situation using a familiar context, the student (Lesley) was able to turn itinto a scaffolding process, as it was such a familiar context for her. Lesley knew that fiveapples weighed approximately one kilogram, however, she had not considered an indi-vidual weight for apples. By controlling the discourse, Lesley elicited the formal knowl-edge that the tutor had intended.

Power relations are intricately woven through the discourse of ALBE numeracyclasses. Whether the teacher holds the power in a traditional didactic approach or

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whether other power relations are evident, it seems that evidence exists that appropriatepedagogical processes can reshape the informal mathematical language of the adultlearner.

Section D - Analysis of a new languageAn interesting insight into the transition from one language register (Halliday, 1975:65)to another, each with its own words and structures which express the meanings appro-priate to the register, is gained by reading Lesley's responses to the questionnaire asdetailed in the previous chapter.

Firstly, the word 'volume' has been given a new meaning in a new context. Hereis an example of lexical ambiguity, where a word can have more than one meaning. Priorto the ALBE course, Lesley has used the word 'volume' appropriately in a register whereit referred to a knob on the television. However, she now can use the word differently todescribe a concept of space. In a multiple-choice exercise, Lesley correctly matched thechoice (c) to the following statement:`The cube had a greater volume than the sphere.'

(a) A television shaped like a cube can be turned up or down.(b)The cube wasn't as big as a ball.(c) The sphere took up less space than the cube.(d) The cube was thinner than the sphere.

Not only does Lesley identify a new use for the word, she can place it in the correct field(Derewianka, 1990:21) with appropriate meaning. Lesley does this alongside her previ-ous language register, rather than replacing it.

There is further evidence in Lesley's second response to the questionnaire, inwhich she identified perimeter, volume, metric measures, it pi and area as being com-pletely new words, ideas or symbols, that Lesley has indeed learnt a language which isformal, with specific meanings in specific contexts. As well as learning a new languagewhich she can employ appropriately in context, Lesley has demonstrated that she canreplace some of her previous language with a more learned formal register. For exam-ple, Lesley can now use metric measurements rather than imperial units, and understandthe meanings of the terms.

Interestingly, Lesley has also identified the word 'rhombus' as being a lexicalfeature of her new register, from the field of geometry, for which sometime she hopes tolearn the correct meaning. Already, through either written or spoken text, Lesley musthave witnessed this word, rhombus, in use, and its association with a particular field.This process would have been possible after Lesley had experienced elements of a newformal language, through classroom talk and written texts.

In contrast, the responses, already detailed in the previous chapter, given by Jackto a questionnaire, indicate that he does not display marked learning of a new language.His definition of 'fraction' - "starting to understand the meaning of them" - suggests thatJack probably recognises that there is a new language to be learnt. In most cases Jackattempted to give some approximate meaning to these words by placing them in a famil-

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iar context. For example, he defines 'sum' as "the amount of money" and 'measure' as"a length of timber". These meanings are transferable to Jack's known field but not spe-cific to the language of mathematics. An interesting definition given by Jack is that of`quotient' - "the price to cut the lawn". In mathematics, quotient refers to the resultobtained by division and it has no equivalent meaning in any other register. Jack, how-ever, has approximated the word to another from his own known register, that being`quote' and defined it in his familiar words.

On the basis of these results, drawn from a survey near the end of the Maths atWork course, it would seem that Jack is in the early stages of learning a new language,whereas Lesley has grasped major elements of the same language and would be well-prepared to tackle a formal curriculum-based mathematics subject.

In this chapter I have analysed an expansive data base, according to a broad rangeof methods. In doing so, I have addressed the question of "How can language reshapethe mathematical knowledge of the adult learner from the informal to the formal?".

CONCLUSIONEthnomathematics encompasses the mathematical knowledge that exists within varioussocietal domains where we find adults functioning efficiently and competently in aninformal manner. Such activities as building or furnishing a house, home budgeting,catering, supermarket shopping, playing sport and survival in the real world demand acomplicated and sophisticated mathematical knowledge, which may be informal in thenature of the applied language and conventions. Yet if an adult who has come to anALBE course, with specific goals and a willingness to learn, is exposed to a range ofpedagogical processes, then it may be possible for him/her to learn the language whichwill reshape this knowledge into formal syllabus-based mathematics.

Such reshaping has been evident in this study. I am indebted to Lesley for firstproviding me with this quest, and, in time, giving me some of the answers. Lesley cameto ALBE classes with a personal desire to gain Grade 10 Certificate level Maths. Shequickly demonstrated that her numeracy skills were most competent, her workingknowledge of mathematics far surpassed survival level, her cognitive powers were mostsophisticated, and yet she lacked the language that was required for formal subject math-ematics.

Lesley developed a counting system for converting imperial knitting measure-ments into a metric form, based on a counting-by-five method. Her skills in orienteeringwere learnt from harsh reality, rather than in the classroom using a compass. Lesleydeveloped appropriate measurement methods which were accurate enough for her needs.Landscape design was easy for Lesley, given graph paper and scope for her personalneeds.

Likewise, other participants in the ALBE groups demonstrated this sophisticated,but informal, mathematical knowledge in their everyday lives. Students such as Davidand Chris, who capably run their own homes, and Rosie, who operates on a strict loneparent budget, have unrecognised mathematical knowledge. John, who eventually com-

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pleted Grade 10 Maths through ALBE, is an expert indoor cricketer and manages theintricacies of a complicated scoring system with ease, although he battled with therequirements of syllabus Mathematics.

So the question can be asked: "What does language have to do with the reshap-ing of this informal mathematical knowledge?" Language can be used to put a particu-lar problem in context. For example, in the cold meat study, language was used toexpress the initial problem and then to work through the processes of estimation andactual measurement. Whilst this was happening, the tutor and the students were able tointroduce specific mathematical terms into the classroom language. An important aspectof the study was the issuing of challenges, mainly from the tutor, but also from the stu-dents. Responses were, in turn, evaluated and both processes were controlled and main-tained through language. The initiation-response-evaluation sequence serves to place thediscussion, with terms set. Importantly, the end result is that Lesley now asks for coldsliced meat using her new language, and much has been learnt by other students aboutthe use of metric measurements.

Another important role that language has in the reshaping of informal mathemat-ical knowledge is in the pedagogical processes of modelling and scaffolding. Throughlanguage, the tutor was able to introduce methods and skills upon which the studentcould model concepts in a relevant way. For example, Rosie was able to understand, andcapably use, the concept of improper fractions, when it was modelled by the tutorthrough classroom discussion. At the same time, the tutor was able to introduce specif-ic mathematical terms into the new language of the ALBE student. Language serves inscaffolding to help build onto the existing knowledge of the student, and again, the tutoris able to introduce elements of a new language, where appropriate, in classroom dis-course.

Through language, Rosie has demonstrated her ability to make explicit the solv-ing of a problem about equivalent fractions using concrete materials, state the process inclear mathematical terms and then transfer this knowledge back into everyday terms.Such a pedagogical process, involving language, is termed metacognition.

Two other important pedagogical processes in the reshaping of informal mathe-matical knowledge are the ownership of learning by the individual and the sense of com-munity which makes that individual feel secure and comfortable with his/her learning.Both aspects are highlighted by the language used in classroom discourse.

Language has a very important role in the classroom when we study the powerrelations that exist within a group. Whether the teaching style is traditionally didactic, ora more dialectical approach, language serves to put the discussion in a situational con-text and to introduce the key players. The roles of speaker and listener, or challenger andrespondent, are designated through language, as are the connections between topics andtexts. Language serves to align the participants in their situational context at any partic-ular time.

Evidence has been found, in this study, that it is possible for ALBE students, inreshaping their informal mathematical knowledge, to learn a new language. Lesley has

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demonstrated that she can use new words in new contexts, alongside her previous lan-guage registers, or appropriately replacing some of her previous language. Another stu-dent, Jack, has demonstrated that he is in the early stages of learning a new language, butrecognises that there is a language there to be learnt.

RecommendationsIf an adult learner should come to a mathematics teaching situation, at any level, thenrecognition must be paid to the depth of mathematical knowledge, beyond mere 'sur-vival maths', that the adult has, already. Such a person, engaged in a numeracy course,should be exposed to a range of classroom discourses, which encompass the pedagogi-cal processes of context, modelling, scaffolding and metacognition, together with own-ership and community. In doing so, the role of language in the pedagogical processeswill be to reshape the mathematical knowledge from the informal to the formal. Givensufficient time and exposure, the adult learner may develop a new language suitable forformal syllabus mathematics.

