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CARSEY I N S T I T U T E ISSUE BRIEF NO. 44 WINTER 2012 Key Findings The rural population grew by just 2.2 million between 2000 and 2010—a gain barely half as great as that during the 1990s. Rural growth diminished because migration slowed; nonmetropolitan counties only gained 1 million net migrants from 2000 to 2010 compared with 2.7 million in the 1990s. Rural population gains were largest in high-amenity counties and just beyond the metropolitan fringe. Population growth was particularly slow in farming and mining counties and sharply reduced in rural manufacturing counties. Diversity accelerated in rural America, with racial and ethnic minorities accounting for 83 percent of rural population growth between 2000 and 2010. Children are in the vanguard of the increasing racial and ethnic diversity of rural America in the twenty-first century. Rural Demographic Change in the New Century Slower Growth, Increased Diversity KENNETH M. JOHNSON R ural America encompasses nearly 75 percent of the land area of the United States, and it is home to 51 million people. Demographic trends in this vast area are far from monolithic. Some rural regions have experienced decades of sustained growth, while large segments of the agricultural heart- land continue to lose people and institutions. Nonmetropolitan America has also been buffeted by a variety of cyclical forces, including the recent economic recession, new immigration, and population aging. 1 Population growth in rural America reflects a balancing act between natural increase (births minus deaths) and net migration (in-migrants minus out-migrants). Both play an important role in rural population change, but the influence of each varies across time and location. is brief examines rural demographic trends in the first decade of the twenty-first century using newly available data from the 2010 Census. e demographic changes that are re- shaping rural America are increasingly important to policies and plans designed to increase the viability of rural commu- nities and enhance their contribution to the nation’s material, environmental and social well-being. Historical Trends e history of rural population change illustrates the complex interplay between migration and natural increase. e large surplus of births over deaths that sustained nonmetropolitan population growth during much of the twentieth century has dwindled. As a result, migration’s ebb and flow has come to play a larger role in determining whether nonmetropolitan areas grow or decline. roughout most of the twentieth century, nonmetropolitan areas experienced widespread outmigration (Figure 1). e magnitude of the migration loss varied from decade to decade, but the pattern was consistent: more people leſt rural areas than arrived. ese historical trends changed abruptly in the 1970s Figure 1. Nonmetropolitan Demographic Change, 1930 to 2010 Source: U.S. Census 1930-2010 and FSCPE

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Page 1: CARSEY - Farm and Dairy · CARSEY I N S T I T U T E ISSUE BRIEF NO. 44 WINTER 2012 Key Findings • The rural population grew by just 2.2 million between 2000 and 2010—a gain barely

CARSEYI N S T I T U T E

ISSUE BRIEF NO. 44

WINTER 2012

KeyFindings• The rural population grew by just 2.2 million

between 2000 and 2010—a gain barely half as great as that during the 1990s.

• Rural growth diminished because migration slowed; nonmetropolitan counties only gained 1 million net migrants from 2000 to 2010 compared with 2.7 million in the 1990s.

• Rural population gains were largest in high-amenity counties and just beyond the metropolitan fringe.

• Population growth was particularly slow in farming and mining counties and sharply reduced in rural manufacturing counties.

• Diversity accelerated in rural America, with racial and ethnic minorities accounting for 83 percent of rural population growth between 2000 and 2010.

• Children are in the vanguard of the increasing racial and ethnic diversity of rural America in the twenty-first century.

RuralDemographicChangeintheNewCenturySlowerGrowth,IncreasedDiversity

K E N N E T H M . J O H N S O N

RuralAmericaencompassesnearly75percentofthelandareaoftheUnitedStates,anditishometo51millionpeople.Demographictrendsinthisvastareaarefarfrom

monolithic.Someruralregionshaveexperienceddecadesofsustainedgrowth,whilelargesegmentsoftheagriculturalheart-landcontinuetolosepeopleandinstitutions.NonmetropolitanAmericahasalsobeenbuffetedbyavarietyofcyclicalforces,includingtherecenteconomicrecession,newimmigration,andpopulationaging.1PopulationgrowthinruralAmericareflectsabalancingactbetweennaturalincrease(birthsminusdeaths)andnetmigration(in-migrantsminusout-migrants).Bothplayanimportantroleinruralpopulationchange,buttheinfluenceofeachvariesacrosstimeandlocation.