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REFERENCESBickmore-Brand, J. 1990(a), Implications from Recent Research in Language Arts forMathematical Teaching. In J. Bickmore -Brand (Ed.) Language in Mathematics,Australian Reading Association, 1990, pp. 1-9.

Bickmore -Brand, J. & Gawned, S. 1990(b), Scaffolding for Improved MathematicalUnderstanding. In J. Bickmore-Brand (Ed.) Language in Mathematics, AustralianReading Association, 1990, pp. 43-58.

Bishop, A, 1988, Mathematical Enculturation, The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic

Bishop, A, 1993, Removing Cultural Barriers to Numeracy. ACAL 1992 NationalConference Papers, vol. 1, pp. 147-158.

Bradshaw, B., Evans, D., Tout, D., Treloar, A. & Waterhouse, P. 1989, Adult Literacyand Basic Education into the 1990s, Division of Further Education, Ministry ofEducation, Victoria, vol. 1.

Camboume, B., 1988, The Whole Story: Natural Learning and the Acquisition ofLiteracy in the Classroom, Auckland: Ashton Scholastics.

Cassar-Patty, V., 1990, The Role of Language in Teaching Maths, Good Practice inAdult Literacy, No. 11, p. 9.

Derewianka, B., 1990, Exploring How Texts Work, Sydney: Primary English TeachersAssociation.

Fairclough, N., 1989, Language and Power, UK: Longman.

Gawned, S., 1990, An Emerging Model of the Language of Mathematics. In J.Bickmore -Brand (Ed.), Language in Mathematics, Australian Reading Association,1990, pp. 27-42.

Halliday, M. A. K., 1975, Learning How to Mean. Explorations in the Development ofLanguage, Holland: Elsevier North-Holland Inc.

Halliday, M. A. K., 1985, Spoken and Written Language, Victoria: Deakin University.

Heritage, J., 1984, Garfinkel and Ethnomethodology, UK: Polity Press.

Marks, G. & Mous ley, J., 1989, Mathematics Education and Genre. Do We Make theProcess Writing Mistake Again? In Proceedings of First Annual Systematic FunctionalLinguistics Conference, Deakin University, pp. 142-148.

Millar, L. D., 1993, Making the Connection with Language, Arithmetic Teacher, 40:6,Feb. 1993, pp. 311-316.

Vygotsky, L. S., 1962, Thought and Language, edited and translated by E. Hanfmann &G. Vakar, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press.

Willis, S. (Ed.), 1990, Numeracy and Society: The Shifting Ground. In S. Willis, (Ed.),Being Numerate: What Counts?, Hawthorn, Victoria: ACER, pp. vii-23.

Willis, S., 1993, Being Numerate: Whose Right? Who's Left? ACAL 1992 NationalConference Papers Vol.1 1993, pp. 77-94

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DIAGRAMS AND TEXT:REPORT ON RECENT RESEARCH, 1994-1995Stephen Coull

INTRODUCTIONThis paper is a report on research conducted at an Adult Literacy site. The investigationfocused on the extent to which adult literacy learners can decode diagrams and thedegree to which reading is required in that decoding process.

Since 1990 (the International Year of Literacy) much has been set in place todevelop the literacy/numeracy skills of Australians in need of assistance. In Tasmania,the Adult Literacy and Basic Education (ALBE) unit is one of the main providers of pro-grams in these areas. ALBE is a sub-program of the Institute of Adult and CommunityEducation which comes under the auspices of the Department of Industrial Relations,Vocational Education and Training (DIRVET). It is from within this organisationalstructure that this study takes place.

It is widely accepted that visual images are part of our daily life. How well peo-ple are informed by the visual message has been well researched (Eisner, 1972;Arnheim, 1974). These two noted authorities on image making and image educationhave added considerably to this body of knowledge. However, more recently, Kress andvan Leeuwen in their 1990 book Reading Images study the impact of words and pictureson comprehension and develop the argument that semiotics give meaningful additionalinformation to the learner. This means that much information is obtained in other waysthan just by processing the text. For example, the quality of the paper may convey amessage to the reader. The way a picture accompanies the text may not only add to themeaning of the text but create a new level of awareness for the reader. But how wellpeople are informed by diagrammatic representation has not been studied in such depth.It is still somewhat unclear how learners process diagrams and their accompanying text.This is especially so where the learner is one who does not possess adequate literacyskills in the first place (Lowe, R. 1993).

If more was known about how adults process diagram and text, then the field ofassisting adults with low literacy levels may be added to in a small way placing anoth-er piece of the jigsaw. As expressed by Long (1990), "Diagram and text processingskills deserve as much attention as other literacy and numeracy skills. What is the costin the workplace if they are deficient?".

Not just in the workplace, but in the home, too, people increasingly need to processdiagrams and text. Nearly every appliance bought into the home contains instructionsand accompanying diagrams.

How often do we hear the phrase "when all else fails read the instructions"? Ifthis is a commonly held belief then, arguably, it is important to examine the ways inwhich adults who are already experiencing difficulties with the language interpret dia-grams and their accompanying texts (instructions).

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Following this discussion, this study attempts to identify the features of a proce-dural text which is used by adult learners as they implement a procedure. My objectivesin this study were to find:

to what extent the learner can cope with the diagram, and howwhich aspects of the diagram they cannot cope with, and whyin what ways the text contributes to the learner's ability to process information in orderto perform the operations requiredwhat sort of implications this might have for the use of diagrams in the materials pre-pared for adult students.

There are many definitions of literacy, but it should be remembered that 'being lit-erate' in our society is a very broad and comprehensive concept. There are many litera-cies, and many contexts in which literacy exists. For this study it was important to estab-lish the fact that being literate means being able to process visual information as well aswritten information. An example of this definition of literacy is clarified by Sticht: "...literacy includes not only reading, but also writing. Additionally literacy includes theability to perform tasks that combine written language with figures, graphs, tables, mapsand other symbolic representations." (Sticht, 1978, as cited in Norton and Falk, 1992).

This study looks at how the learners (participants) read a diagram and the associ-ated text. This exploratory study attempts to show to what extent the learners can decodea diagram of a Step-Tech exercise machine and the degree to which reading is required.The learners also are asked to perform some of the operations in the diagram, to find howeffectively they can apply the information that is contained in the diagram.

LITERATURE REVIEWThere is limited research available in the area of low-level literacy learners and theirapproach to interpreting diagrams and text. Therefore, much of the discussion to followis based upon more general research encompassing applications of learning principlesand analysis of the different demands that appear to be imposed by diagrams and prac-tical experience.

Some research has been done on the effects of diagrams and the function they playin adding to the learner's knowledge or ability to understand the subject (Gick, 1989.)This study used diagrams to solve problems by analogy. It was found that students basedtheir solutions to problems on the basis of previously solved similar examples. In thisinstance the students could all read. I was interested to know if learners who have somedegree of difficulty with reading would be able to solve the operations required of themin this study by using prior knowledge.

Trevor Kliese, in an article in Good Practice 1990, poses an interesting point. Heargues that when a diagram is integrated with the text it allows information to beprocessed more easily. He uses the idea of 'explanative' (Kliese) illustrations whichshow how something works. These illustrations are accompanied by text in the form oflabels alongside the diagram. This is potentially very promising from an adult literacyperspective, and is relevant to this study. It may be that the literacy instruments already

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in use would be enhanced with the addition of diagrammatic presentations. Kliese doesnot examine the diagram itself as a learning tool. If, for instance, the diagram is poorlydesigned, would this create problems for the learner even before he/she starts?

This problem and associated ideas have been examined extensively in the work ofLowe (1993). He demonstrated that it is of central importance in interpreting diagramsto recognise that they are highly conventionalised and need specialised interpretativeskills. One of the points he makes (which is supported in other research, for example,Kolers, Wrolstad and Bouma, 1980) is that one of the first things a diagram will requireof the learner is to clump the information into known "chunks". This is not easy whenwe consider that reading diagrams means changing over from a representational view ofthe world to diagrammatic symbolism.

It is a common assumption that a diagram with its pictorial format is easy to read.But diagrams are different from pictures and present special challenges. Diagrams cancreate difficulties because their layouts are not real scenes but invented ones: "graphi-cally simple but conceptually sophisticated" (Lowe, 1993). For example, when lookingat any diagram the learner may see solid or dotted lines, arrows and cutaway views.Sometimes, small areas are magnified in another part of the diagram. Then, diagramsmay also show steps in a time sequence, where nothing is as it seems. In contrast, pic-tures that are realistic as opposed to abstract are not as difficult to interpret. The subjectmatter contained in realistic pictures can readily be processed by people at most levels:A tree is a tree, a river is a river; and these motifs also have associated colours to rein-force their nature, and their existence for the viewer.