Thisbriefexaminesruraldemographictrendsinthefirstdecadeofthetwenty-firstcenturyusingnewlyavailabledatafromthe2010Census.Thedemographicchangesthatarere-shapingruralAmericaareincreasinglyimportanttopoliciesandplansdesignedtoincreasetheviabilityofruralcommu-nitiesandenhancetheircontributiontothenation’smaterial,environmentalandsocialwell-being.

HistoricalTrendsThehistoryofruralpopulationchangeillustratesthecomplexinterplaybetweenmigrationandnaturalincrease.Thelargesurplusofbirthsoverdeathsthatsustainednonmetropolitanpopulationgrowthduringmuchofthetwentiethcenturyhasdwindled.Asaresult,migration’sebbandflowhascometoplayalargerroleindeterminingwhethernonmetropolitanareasgrowordecline.

Throughoutmostofthetwentiethcentury,nonmetropolitanareasexperiencedwidespreadoutmigration(Figure1).Themagnitudeofthemigrationlossvariedfromdecadetodecade,butthepatternwasconsistent:morepeopleleftruralareasthanarrived.Thesehistoricaltrendschangedabruptlyinthe1970s

Figure 1. Nonmetropolitan Demographic Change, 1930 to 2010

Source: U.S. Census 1930-2010 and FSCPE

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whenruralpopulationgainsexceededthoseinmetropolitanareasforthefirsttimeinthetwentiethcentury.Theremark-ableturnaround,however,endedinthe1980saswidespreadoutmigrationandpopulationdeclinereemerged.Trendsonceagainreboundedintheearly1990sbeforeslowingneartheendofthedecade.2Thus,atthedawnofthetwenty-firstcentury,thedemographicimplicationsofnaturalincreaseandnetmigrationforthefutureofruralAmericaareonceagaininquestion.

Some Rural Areas Grow, Others Continue to DeclineInthefirstdecadeofthetwenty-firstcentury,patternsofpopulationgrowthanddeclinevariedwidelyacrossruralAmerica(Figure2).PopulationgainsweregreatestintheWestandSoutheast,aswellasattheperipheryoflarge

Figure 2. Nonmetropolitan population change, 2000 to 2010

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 and 2010

urbanareasintheMidwestandNortheast.ScatteredareasofpopulationgainalsowereevidentinrecreationalareasoftheupperGreatLakes,theOzarks,andnorthernNewEngland.Incontrast,populationlosseswerecommonintheGreatPlainsandCornBelt,intheMississippiDelta,inpartsofthenorthernAppalachians,andintheindustrialandminingbeltsofNewYorkandPennsylvania.

Nonmetropolitanpopulationgrowthslowedprecipi-touslyafter2000,tohalfthatofthe1990s.Between2000and2010,ruralcountiesgained2.2millionresidents(4.5percent)toreachapopulationof51millioninApril2010.Duringthe1990s,theruralpopulationgainwas4.1mil-lion.Thepopulationgainsweregreaterinnonmetropoli-tancountiesadjacenttometropolitanareasjustastheywerefrom1990to2000(Figure3).Theseadjacentcoun-tiessawa5.5percentpopulationgainbetween2000and2010,butitwasstilljust57percentofwhatithadbeen

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duringthe1990s.Amongmoreremoteruralcounties,thegainwasconsiderablysmaller(2.7percent),orjust42percentofthegainduringthe1990s.Populationgainsinmetropolitanareasalsodiminished(from14.0percentto10.8percent),butthereductionwasmuchmoremod-est.Akeyquestionishowtheinterplayofmigrationandnaturalincreasecombinedtoproducetheslowernonmet-ropolitanpopulationgrowthafter2000.