Diagrams cannot be read in the same manner as a text. "Reading a diagramrequires skills that have to be learnt" (ibid) and there are several ways in which theseskills differ from reading skills. One main difference is the fact that the graphical ele-ments in diagrams vary significantly. A text usually has generally well known "rules"and is formatted in paragraphs. Even-low level literacy learners know that you startfrom the left and go along to the right. There are other differences too. A diagram con-tains symbols that must be known or learned by the learner. These symbols may varydepending on the type of diagram and its purpose. For example, a diagram of electriccircuitry will differ in its symbolism from a diagram showing the underground networkof a train system.

Furthermore, diagrams are different from pictures and present special challenges.A literal approach fails, as the diagram reduces three-dimensional objects to an abstract,stylised two-dimensional schema. The difficulty caused by abstract layouts is furthercompounded by our process of imagination. And if our background knowledge is inad-equate, relationships revealed by the diagram will not be perceived at all. "This meansthat some learners will not know nearly as much about how to use diagrams and howthey should be processed as they would know about text" (Lowe, 1993).

It is worth noting that generally in adult literacy circles, pictures are treated asclear and obvious supports for the text. Beverley Campbell (1990) goes further. In herarticle she argues that a picture, in this case a print by Picasso, can be the basis of whole

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language development for the learner. Through discussion with the learners about thepainting, relating elements in it to their lives and experiences proves very valuable.Campbell adds that metacognition develops and is enhanced because the learner is ableto link information in the text by sounds to the non-visual information of the semioticsand the syntax. This begs the question, can a similar perspective be taken with diagramsand their texts?

Kress and van Leeuwen (1990) also go to great lengths to show the connectionsand links between elements of verbal texts. They don't discuss diagrams, but the worksupports the general notion that much of what is seen in the visual form has extremelycomplex and deep layers of meaning and leads to selective reading patterns (Kress & vanLeeuwen, 1990).

Other research (Sless, 1981; Mayer & Gallini, 1990; Winn & Sutherland, 1989)informs us that the presentation of material out of context will restrict the learning abil-ity of the student. Their findings tell us that if the learning material is not relevant to thelearner then his/her learning ability will be restricted. Mikulecky's findings (1980) con-cur. He found that work-related tasks ensured quicker learning, and that if the tasks werenot directly work related then they should be at least meaningful to the learner.

It has been demonstrated by Winn and Sutherland (1989) that the use of figurativedrawings assisted less able students to select useful strategies and to use those strategiesto better advantage. More able students are not affected as much by variation in the formof the elements in the text. Figurative drawings differ from diagrams in ways that werediscussed previously, but Winn and Sutherland's research may be relevant to the currentstudy because the participants in this study do have a problem with the text and are "lessable" in that respect. Winn and Sutherland claim that this is consistent with the previ-ous research that has established relationships between ability and learning from dia-grams (Holliday et al 1977; Winn, 1992). This information has, I believe, implicationsfor the ALBE practitioner, since many of our students have low-level reading skills.

A study by Mayer (1989), which supports Kliese and Lowe (1993), opens a newline of attack by investigating the role of illustrations as potential vehicles for helpingstudents understand expository texts. Results support a model of meaningful learning inwhich illustrations can help readers focus their attention on explanative information inthe text and reorganise this information into useful models for learning.

In summary, in the context we have discussed above we have established that dia-grams are significant to the learning process. They can alter the perceptions the learnermay have of the task set. It is likely that the exploration of diagrams and their associat-ed texts potentially may have an impact on literacy delivery. It is not clear, however,how significant diagrams and their texts are to adults who already experience some read-ing difficulties.

METHODOLOGYAn exploratory study using some ethnographic techniques was employed to interviewthe participants, to observe their interaction with the diagram and text at the site, and

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then to analyse the collected data.The participants in this study were a sample group of six adult literacy students.

These students had already received some one-to-one tuition with volunteer tutors whohad been matched with them.

All the participants were asked if they would like to be part of this work and con-fidentiality was stressed. The interviews were all conducted in the familiar and com-fortable environment of their usual tuition rooms. Each participant was reminded beforethe start of the interview that the purpose of the study was to gauge the effectiveness ofthe diagram and the supporting text, not to test the participants.

The six participants were chosen in pairs of male and female and also in paired lit-eracy levels. The levels corresponded to the ratings of the Interim Literacy CourseMatrix (ILCM). However, in some cases this rating had been applied more than sixmonths before this study took place. These ratings give an approximate guide to eachlearner's literacy level:

Participants 3 and 6 are at a reading level of 1.1 (where reading is difficult and under-standing any but the most basic text is too complex).Participants 1 and 4 are at a reading level of 2.1 (where reading and writing in famil-iar circumstances does not create too many problems, but where self-esteem is frag-ile).Participants 2 and 5 are at level 3.1 (a level where the learner can cope with a rangeof reading materials and understand most of it, and possesses the confidence to attimes self-direct his/her own learning).

As a result of investigating Mikulecky's research, a diagram of a Step-Tech machine(see Appendix I) was chosen. It is relatively complex and so its construction would notbe immediately obvious to the participants. Similar exercise machines have becomepopular with both men and women in recent years.

The participants all received pages 1 to 4 which included the cover page. Thesepages were presented to the participants in random order. In the following analysis thesepage numbers will be referred to, highlighting examples of the responses by the partici-pants.

At each interview the learners were asked questions that were open-ended. Forexample, an early question was to identify various features of the diagram. Since theparticipants all had some degree of reading difficulty I felt it would be wise to do asLowe (1993), suggested and involve the participants with ancillary support. This wasdone by discussing with them the conventions and symbols used in the Step-Tech dia-gram that may have caused some trouble.

There are many factors that make up diagrammatic schema. The ease with whichsomething is put together may be severely affected by these elements. Accordingly, inthis study the participants were asked to identify some of the diagrammatic conventions.It was hoped that any interpretive skill deficiencies that the participants may have at thebeginning might be overcome so that the data would be less ambiguous.

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It was quickly found that lack of interpretative skills was not apparent or was clev-erly concealed. In view of this, the study included the responses of the participants toquestions about the conventions of the diagram.

Later, each participant was asked how the diagram or the supporting text explainsitself. Finally, each participant was asked to assemble parts of the machine. Then, asthe participant was engaged in performing this operation, I would ask him/her questionssuch as, "What gave you the clue to do that?" and "What made you decide to do that?"Using this sort of approach it was hoped that the data collected would shed light on:

to what extent the participant could cope with the diagram and how they did so.what areas of the diagram they could not cope with, and attempt to establish why; thenimportantlyin what ways the text contributes to the participant's ability to process information inorder to perform the operations requested.

Table 1 shows some of the responses the participants in this study gave to ques-tions. The participants have been paired in their ILCM levels. The number in squarebrackets after the male/female column heading represents the order in which the partic-ipants were interviewed. The participant number is referred to in the following discus-sion. (The number in round brackets beneath each male and female heading is theapproximate age of the participant.) Each participant differed in the way he/sheapproached the task, and in the way he/she went about performing the requested opera-tions. Each participant also showed interesting attitudes to the diagram and the text.Some participants demonstrated sophisticated interpretative skills when performing theoperations. It also appeared that in some instances much of the processing was done onthe basis of prior knowledge and prior experiences. The following presentation willattempt to show some of these individual differences where appropriate to this study.Concepts Participants at Participants at Participants at

LLCM 1.1 ILCM 2.1 ILCM 3.1Male [6] Female [3] Male [6] Female [3] Male [6] Female [3

(35) (29)(35) (60) (44) (29)

Understanding theWarning yes no no yesUnderstanding Boltsand Measurement no no no noUnderstanding theParts List no no no noUnderstanding

Circles yes no yes noUnderstandingShort Lines yes no no noReading the Text

for Meaning no no no yes

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yes yes

no no

yes yes

yes yes

yes yes

yes yes


RESULTSThe following discussion is broken down into sub-headings: the Warning (the text at thebottom of page two), Bolts and Measurement (page two), the Parts List (page one). Thisis followed by a discussion of two of the Conventions used in the diagram (page three),then a focus on Reading the Text, particularly as it is associated with the diagram.Finally, we examine Surprise Variables that were made obvious throughout the inter-views.

The WarningThe participants were all asked to comment on this text. My aim was to see if theyunderstood the meaning of the passage and on what level it had meaning for them. Someof the participants had great difficulty reading the opening sentence. When this occurredI assisted the participant. The more able participants read the warning text quietly aloud.The table shows which participants understood the meaning of the warning.

Participant 1 recognised it as a warning but was unable to decode it, saying, "It'strying to tell you something but I don't know". He does make an observation about theplacement of the warning text. In his words,"That should be on a different page some-where, not with the nuts and bolts." This comment will be discussed later under theheading 'Reading the Text'.

Participant 3, like Participant 1, only read the first two lines of this passage withhelp from the interviewer. When this was done, Participant 3 said it meant, "To asksomebody before you put it together wrong.... I suppose because there are a lot of peo-ple putting these together wrongly."

Participant 6 also required help to sound out the words of the first two lines. Whenhe was asked to say what the warning meant, he replied, "... You go and see the doctorbefore you use it". When he was asked why it suggested you see the doctor, he replied,"... Cover their arse, ha, ha, ha.".

Participants 2, 4 and 5 appeared to recognise the meaning of the warning text.However, none gave the hidden meaning of the text as Participant 6 did, which was pre-sumably that the manufacturing company of the Step-Tech were protecting themselvesfrom lawsuits in the event of an injury occurring to someone using the exercise machine.

Bolts and MeasurementThis section of the interview was the next logical step. The diagram information con-tained references to bolt lengths and bolt sizes. The connection between bolts and theirmeasurement occurred on page two of the diagram instructions.

All the participants were observed to have difficulty to some degree with this partof the diagram and text. Participant 1 was unable to link the information on page twowith the actual bolts. When he was asked how he would measure the bolts, he did notsee the connection between the diagram of the bolts and the ruler, and the actual boltson the floor. He said, "You can't measure it on the floor, can ya?" The connection ofthe real bolts and aspects of their measurement was a problem for all the participants.

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Participant 2 read the length of the bolts (on page three) as one, three, four, insteadof one and three-quarters. In the first instance he missed the one from the one and three-quarters figure. He observed that the bolts on page two may be exaggerated.

Participant 3 refused to discuss the bolts on page two. She was very interested ingetting going and starting on the diagram on page three. Later in the interview withParticipant 3 she was asked why she was using certain bolts and she replied that she was"just guessing".

Participant 4 did not know what bolts were, nor the difference between bolts andnuts or screws. Participant 5 did not know how to measure the bolts on the ruler. Shesaid that it might become clearer if she read the instructions. However, there were noexplicit instructions in the text that dealt with measuring the bolts.

Participant 6 also had difficulty measuring the bolts' length on the ruler. He mea-sured them when required by using sight measurement developed from past experience.When he was shown how to align the bolts on the ruler he was still doubtful. The fol-lowing dialogue from the transcripts indicates some of the thought processes he wasemploying:[I = Interviewer, P = Participant](I) Are you relying on the diagram?(P) Mmnun(I) Are you using the writing at all?(P) No, not really.(I) Can you show me a one and three-quarters bolt?(P) Show you one.(I) Yes.(P) Nar...This is two inch...nar.

The Parts ListThe Parts List seemed to be an integral part of this study. It contained text, and num-bers, as well as figurative representations of the actual parts. It was decided that the par-ticipants needed to be able to process information on this page in order to make correctdecisions later.

Participant 2 was able to identify elements in the Parts List. For example, whenasked to show the I-Shaped Base he pointed to it and said that it was like a capital 'I'.Participant 3 had great difficulty reading any words in the Parts List. When asked howshe would identify elements in the Parts List she said the list told her what numbers wereon the actual parts. Later, during the operations, she was annoyed at not being able tofind numbers on the parts.

Participant 4 began by guessing the parts for the machine with comments like"Could be that!" pointing to the Support Beam instead of the I-Shaped Base. Whenasked why she picked up the pedal instead of the I-Shaped Base, she replied,"...Because,...Aah...this is my guess."

Participant 5 began by setting out the parts on the floor in similar manner to the

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way the parts were presented on the page. She went further and began to set out the boltsin order of sizes. When she was asked why she was doing this, she replied, "As I'm look-ing at the parts I'm checking them off to see if they are all there."

Participant 6 said that the numbers next to the parts on the Parts List page meantthe stages you were meant to take to put the Step-Tech together. He added that he wouldidentify the parts 1:y "The shape of it for starters!"

We can see from the table that four participants did not link the Parts List page tothe information in the subsequent pages of the diagram. Only two participants at theupper end of the ILCM scale made the obvious connections.

The ConventionsIn order to help clarify aspects of the participants' knowledge of conventions of the dia-gram, an ancillary 'walk through' the conventions of the diagram was thought to beadvisable (Lowe). If participants are not aware of the symbols of the diagram it couldinterfere with data that depends on the participant understanding those conventions.

I felt it was important to know if the participants understood the idea of the largecircles on pages three and four. The other convention tested was the short spaced lineson page three. These lines occur on the other pages of the instructions but the partici-pants were only asked if they knew what they represented with reference to page three.

The following excerpts from the transcripts are the responses the participants gaveto the question: What does the large, black-ringed circle mean?(Participant 2) "Taking a guess; that circle has to fall into that part of the diagram".(Participant 3) "This circle shows one part joins the other.... The circle tells me to lookagain.... The big circle tells me nothing at all! Where this one [the circle within the dia-gram] tells me how it all joins."(Participant 5) "They [circles] show the same pieces; but one emphasised."(Participant 6) "Ummm!...Well...I don't know, ha, hal...Aha! To highlight it!....Justshows you exactly what to do."

Of the six participants, 4, 5 and 6 were asked what the short spaced lines meant.It appeared that they were able to interpret the meaning of this convention.(Participant 4) "The bolts go through the holes."(Participant 5) "...it means that the holes must all line up there."(Participant 6) "The dots [lines] tell you how the bolts go."

Reading the TextFor this study it was important to see how much of the text needed to be processed inorder for the participants to perform the operations successfully. Because this study usedadults who all experienced some level of difficulty processing text, these tentative find-ings may represent a new contribution in this field.

The processing of the text presented problems for most of the participants.Participant 5 (3.1 on the ILCM scale) seemed to have the least amount of difficulty. A

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feature of her processing was her manner of thinking aloud. This made it clear to theinterviewer that she referred often to text, diagram and back to the Parts List and to theactual parts. This will be discussed further in the next chapter. When doubtful about apart of an operation, Participant 5 would look to find the relevant text and read that sec-tion. Nevertheless, she relied heavily on her diagram processing skills. By her ownadmission, "I go by the diagram, but i f I got it wrong I would go back and read theinstructions." Participant 1 admits he "would look at the writing, but lots of times itwon't make any sense to me. And...I'm never one to read! Igo by the diagram."

Participant 2 was tentative about reading the instructional text. He said, "I get abetter result if I just look at the picture." Reading text containing numerical items cre-ated some anxiety in his response. This led to confusion in the first line of the text onpage three. Here he describes that "It's just that five-sixteenth throws me."

Participant 2 read the instructional text (page four) until he read the word 'pedal'as 'paddle'. Interestingly, Participant 5 also misread the same word (in the same blockof text) the same way.

Participant 4 could not pronounce 'washer' (page four) during her reading of thetext. However she could pronounce it in isolation. She said, "I can't pronounce that. Iknow what it is. It is probably my accent. It just takes a bit of time."

Participant 3 did not attempt to read at all, preferring to rely on the diagram andher own intuition. When she was asked why she chose the Pedal to perform an opera-tion, she replied, "I just know...felt it was right!"

Participant 6 read with great uncertainty the text on page three. He later said thatthe text didn't explain it. He claimed that the instructions on page three should havemore explicitly stated "... which bolt goes where... What I reckon they should have put thisone here ....They should have said, put four same-sized bolts in this spot." This inter-esting comment is discussed with other references, in the next chapter: Results.

The interviews at this point were revealing. It was evident that when the textbecame hard to decipher, the participants employed other skills. One relied on a kinaes-thetic approach, others guessed, but all the participants seemed to have a body of previ-ous knowledge that they used successfully to help them through the operations.

Surprise VariablesThere were three participants who used colour to assist them to make meaningful con-nections when asked to perform certain operations. Participant 3 was able to insert theEnd Caps as required on page three. It was not that she read the instructions, but thatshe saw on the diagram the black End Caps and, recognising the actual Caps on the floor,was able to insert them successfully. In her words, "They had black ends in the dia-gram." It is significant that the instruction, to 'Insert End Caps', is positioned in themiddle of a line of text and between two sentences. The significance of this will be dis-cussed in the next chapter.

Participants 1, 4, 5 and 6 paid no heed to the End Caps operation. Participant 2used another black plastic cap to perform unsuccessfully the operation required by the

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End Caps. He recognised that the End Caps must be black, but found two other caps thatwere provided to do the task. Although these caps were not the right size he persistedin trying to insert them. After several minutes he realised that he needed four End Capsto do the task and he only had two of the type he was using.