BalancingNaturalIncreaseandNetMigrationTheabsenceofsignificantmigrationgainsafter2000wastheprimarycauseofthesharplycurtailedruralpopulationgrowth.Duringthe1990s,migrationaccountedfornearlytwo-thirdsoftheentirenonmetropolitanpopulationgain.Af-ter2000,itaccountedforlessthanone-halfofthegain.Non-metropolitancountiesgained2.7millionresidentsfrommi-grationduringthe1990s,butonlyabout1.0millionbetween2000and2010.Migrationgainsalsooccurredinfewerruralcounties.Only46percentoftheruralcountiesexperiencedanetmigrationgainbetween2000and2010comparedwith65percentbetween1990and2000.Becausenaturalincrease(morebirthsthandeaths)inruralareasremainedrelativelystableoverthetwodecades,thissignificantreductioninnetmigrationdramaticallyslowedtherateofpopulationincrease.Indeed,theonlytworecentperiodsofsignificantruralpopu-lationincrease(thereboundofthe1990sandtheturnaroundofthe1970s)werefueledbymigration.

Figure 3. Demographic change in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, 1990-2000, 2000-2010

Source: U.S. Census 1990-2010 and FSCPE

Forthosecountiesnotadjacenttometroareas,theirmuchsmallernetmigrationgainssharplyreducedtheirpopula-tiongrowthrate.Migrationgainsinmoreremoteareastotaledonly46,000(0.3percent)andjust35percentofthesecountiesgainedmigrants.Incontrast,duringthe1990s,themigrationgainwas544,000inthesecounties.3Inadjacentruralcounties,themigrationgainwasafarmoresizable3percent(980,000).Overall,53percentoftheadjacentcoun-tiesgainedmigrantsbetween2000and2010.Nonetheless,thisrecentmigrationgainwasconsiderablysmallerthanitwasduringthe1990s,whenadjacentcountiesgained2.4millionmigrants(7.4percent).4

Withlittlegrowthfromnetmigration,naturalincreasebe-camethemajorsourceofnonmetropolitanpopulationgrowthbetween2000and2010,accountingforjustoverhalfofthegainof2.2millionruralresidents.Infact,inremoteruralcounties,thenaturalincreaseof418,000(2.5percent)repre-sented90percentofthepopulationgain.Inadjacentnonmet-ropolitancounties,naturalincreasewas760,000(2.4percent).Herethecontributionsofnaturalincreaseandnetmigrationweremorebalanced,withnaturalincreaseaccountingfor44percentofthepopulationincreaseof1.7million.

Paradoxically,naturalincreasewasresponsibleformostofruralpopulationgrowthbetween2000and2010,eventhoughtherewaslessnaturalincreaseduringthedecadethanduringthe1990s.Inessence,thedemographicim-pactofnaturalincreasegrewbecauseruralnetmigrationdeclinedsharplyafter2000.Becausetherewerefewerbirthsandmoredeathsbetween2000and2010,therewasasharpriseinnaturaldecrease(whenmorepeoplediethanareborn)inruralcounties.Overall,naturaldecreaseisunusualintheAmericanexperience.Yet,inmanyruralcounties,deathshaveexceededbirthsfordecades.5Between2000and2010,nearly750nonmetropolitancounties(36percent)experiencedoverallnaturaldecrease,upfromapproximately29percentinthe1990s.ThisrepresentsthehighestlevelofsustainednaturaldecreaseinU.S.history.6

Theincidenceandseverityofnaturaldecreaseisinflu-encedbyproximitytometropolitanareas.Nearly43percentofremotenonmetropolitancounties—thosenotadjacenttoametropolitanarea—hadnaturaldecreasebetween2000and2010.Incontrast,only30percentofthecountiesadjacenttometropolitancountiesexperiencednaturalde-crease.Therisingincidenceofnaturaldecreasecoupledwithdwindlingmigrationgainsisacauseforsignificantconcerninsomeruralareasbecauseitdrainsthedemographicresil-iencefromthelocalpopulation,leavinglimitedpotentialforfuturepopulationgrowth.7

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DemographicChangeinCountyTypesRuraldemographicchangeishardlyuniform,asisevidentwhencomparingshiftsbyacounty’sdominanteconomy.Farmingandminingnolongermonopolizetheoverallruraleconomy,buttheyhavehardlydisappeared(seeFarming Countiesonpage10).Farmingstilldomi-natesthelocaleconomyofsome403ruralcountiesoutof2,151.Mining(whichincludesoilandgasextraction)isamajorforceinanother113counties.However,thesecountiesarelargelyatademographicstandstillingrowth.Between2000and2010,thepopulationoffarming-dependentcountiesgrewbyjust0.3percent,andonly29percentgainedpopulation(Figure4).Thisminimalpop-ulationgainwasentirelyduetoanaturalincreasegainof3.0percent,whichwaslargeenoughtooffsetamigrationloss.Incontrast,inthe1990s,farmcountiesgrewby5.0percentwithcontributionsfrombothnaturalincreaseandmigration.Miningcountieswerealsoentirelydepen-dentonnaturalincreasefortheirmodestpopulationgainof2.7percent.Inall,just56percentoftheminingcoun-tiesgainedpopulationbetween2000and2010.

Thenetpopulationgainwasonly3.1percentbetween2000and2010,thoughmostmanufacturingcounties(57per-cent)didcontinuetogrow.Againfromnaturalincreaseof430,000accountedfor75percentofthispopulationgaininmanufacturingcounties.Incontrast,migrationcontributedonlymodestlytothepopulationgrowth,andlessthanhalf(47percent)ofthemanufacturingcountiesgainedfrommigration.Theglobalizationofmanufacturingcoupledwiththerecentsevererecessionadverselyimpactedtheruralmanufacturingsector,aslowskill,low-wagejobshaveshiftedoffshoreordisappearedastechnologyhasreplacedlaborontheshopfloor(seeStraddling an Economic Transformationonpage10).9

Thedemographicstorywasquitedifferentinruralcoun-tieswithnaturalamenities,recreationalopportunities,orqualityoflifeadvantages(seeRecreational Counties onpage10).CountiesrichinamenitieshaveconsistentlybeenthefastestgrowinginruralAmerica.MajorconcentrationsofthesecountiesexistinthemountainandcoastalregionsoftheWest,intheupperGreatLakes,incoastalandscenicareasofNewEnglandandupstateNewYork,inthefoothillsoftheAppalachiansandOzarks,aswellasincoastalregionsfromVirginiatoFlorida.10

The277ruralcountiesthataredestinationsforretireesexemplifythisfast-growthtrend,withpopulationgainsof13.4percentbetween2000and2010.The299nonmetropoli-tanrecreationalcountieswereclosebehindat10.7percent.Overall,84percentoftheretirementdestinationcountiesand69percentoftherecreationalcountiesgainedpopula-tionduringthedecade.

Thereisconsiderableoverlapinpatternsbetweenthesetwotypesofcountiesbecausethenaturalandbuiltamenitiesthatattractvacationersandsecondhomeownersalsoattractretirees.Nearly90percentofthepopulationgaininretire-mentcountiesand81percentofthegaininrecreationalcountieswasfueledbymigration.Thesemigrationstreamsincludemigrantsmovingforqualityoflifereasons,aswellasothermigrantsattractedbyeconomicopportunitiesgener-atedbynewgrowth.Yetevenamongthesefast-growingruralcounties,populationgainsslowedbetween2000and2010.Whilestillexceedingthenationalaverage,thegainswereonlyhalfasgreatasthoseduringthe1990sinthesamegroupsofcounties.

Figure 4. Demographic change by nonmetropolitan county type, 1990 to 2010

Source: US Census 1990-2010 and USDA Economic Research Service 2004

Countiesdominatedbymanufacturinghavetradition-allybeenoneofthebrightspotsofruraldemographicchange(seeManufacturing Countiesonpage10).Infact,ruraldevelopmentstrategieshavetraditionallyfocusedonexpandingthemanufacturingbase.8Thereare584ruralmanufacturing-dominantcounties,andtheirpopulationsgrewby8.1percentduringthe1990s,mostlyfrommigration.However,growthsloweddramaticallyinthenewcentury.