Colour made an operation more meaningful in the case of Participant 4. Here theparticipant did not know the difference between nuts, bolts or screws. After she had readthe instructional text in the upper part of page four which required the reader to, 'AttachFoot Pads... to Pedals... with short screws provided', this participant proceeded to pickup two short bolts. After some discussion (sorting out the difficulty) the interviewerasked why she had picked up the bolts. She replied, "If the instructions had said pick upthe yellow screws, I would have picked up the screws straight away." This observationis made valid in that there were only enough yellow screws to perform this operation.

Some misinterpretation of the diagram and the text occurred. However, it is noteasy to place this fault with either the instructional diagram or the participants. To illus-trate this point I ask the reader to regard page two of the diagram. Here we see a seriesof bolts arranged in order of size; the longest is closest to the drawn ruler. Participant 4interpreted the lines in the bolts to correlate exactly with the lines of length measurementin the ruler. This observation, when looked at from her perspective, is rational; and thebolts even have lines of unequal length as do the measurement lines in the ruler. Thebolts do not show any thread, so this too creates a similarity with the ruler.

None of the participants correctly measured bolt lengths against the ruler. In near-ly all cases it was trial and error and a process of elimination. Eventually the correctsizes were discovered with the participants discussed this dilemma with the interviewer.If one looks at the ruler carefully, one can see that the ruler measurement begins at thestart of the head of the bolt. This was the main cause of the participants failing to mea-sure correctly. When the participants first began to measure the bolts, they measuredthem from end to end.

The participants were unsure to what the fractions (pages one, three and four)referred. Closer investigation of some participants' uncertainty about the numeracy inthe text discloses how some of the participants processed these aspects of the text. Whenthe text said five-sixteenths by one and three-quarters (5/16, 13/4) these participantswere confused. Only through discussion did they understand that five-sixteenths stoodfor the diameter of the bolt, not the length, and not the diameter of the bolt head. Theinstructional text does appear to not be as explicit as it could be and it is arguably rightto assume that the text designers assumed prior knowledge on the part of the participants.This difficulty was compounded by the two types of print style used to show the one andthree-quarter size bolt. (See the Parts List, where it is written as thirteen-fourths, com-pared with one and three-quarters in the text on pages three and four.) This obvious errorin production acerbates the problems learners have with metacognition.

Participant 5, who set out the bolts and washers in an orderly fashion, discoveredthat the numbers of bolts claimed in the Parts List did not tally with the actual bolts pro-vided. (The Parts List claimed there were 9 one and three-quarter inch bolts, but there

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were only eight. Eight corresponded with the number of nuts in the Parts List and whichwere provided.)

Washers were used incorrectly by all the participants with the exception ofParticipant 6. The participants did not use the correct washers to secure "Shocks ontoposts of Main Beam" (page four). This common mistake may be accounted for in twoways. Firstly, neither the diagram or the text differentiate explicitly between washersizes. The second reason may have been that the participants who were having mosttrouble with the text did not read the NOTE at the bottom of page four. If the partici-pants had read this they would have read the words "flat washer". The Parts List refersto this same washer as a "Thin Washer". There is no correlation in written terms, evenif the participants had looked back and forth from page one to page four to verify.

Further misrepresentation occurred between the Parts List on page one and the dia-gram and the magnified circle on page four. Number eight on the Parts List is the "T"Knob. On page one, the "T" Knob is represented in black but is arguably not "T" inshape. On page four, the enlarged circle showing in clearer detail the application of the"T" Knob does not depict the same "T" Knob that is shown in the diagram. Not all theparticipants reached this point in the construction of the machine, but those who did,Participants 3, 4 and 5, although initially confused, did finally use the "T" Knob as indi-cated. Finally, none of the participants used the correct washers to perform this opera-tion with the "T" Knob. One would expect that the lack of washer identification exam-ined in the previous paragraph could account for this happening.

DISCUSSIONThis study set out to establish the degree to which the participants could cope with thediagram and the extent to which reading was required. It is not surprising to find thatthe data supports the idea that the participants derived most of their information from thediagram. The visual impact of the diagram exerted a powerful influence on all the par-ticipants. This finding will now be discussed.

Table 1 shows that seven out of twelve participants answered yes to the questionof understanding the conventions. The two conventions considered were the shortspaced lines and the magnified, black-ringed circle.

It is surprising that Participant 6 (LLCM 1.1) was able to describe these conven-tions accurately. However, it was discovered during the interview that he had priorexperience with various types of diagrams, in particular, technical instructional types ofdiagrams. (These were related to the type of work he did.) This could explain hisknowledge and understanding of these conventions. However, they are conventions thatare used internationally.

It is significant that his paired ILCM 1.1 participant did not know what these con-ventions meant. In her case, she said at interview that she was familiar with bicycles,(owning own and riding it regularly) and sometimes mended punctures. The link here,and this is supported by the data, was that she was keen to get started to put the Step-Tech together, and used her background knowledge and her kinaesthetic sense (skills) in

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the process. Lowe has said that learners may think they know how a process works butunless they fully understand the conventions of the diagram they will miss importanttechnical steps. This, as we have seen, occurred in this instance.

Similarly, Participant 4 related how at home her husband used an exercise machinethat looked the same as the Step-Tech. But this participant, too, used guessing skills toperform most of the operations.

Participant 2 told how he had once helped a friend assemble an exercise machine.He, too, spent most of his time scrutinising the diagram for clues: things that he couldrecognise from the time he helped his friend. This concurs with previous research find-ings in that these participants have been conditioned to seeing and perhaps thinking inpatterns that had proved successful in similar experiences in the past. These experi-ences, however, have not assisted the participants in any meaningful way. Nor have theybeen useful in developing more skills, except in the case of Participant 6, who did notscore well in most areas, but was able to use prior knowledge to identify the conventionsand to fully recognise the meaning of the Warning.

This idea is supported by Gick who found in her 1989 study that students basedtheir solutions to problems on the bases of previously solved similar examples. Thiscould be the reason why Participant 3 rushed into the operations after only a cursoryview of the Parts List. She had said that the numbering on the Parts List would bereflected in numbers on the actual parts, which in fact was not the case. It does, how-ever, suggest that at some time in the past she had solved a problem when the numberson a parts list did match numbers on the parts. Participant 2 told a story from his daysat high school where a teacher had told him he was a "visual person". Participant 2 didapproach the operations with the Step-Tech in this fashion.

It should be noted here as well that Participant 6 was involved with a worker'scompensation claim at the time of interview. It is reasonable to expect that he knew ofsome of the regulations and circumstances that involve liability and compensation. If so,this could be the reason why he was the only participant who extrapolated the implicitmeaning of the Warning message, that is, that the manufacturer would be safe from lit-igation in the event of an injury through the use of the Step-Tech because of the statedwarning in the text. However, people with low literacy skills are able to purchase exer-cise machines and since they cannot read any associated warnings, may be at risk. Thisin itself ought to provide our society and our law makers with some material for con-templation. Of course, it should be of concern to manufacturers and to those who designdiagrams as well.

As stated earlier, Winn and Sutherland, (1989) showed that figurative drawingsassisted less able students, and that more able students were not affected as much byvariation in the form of the elements in the text. The participants in this study have beencategorised into literacy levels (and only by the ILCM scale) and not categorised by anintelligence scale. So, comparison of this research data with that of Winn andSutherland, while it may appear to support their fmdings, must be made cautiously,because it may not do so conclusively.

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There is ample data in this study to show that all participants relied heavily on theirability to process information contained only in the diagram. Even Participant 5 (ILCM3.1) admitted that she preferred to use the diagram first to process information. If wecan say that these participants are less able in respect of their literacy, then indeed,research by Winn and Sutherland is supported by this study.

In the second proposal - that more able students are less affected by variation inthe form of the text - we can draw similar conclusions. We have seen that page four ofthe Step-Tech instructions contains text that is sited in the upper part of the page. Allthe other texts, including the Warning text, are sited at the bottom of the pages. The datashowed that one participant did not even see this upper text on page four, thereby miss-ing some important procedural steps. Participant 1 said that the Warning text should nothave been sited below the bolts and ruler on page two. Gick says, "when presented withtext these differences (of diagram presentation) may be attenuated or disappear entire-ly, as the text can compensate for the ambiguity of the diagrams presented alone"(1989). In this study our participants did not use the text to help them process informa-tion. It did not assist them in any great measure at all.

The positioning of the Warning text may have created a pattern in the participants'approach to the rest of the texts. Selective reading patterned seeing created by the textsbeing placed at the bottom of the pages could be the reason why at least one partici-pant failed to see the text in the upper part of page four at all.

Kliese (1991) maintains that when a diagram is supported by and integrated withthe text it allows information to be processed more easily. Our data agrees with Kliesein so far that a diagram accompanied by text which is isolated from the diagram does notassist the learner nearly as much.

A most interesting feature arising from the data was the relationship between theParts List and the diagram. One of the things that diagrams do best is to depict rela-tionships. Through the graphics, the diagram shows implicit instructions (Lowe, 1993),for example, the use of close-spaced dashed lines that direct the learner to relate theholes to the bolts in a certain way.

It became obvious in this study that errors in the graphics of the diagram and mis-takes in the Parts List influenced the processing ability of the participants. This evidencepoints not so much to a badly designed diagram but to the presumption by the designersthat the participants' background knowledge would be adequate to cover any errors inthe diagram and accompanying text.

The most problematic obstacle in the process in this study involved the bolts andthe washers. It has been seen that there was insufficient information supplied by the dia-gram to clarify what was meant by five-sixteenths or one and three-quarters when refer-ring to the bolts. As the data shows, participants did not know what these numbersmeant. Lowe recommends that diagrams can and should provide a variety of devices,such as arrows, numbers, labels or captions, to guide the learner's reading and interpre-tations. This is testified to by Participant 4, who said if the "screws" had been labelled"yellow screws" she would have had no problem performing the operation. Participant

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6 also said how he would have been assisted by a caption or label showing exactly "...what sized bolts go in these holes".

The washers were all indicated by the same graphics. However, there were twowashers that were not indicated as special and requiring careful attention to their place-ment. None of the participants was therefore able to perform sustainable correct opera-tions with the washers.

What the diagram lacked was the necessary supports to help the participants over-come false processing of information, and/or short-falls in their background knowledge.The designers of the Step-Tech diagram and associated text left out vital clues, madetypographical errors and mistakes in identification of parts. One device that may haveassisted the participants is a cut-away section. A cut-away section would have exposednuts in the Main Beam that were invisible on the outside of this part. This diagram need-ed to be of a more superior quality, especially since the participants were all having trou-ble with reading the instructional text. This is in agreement with other studies where ithas been shown that the most successful diagrams strike a balance between "simplifyingthe way the subject matter is presented and providing sufficient support" (Lowe, 1993).

CONCLUSIONThe initial problem was to try to find how the participants coped with the diagram andto what extent they needed to read the text. It has been found that these participants withapparent low levels of literacy have nevertheless been able to process information inother ways to successfully assemble an exercise machine. One really needs to reviewthe meaning of literacy. While the scale used to gauge literacy, the LLCM, is a generalindicator of a person's ability, this study has demonstrated that it does not show thewhole story. It is timely that the new National Reporting System is being implementedaround the nation in the near future.

The conversation transcripts suggest that all participants were relaxed and notapprehensive about the interview. They were interested in the Step-Tech and couldrelate it to their own lives. In other words, they saw some sense and relevance in theirinvolvement in the tasks. Some participants started with a global overview of the dia-gram and text. Some gave much more consideration to local aspects of the diagram. Insome instances, participants did not treat some elements of the diagram or text as impor-tant at all. The participants did, however, begin with page three and in this sense beganultimately in the right place.

It is evident from the study that those participants at the lower end of the ILCMscale who had the most difficulty with reading and who largely answered "no" to theother questions, fared overall as well as those at the higher end of the ILCM scale in per-forming the required operations. Those who were able to read the text appeared not tobe able to easily relate the meaning of what they read to the process of actually puttingthe parts together. This problem was highlighted by the total failure of all participantsto understand the bolts and measurement linkages with the text. This fmding suggestsfurther research would be valuable if it were to examine how numeracy embedded in the

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text is processed by people with limited literacy and numeracy skills.This problem is compounded further when the numeracy factor is examined. The

evidence here shows that when numeracy in the form of fractions - was included in thetext, it became confusing for these participants. Their reaction to their dilemma variedfrom ignoring the numeracy to confusion and puzzlement. It would appear that if numer-acy must occur in the text, one or more factors become obvious and should be considered.

Firstly, these participants did not process the meaning of the measurement in termsof the numbers relating to actual parts. Secondly, these participants experienced difficul-ty with reading the text, and meaning gained was lost by the compounded problem ofnumbers, especially fractions, embedded in the text. These participants may have oper-ated in one cognitive style to process textual information, but they needed to move intoanother cognitive thought process to assimilate the numeracy element. It is tempting tosuggest that at the time of their schooling, English and Maths were taught as separate sub-jects and that separate learning patterns have continued through their adult lives.

The implication for adult literacy practitioners is that literacy and numeracy shouldbe introduced to the adult learner in similar language and in conjunction with each other.This is already done in some literacy centres but it is done more or less on an ad hoc basisrather than on a planned, integrated policy level.

This investigation has not been able to prove or disprove that the diagram can assistthe learner with understanding the instructional message in the text. It does show that theparticipants relied on knowledge gained from past experiences and that they relied heav-ily on the diagram to perform the operations and that they did not rely on the text for infor-mation. It would be of value in future research to present diagrams with text and withouttext, and to either integrate the text with the diagram or keep the text separate from thediagram. It may be of more use to people with low literacy levels if the text could be bro-ken up more; for instance, all sentences could begin on a new line.

This study clearly shows that these adults with low-level literacy skills can copewith a diagram. They are able to use a visual graphical approach and utilise it to com-plete the tasks required. The text tended to be overlooked by the participants at levels 1.1and 2.1. Those who had more confidence, the level 3.1 participants, were more preparedto read the text, but only if they failed to understand some diagrammatic representation.

The Warning text also tended to be disregarded by the participants, especially onceit was established that it had nothing to do with putting the machine together. Althoughfour of the six participants understood the explicit meaning, only one person could explainthe implied meaning. This participant was involved in a related legal dispute. This studywould conclude that the Warning text was not explicit enough for these participants.Warnings, it could be argued, should be highlighted, presented on a separate page andeven formatted in a different bold font.

This inquiry into a diagram and associated text may have opened the door a littlefor those of us who labour to assist adults with low levels of literacy. However, as indi-cated above, further research would be valuable in this area of diagrams and text.

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REFERENCESArnheim, R. (1974) Art and Visual Perception. Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress.

Campbell, B. (1990) Reading the Picture: Reading the Word. Conference Paper. VAL-BEC Mini Conferences in Fine Print Special Edition

Drew, R. A. & Mikulecky, L. (1980) A Practitioner's Guide: How to Gather andDevelop Job Specific Literacy Materials for Basic Skills Instruction. Indiana: IndianaCommission on Vocational and Technical Training in Falk, I. (ed.)(1994) readings

Eisner, E. W. (1972) Educating Artistic Vision. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co.

Gick, M. L. (1989) Two Functions of Diagrams in Problem Solving by Analogy. In H.Mandl, & J. R. Levin, (Eds.) (1989) Knowledge Acquisition from Text and Pictures

Halliday, W. G., Brunner, L. L. & Donais, E. L., (1977). Differential Cognitive andAffective Responses to Flow Diagrams in Science. Journal of Research in ScienceTeaching, 14, pp. 129-138

Holliday, W. G., Brunner, L. L., & Donais, E. L. (1977) Differential Cognitive andAffective Responses to Flow Diagrams in Science. Journal of Research in ScienceTeaching, 14, pp. 129-138

Kliese, T. (1991) Explanative illustrations. Good Practice in Adult Literacy. 1, pp. 3-4

Kolers, P., Wrolstad, M. & Bouma, H. (Eds.) (1980) Processing of Visible Language.New York: Plenum Press

Kress, G. & van Leeuwen, T. (1990) Reading Images. Victoria: Deakin University

Lowe, R. (1991) Expository Illustration: A New Challenge for Reading Instruction.Australian Journal of Reading, 14, pp. 215-26

Lowe, R. (1993) Successful Instructional Diagrams. London: Kegan Page

Mandl, H. & Levin, J. R. (Eds.) (1989) Knowledge Acquisition from Text and Pictures.North Holland: Elsevier

Mayer, R. E. & Gallini, J. K. (1990) When is an Illustration Worth Ten ThousandWords? Journal of Educational Psychology, 82, pp. 715-26

Mayer, R. E. (1989) Systematic Thinking Fostered by Illustrations in Scientific Text.Journal of Educational Psychology, 81, pp. 240-246

Winn, W. D. (1982) The Role of Diagrammatic Representation in Learning Sequences,Identification and Classification as a Function of Verbal and Spatial Ability. Journal ofResearch in Science Teaching, 19, pp. 79-89

Winn, W. & Sutherland, S. (1989) Factors Influencing the Recall of Elements in Mapsand Diagrams and the Strategies Used to Encode Them. Journal of EducationalPsychology, 81, pp. 33-39

Sless, D. (1981) Learning and Visual Communication. London: Croom Helm

Sticht, T. (1978) The Development of literacy. Curriculum Inquiry. In I. Falk, & M.Norton, (1992). Adults and Reading Disability: A New Field of Inquiry. InternationalJournal of Disability, Development and Education. 39:3, pp. 185-196.