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TheDemographicImpactofRacialandEthnicMinoritiesAnyanalysisofrecentdemographictrendsinruralAmericamustrecognizethegrowingimpactofminoritypopulations.Between2000and2010,theminoritypopulation,whichin-cludedeveryoneotherthannon-Hispanicwhites,accountedfor82.7percentofthenonmetropolitanpopulationgain,eventhoughminoritiesrepresentedjust21percentoftheru-ralpopulation.Theminoritypopulationgrewby1.8million(21.3percent)duringthedecadecomparedwithagainofjust382,000(0.95percent)amongthemuchmorenumer-ousnon-Hispanicwhitepopulation.Thus,whilenonmetro-politanAmericaremainslessdiversethanurbanAmerica,

minoritygrowthnowaccountsformostruralpopulationincrease,justasitdoesinurbanareas.

PatternsofracialdiversityhavebeenunevenacrossruralAmerica(Figure5).Manycountiesremainoverwhelminglynon-Hispanicwhite,butracialdiversityissubstantialandincreasingrapidlyinotherareas.LargeconcentrationsofAfricanAmericansremaininruralareasoftheSoutheast,bolsterednowbyarecentinfluxofblackmigrantsfromotherregions,althoughmostcontinuetorelocateinsoutherncities.HispanicsarespreadingoutbeyondtheirhistoricrootsintheSouthwestintotheSoutheastandMidwest.11Aboutone-halfofthenonmetropolitanHispanicpopulationnowresidesoutsidetheruralSouthwest.12TheseresettlementpatternstogetherwithHispanicnaturalincreasehavebeeninstru-mentalinoffsettingnon-Hispanicwhitepopulationdeclines,

Figure 5. Nonmetropolitan minority population distribution, 2010

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2010Note: See Data and Methods on page 9 for more information.

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especiallyintheGreatPlains.Over200nonmetropolitancounties—doublethenumberobservedforthe1990s—wouldhaveexperiencedpopulationdeclinebetween2000and2005withoutHispanicsmigrantsandnaturalincrease.13

Figure6showsHispanics’substantialimpactonrecentruraldemographicchange.Duringthe1990s,Hispanicsaccountedfor25percentoftheentireruralpopulationgain,eventhoughtheyrepresentedjust3.5percentoftheruralpopulation.Thiscontributiontoruralgrowthacceleratedafter2000,whenHispanicsaccountedfor54percentoftheruralgain,whilerepresentingonly5.4percentofthepopulationin2000.By2010,theHispanicpopulationinruralAmericastoodat3.8million,againof45percentfrom2000.Hispanicmigrationisnowhavinglargesecondarydemographiceffectsonfertilityandnatu-ralincrease.14Between2000and2005,58percentofthenonmetropolitanHispanicincreasewasduetotheexcessofbirthsoverdeaths.15

Althoughsmallinoverallnumbers,nativepeoplesalsorepresentanimportantelementofmanyruralcommunitiesintheGreatPlainsandinpartsoftheWest.Surprisingly,therearefewmulti-ethniccountiesinruralAmerica.IntheSouthwest,nativepeoplesandHispanicsresidetogetherinafewcounties,andtherearescatteredpocketsofblacksandHispanicsco-residingintheSoutheastandEastTexas.Butingeneral,althoughdiversityisgrowinginruralAmerica,itisdoingsoonamodestscalewithoneoratmosttwominoritygroupsresidinginthesameruralcounty.

Childrenareinthevanguardofthisgrowingdiversityinnonmetropolitanareas.Nationwide,minoritychildrenrepresented46percentoftheU.S.populationunderage18in2010.Incontrast,only33percentoftheadultpopu-lationisminority.PatternsaresimilarinruralAmerica,

wherenearly28percentofthechildpopulationisminor-itycomparedwith18percentoftheadultpopulation(Figure7).Atmorethan12percentin2010,Hispanicsrepresentthelargestshareofthisminorityyouthpopula-tioninruralareas.16