233230


APPENDIX I: ASSEMBLY INSTRUCTIONSNote: Instruction manual pages have been reduced here to 70% of their original size.

Step-Tech 4700

Step-Tech 4700

BMI 305W. Maple Orange, CA 92666Customer Service (800) 321-9838M-F 7.00 am 4.00 pm PST

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Step-Tech 4700Parts ListPART # DESCRIPTION QTY PART # DESCRIPTION QTY1 Support Beam 1 8 "T" Knob 22 I-shaped Base 1 9 Magnetic Sensor 1

3 Main Beam 1 10 Lower Handlebar 1

4 Foot Pads 2 11 Upper Handlebar 1

5 Pedals 2 12 Middle Handrail 26 Shock Brackets 2 13 Computer Console 1

7 Shocks 2 14 Electronics Component 1

Hardware Kit5/16" x 13/4" Bolt 9

5/16" Washer 9 5/16" x 3" Bolt 25/16" Washer (large) 15 5/16" Nylon Nut 85/16" x 3/4" Bolt 4 Pedal Bushings 4Short Screw 13 5/16" x 11/2" Bolt 21/4" Thin Washer 2 Long Screw 2

3

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7

13

0 0 0

5

000

11

14

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1111i111111 11111111 111 III 1111E11

11111111 III Ill 1111111111111 II

.1 '1,1,1111 1.11 II 1 I 1 I 11 11 11

i 2 3 4 5 G 7

Warning: Before using this product please consult your personal physician for a com-plete physical examination. Frequent and strenuous exercise should be approved byyour doctor. If any discomfort should result from use of this product, stop exercisingand consult your doctor. Proper use of this product is essential. Please read all paperwork carefully before exercising.

233241.


Attach Support Beam (1) to I-shaped Base (2) as shown using 5/16" x 13/4" bolts,washers and nuts. Insert End Caps. Attach Main Beam (3) to Base with 5/16" x 13/4"bolts, washers and nuts. Attach Support Beam to Main Beam at bracket (Diagram A)with 5/16" x 3" bolt and nut.

42 234


Attach Foot Pads (4) toPedals (5) with shortscrews provided. InsertPedal Bushings into Pedal(bushings may already beinstalled), and slide Pedalonto post of Support Beam.Secure with 5/16" x 3/4"bolt and washer.

Attach Shock Brackets (6) to bottom of Shocks (7) as shown using 5/16" x 1 1/2" boltsand nuts. Slide Shocks onto posts of Main Beam and secure with 5/16" x 3/4" boltsand washers. Attach Shock Bracket to Pedal by inserting threaded shaft of bracket indesired slot on pedal. Secure underneath with flat washer and "T" Knob (8). AttachMagnetic Sensor Assembly (9) to bottom of Pedal with one short screw. (NOTE:Failure to use flat washer with "T" Knob will result in damage to Pedal).

235

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iii

Attach Lower (10) and Upper (11) Handlebars to Main Beam with 5/16" x 13/4" boltsand washers. Complete handrail assembly by inserting Middle Handrail Section (12)into upper and lower handlebars, pushing foam pads back out of the way, and securewith short screws. Attach Computer Console Casing (13) at top of Main Beam with5/16" x 3" bolt and nut. Insert Electronics Component (14) into front of casing and con-nect sensor wires in back (see Diagram A).

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APPENDIX II : CONVERSATION TRANSCRIPTION

Note: The notation used in this record does not follow that used by Baker and Freebody (1989).The taped conversations have, however, been searched for themes and these relevant excerpts havebeen noted.

Participant 1

(I)

(P)

Can you identify this piece of writing?"It's warning, ... There are a lot of big words ... It trying to tell you something but I don 'tknow ..."The warning tells you to have your health checked by a physician before you use thismachine."That should be on a different page somewhere not with the nuts and bolts."Would you like to assemble some of this?"Oh yeah, I'll have a go."Where will you start?"I'd like to look at the whole lot."How would you measure the bolts?"You can't measure it on the floor, can ya?... Oh I see, you can?... If they are too long I would put them somewhere else.Can you begin to put it together?"This one must be this piece because it looks shorter, doesn't it?... I can't see where it goes on there. (The diagram)

It's not going too good.... If this was mine I would drill a hole there.... I knew it would be complicated."Does looking at the writing help you?"I would look at the writing but lots of times it won't make any sense to me.... I would go by the drawing.... If people who read and write better than I do would sit down and read that piece and thenthat;... I'm never one to read! I go by the diagram."If you assembled the whole machine and you found you had some pieces left over, whatwould you do about it?"I'd try to get it out of my head ... I'd try to read it."

Participant 2

How would you start this process?"I spread the diagram out in an orderly fashion."Why do they call it the I-shaped part?"Well, I would say it is like an "I"."A capital "I"?"Yes, a capital "I"."What does this circle mean?"Taking a guess; that circle has to fall into that part of the diagram."How can you measure the bolts?"... I would say that this is the biggest bolt and it would be six inches, but maybe it's exag-gerated."What does this piece of writing mean?"... If you have a bad ticker it could bring on a coronary or heart attack, plus it's a safe-guard for them."Are there any words you don't understand?"Now, she was pretty good actually."

237 2 4 5


How would you begin this process?"We start from the base. If we go the other way you could get into a bit of a tangle.""I get a better result if I just look at the picture. At high school a teacher once told me I wasa visual person.""These bolts ... 1,3,4 I could say 3,4 but that's not the right way to say it ... 3/4's ... So its5/16 multiplied by 3/4's."What about the number in front of the 3/4's?"Oh, the 1 ... So its really 5/16's multiplied by 1 and 3/4's ... Where it says 5/16's well that'swhat threw me."How are you feeling about this so far?"So far, good. It's just that 5/16's threw me."Have you ever assembled something from a kit before?"Yeah, a friend has an exercise bike. I helped him that's why a lot of the time you go of thediagram."How do you attach the base to the support beam?"I was looking for four holes. It doesn't fit! I'll start again. This time I will screws these infirst."If you put it altogether and there were parts left over what would you do?"If there were nuts and bolts left over then I would say I've missed something."What made you read this part first?"Right! Well, I assumed everything I wanted to know was here. I didn't even see that bit."Would you read this?"Slide paddle (pedal) into post. Attach foot paddle to paddles, (pedals) secure with 3/4's by5/16's bolts."

Participant 3

Why did you set the pages out like this?"So I could see them altogether.""This page tells you the bolts and their numbers. I am more interested in the diagram onpage 3."What do the circles on this page tell you?"This circle shows one part joins the other. The other circle tells people to look again.... The big circle tells me nothing at all! Where this one tells me how it all joins."What does this piece of writing tell you?"Aw, I dunno I dunno the first one."It says warning."Warning before use ... using this machine ... consult your physician for a complete physi-cal.""To ask somebody before you put it together wrong. I suppose because there are a lot ofpeo-ple putting them together wrong."Can you read this heading?"Pars ... Parts ... Parts List."How do you identify the pieces of the machine?"Size ... shape."Yes, could you identify them by their numbers?"Yeah, but they don't have a number of them ... They don't have numbers on them."Would you like to start, to ..."Put some of it ..."To assemble ..."Together."How would you begin?"Choose the simplest part and go from there."Are you sure you could do this without reading?"Anyone can."Well, what will you do now?

246 238


"Well, that part there ... Well, Id figure out about that part there first because it is there andit's not on the list."Why are you adding washers?

Yes"You're supposed to."How do you know?"Because it's on the diagram.""... It doesn't line up properly ... How are you supposed to get a nut down there?... If it can't work, I would ask somebody.""Yeah, that is something I would do."Why are you using those bolts?"Just guessing!"How did you know what the End Caps were?"They had black ends in the diagram."How did you know that this piece was right?"I just knew immediately ... felt it was right ... yeah."Is there any part of this diagram assembly that you had difficulty with?"So far so good ... I might of had a bit of a problem with the top bit, but once I got it therethen probably I would be alright."