Theconventionalwisdomisthatthisgrowingracialandethnicdiversityislargelyabig-cityphenomenon.However,theabsolutegrowthofminoritychildren—especiallyHis-panicchildren—isalsoevidentinruralareas,evenastheoverallchildpopulationtheredeclinedbynearly515,000

Figure 6. Percentage of nonmetropolitan population and population change by race and hispanic origin, 2000 to 2010

Source: US Census 2000 and 2010

Figure 7. Nonmetropolitan population by race and hispanic origin, 2010

Source: U.S. Census 2010

Figure 8. Absolute and percent change in child population by race/hispanic origin, 2000 to 2010

Source: U.S. Census 2000 and 2010

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(-4.2percent)between2000and2010(datanotshown).Figure8reflectsboththeabsoluteandpercentagechangeinthechildpopulationbetween2000and2010.Itshowsthatthenumberofnon-Hispanicwhitechildrendeclinedby940,000(-10.0percent)inruralareas,whilethenum-berofblackchildrendeclinedby11.6percent.TheoveralllossofchildreninruralareaswascushionedbyaHispanicchildpopulationgainof434,000children(45.1percent).Thesignificantlossofwhitechildrencoupledwithagrow-ingHispanicchildpopulationacceleratedthediversifica-tionoftheruralchildpopulation.

Today,591countieshavemoreminoritythanwhitechil-dren(so-called“majority-minority”counties)andanother300are“near”majority-minority,withbetween40and50percentminorityyouthpopulations(Figure9).Ofthese,356majority-minorityyouthcountiesarenonmetropolitanasare178ofthenearmajority-minoritycounties.Theseruralmajority-minoritycountiesareconcentratedintheMissis-sippiDelta,theRioGranderegion,theSoutheast,andintheNorthernGreatPlains.Youngpeopleclearlyareaharbingeroffutureracial-ethnicchangeanddiversityinruralAmerica,asdeathsamongtheolderlargelywhitepopulationarereplaceddisproportionatelybyminoritybirths.

Figure 9. Nonmetropolitan minority child population concentration, 2010

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2010

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DiscussionandPolicyImplicationsThestoryofdemographicchangeinruralAmericainthefirstdecadeofthetwenty-firstcenturyisastoryofslow-inggrowthasaresultofslowingmigration,coupledwithgrowingdiversity.Ruralpopulationgainswereconsiderablysmallerthantheyhadbeenduringtheruralreboundofthe1990s.Nonmetropolitanareasgrewbyjust2.2millionpeoplebetween2000and2010,barelyhalfthegrowthofthe1990s.TheslowerpopulationgrowthinruralAmericaoccurredbecausemigrationcontributedfarlesstotheruralpopulationincreasethanithadduringthe1990s.Paradoxically,naturalincrease(morebirthsthandeaths)re-emergedastheprimarydemographicforcefuelingruralgrowthnotbecauseofasurgeinruralbirths,butbecausemigrationtoruralAmericahassharplydiminished.

Thefirstdecadeofthetwenty-firstcenturyalsohighlightsnewpatternsofracialandethnicdiversityinruralAmerica.Hispanicsinparticularrepresentanewsourceofdemograph-icvigorinpartsofruralAmerica,especiallyintheMidwestandSoutheast.Theminoritypopulationrepresentsjust21percentoftheruralpopulation,butminoritiesproducednearly83percentoftheruralpopulationincreasebetween2000and2010.Hispanicsaccountedformorethanhalfoftheruralpopulationgaininthelastdecade,thoughtheyrepresentjust7.5percentoftheruralpopulationin2010.

TwopowerfuldemographicforcesplaceyoungpeopleinthevanguardofAmerica’snewdiversity.Thefirstistheincreaseinthenumberofminoritychildren.AsecondandevenmoredramaticforceinruralAmericaistheabsolutedeclineinthepopulationofnon-Hispanicwhiteyouth.TheproportionofminoritychildrenisnowgrowingrapidlyinmanypartsofruralAmerica.Yet,therearestillbroadruralregionswhereinteractionbetweenyoungpeoplefromdiffer-entrace-ethnicbackgroundsislimited.