Participant 4

(P) "My husband has a gym and it is like that."(I) What does this sheet mean?(P) "It's the instructions."(I) Can you find the Support Beam on the Parts List sheet?(P) "Could be that."(I) What is the writing underneath the ruler?(P) "It says warning ... It's telling you, giving you a warning that before you start exercises, just

be careful."(P) "this is the top part, this one here." [Participant had picked up the pedal](I) Why did you pick up this one?(P) "Because ... Aah ... this is my guess."(I) Should you check the written instructions?(P) "Alright" [reading] "Attach the Support Base [should be 'Beam'] to the one- or I-shaped

Base ... I think."(P) reading "Attach the main beam to base the 1,3 stroke 4 bolt. ...

... It seems easy ...

... Probably read it a couple of time probably understand better ...

... (7.0) Umm Is that a nut? ... if you know all that it is probably easy."(I) Are you enjoying this?(P) "Yes"(I) What would be the next bit to do?(P) "I think I need to read the instructions."(I) Why did you read that bit?(P) "Because I have to attach the foot pads."(I) Ok.[Participant reads.](P) "I can't pronounce that. I know what it is. [washer] It is probably my accent. It just takes a

bit of time."(I) You have picked two bolts, not two screws.(P) "Aha! These must be screws."(I) Yes ... if the instructions had said pick up the yellow screws, you would have picked up the

screws straight away.(P) "Yes, sometimes it is hard if you don't know the difference."

239

247


(I)(P)

(5.0) "It is interesting doing this ... learning something."Everytime you finish something you have to look at the diagram ... If you want to put

something together like this you have to read the instructions ..."Otherwise ..."Otherwise you guess ... I was guessing."

Participant 5

(I) What are you thinking about as you look at the diagrams and the instructions?(P) "As I'm looking at the parts I'm checking them off to see if they are all there."(I) How are you locating them?(P) "By numbers."(I) Good.(P) "Now I am looking at how it is finished ... No. 1 the Support Beam, No. 2 the Main Beam."(I) What do the circles mean?(P) "The same pieces but one emphasised."(I) What do the short spaced lines mean?(P) "Well, it mans that the holes must all line up there ... the bolts go through the holes."(I) What does the dotted pattern mean?(P) "Shows it's soft, padded."(I) What does this piece of writing mean?(P) "Warning ... Just a warning for people. You should check up with your doctor in case."(I) How would you measure the bolts?(P) "You would have to measure the bolts on the diagram ... It's not very clear ...

... Maybe I should read the instructions ... 5 by 16."(I) Where would you start?(P) "Well these pieces would be the ones to start. There's nothing else that looks like them

... It would be too heavy to build the topfirst, and then to lift it up to put the bottom on."(I) How are you going so far?(P) "It's alright, just as long as you use your commonsense and look at the diagram."(I) Are there any pieces on the diagram that look difficult?(P) "The shocks. It looks quite complicated ... Insert paddle [pedal] into post on the support

beam ... Well at a guess I would say these are the parts ... You have to check the diagram... But it doesn't really tell you ... There are two different sized holes."

[Participant talks her way through the text and handles the pieces of the machine at the same time;very verbal.](I) Why have you used the wide washer?(P) "Because there are no smaller washers left!"(I) What has been difficult with the instructions?(P) "Probably which washer to use and the sizes of the bolts."(I) Did you rely on the diagram?(P) "Yeah ... I did mostly ... I go by the diagram, but i f I got it wrong I would go back and read

the instructions."

Participant 6

(I) Would you identify parts of the diagram?(P) "Yeah"(I) How do you know this is the base?(P) "It is the shape of it, for starters.."(I) What do the numbers mean?(P) "Step 1, step 2."(I) What is no. 1 called?(P) "set ... pace ... end ..." (support beam)(I) Why are the bolts shown?(P) "Different sizes."

?ASS 240


What does this piece of writing tell you?"Wa warn ... warn ing ... warning."That's right!What does it mean?"Umm, you go and see the doctor before you use it."Why do they say that?"Cover their arse ... ha ha ha ha."What do the short spaced lines mean?"The dots tell you how the bolts go."What do the circles mean?"Umm ... Well I don't know ... ha ha."Well, why do they use a circle here?"Aha! To highlight it! Just shows you exactly what to do."Are you relying on the diagram?"Mmmm"Are you using the writing at all?"No, not really."Can you show me a 5/16 x 1 3/4 inch bolt?"Show you one?"Yes."Nar ... This is 2 inch (measures the bolt) ... Nar."Does the diagram show you where to put the washers?"Nah."What are you thinking about?"It doesn't line up properly ... don't know which sort of bolt to go in ... probably a very shortone."Do you think the diagram is clear?"Well it doesn't actually explain where the bolts go in or the washers ... (7.0)What gets me is why the washers are different sizes."It is more difficult than you first thought?"Yeah ... a little bit ... uhhh ... it is interesting I suppose."What things would have made this easier? Could the writing have been made easier?"No! Cause it didn't explain it."Why?"Which bolt goes where ... What I reckon they should have put ... this one here.They should have said put four same-sized bolts in this spot.""I missed some things and did a bit of guessing."

241 2 4 9


Contributors

Ann Brooks - Following an English and Geography teaching career in England andTasmania, Ann was introduced to Adult Literacy through a volunteer tutor trainingcourse. Ann previously worked with young people aged 11 to 18 years. In this work shewas frequently challenged and frustrated by trying to combine the flexibility to facilitatestudent access to communication with the constraints of timetables, set texts and exampreparation.

Ann gained the position of part-time coordinator of Adult Literacy and BasicEducation (Tasmania) in 1981. For the last 15 years as the program has grown andchanged, so has Ann's discovery of how to facilitate that communication access. Nowcoordinating delivery in workplace, labour market and community provision, Ann's expe-riences in the student-centred programs of Adult Education have provided some answers.Many questions still remain: How to provide resources for adult beginning readers andhow to maintain an individual student response amongst ever-changing literacy contextsare of particular interest.

Rees Campbell works as a tutor with Adult Literacy and Basic Education (Tasmania).Further biographical details were unavailable at the time of publication.

Toni-Anne Carroll has worked in the areas of adult literacy and numeracy for the pastsix years. Coming from a professional background in food science and technology, whereshe was employed as a food microbiologist, Toni-Anne developed a particular interest inthe literacy and numeracy skills required by production workers for retraining. Toni-Anne has worked both in Workplace Education and Adult Literacy and Basic Education.Her main areas of interest currently are the integration of literacy and numeracy in every-day tasks, with an emphasis on ethnomathematics.

Stephen Conti has, for a large part of his career, been involved with visual art education.He was granted a DEA scholarship to the United Kingdom in 1980 and has subsequentlywritten several articles on Art Education. More recently he has been employed by theInstitute of Adult Education as an Adult Literacy Officer. Stephen currently coordinatesthe community volunteer program in northern Tasmania. His background in visual edu-cation prompted this inquiry into the connections between diagrams and their texts.

Fay Forbes has decided that her multi-disciplined background as a microbiologist, lec-turer in Bioethics, and tutor in History and Philosophy goes only part way in equippingher to be a tutor in Adult Literacy and Basic Education (ALBE). Fay believes that adultstudents are not vessels to be filled up with facts. Rather, adult students bring with thema rich and varied background and knowledge. These students' search to be part of main-stream Australia provides an awesome challenge for literacy tutors. Fay's research pro-ject has added to the list of unanswered questions.

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Patsy Hall is employed as a Staff Development officer in a Community and HealthServices setting. Patsy has a nursing background and has been working in the field ofAdult Education for the last 12 years. Her interest in literacy lies in the area of powerand discourse and how it relates to workplace literacy. Patsy is currently studying at aMasters level researching the use of 'Plain English' in health promotion materials.

Steven Holden is currently on leave from the Department of Education and the Arts(Tasmania) and is completing his PhD in the English Department at the University ofTasmania. His research interests centre on the natural and social conditions construct-ing the field of literacy production, and on the social relations of power underlyingtexts. He also writes fiction.

Maree Watts has worked in Adult Literacy for seven years, the last three years as anassessor/administrator/teacher. She has a social science teaching background, trainedas a secondary school teacher and moved into Adult Literacy originally because of herspecial education training. Maree has taught a wide variety of Adult Literacy clientsincluding NESB and ESB, clients with physical and intellectual disabilities, andAboriginal clients.

Maree is currently working with people who are registered as unemployed withthe CES and are referred to enable them to improve their literacy skills. The clients'ages range from 15 to 63 years and their needs range from encouraging emerging liter-acy skills to revising skills for TAFE and university entry.

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