Thesedemographicchangeshaveimportantpolicyimplica-tions.First,asruralAmericabecomesmoreraciallyandeth-nicallydiverse,ruralinstitutionsthatserveyoungpeople,suchaseducationandhealthcare,willbethefirsttofeeltheimpactandnewchallengesofthisgrowingdiversity.Suchinstitutionsareamongthemostexpensiveforlocalgovernments.Adjust-ingtogrowingdiversityisafinancialchallengeforcommuni-tiesduringthebestoftimes,muchlesswhentheyfacetheworstrecessioninageneration.Norarefinancialproblemstheonlychallengesruralcommunitiesfaceindealingwithdiversity.Hispanicsaretransformingthesocialfabricofmanysmalltowns,whileraisingimportantpolicyquestions(suchasschooling,politicalparticipation,andracialtensions)abouttheirsuccessfulincorporationintoAmericansociety.17

Thesecondpolicyimplicationstemsfromafamiliarproblem:highandpersistentchildpoverty.RecentresearchbytheCarseyInstitutedocumentsthestubbornpersistenceofchildpovertyinlargeareasofruralAmerica.18Bydefinition,

persistentpovertyishighlevelsofchildpovertyforatleastthirtyyears.Inall,571ofthe706U.S.countieswithpersistentchildpoverty(81percent)areinruralAmerica.Morethan26percentoftheruralchildpopulationresidesinthesecountieswithpersistentpoverty.Thiscompareswithjust12percentofurbanchildren.Therecessionhasonlyworsenedthissitua-tionwiththeproportionofchildreninpovertyrisinginthesealreadydisadvantagedcounties.Norispersistentchildpovertylimitedtoafewisolatedpocketsortominoritychildren.ItiswidespreadinlargelywhiteareasofAppalachiaandtheOzarks,justasitisinblackareasoftheMississippiDelta,NativeAmericanareasoftheGreatPlains,andinHispanicenclavesintheRioGrandeValley.ThedemographicchangesthatruralAmericahasexperiencedoverthelastdecadehavedonenothingtoalleviatepersistentpoverty.Thesocialandeconomicisolationfosteredbydistanceandlimitedtranspor-tationthatmanyoftheruralpoorfaceareamongthereasonswhywelfarereform,expansionofgovernmenthealthinsur-ance,andeducationreformsaffectchildrendifferentlyinruralareasthanincitiesandsuburbs.Inthefaceofgovernmentspendingcutbacksandtwodecadesofshiftingpolicy-makingresponsibilityfromthefederaltostateandlocalgovernments,itisimperativethatpolicymakersbecognizantofthecontinu-ingvulnerabilityoftheruralchildpopulation.

Afinalpolicyimplicationstemsfromthevariedpat-ternsofpopulationchange.AlthoughpopulationgrowthisslowingoverallinruralAmerica,somecommunitiesarethriving.Forfast-growingruralcounties,includingthosejustbeyondtheurbanedgeaswellasinamenity-richareas,programsandexpertiseareneededtoaddressthecomplexissuesofmanaginggrowthanddevelopment.Theseneedsareparticularlyacuteincommunitieswithrecreationalandnaturalamenities.Insuchareas,rapidpopulationincreaseputsadditionalpressureontheenvironmentallysensitiveriparian,forest,historical,andscenicareasthatoriginallyattractedmigrants,butnowmaybeoverwhelmedbythem.Managingrapidgrowthrepresentsaseriouschallengethatmanyruralgovernmentsaresimplynotpreparedtomeet,especiallyduringamajorrecessionthatisstretchingtheirlimitedresourceseventhinner.

Incontrast,inremoteruralagriculturalareas,thepopula-tionslowdownhasbeenprofound.Inhundredsofthesecoun-ties,morepeoplearenowdyingthanbeingbornandyoungadultscontinuetoleave,astheyhavefordecades.Hereruralpolicymustamelioratetheadverseimpactsofadiminishingpopulationontheprovisionofcriticalservicesandsupportprogramsaswellasprovideaccesstotheresources(internet,capital,andexpertise)neededtoexpandthelocalinfrastruc-tureandenhancefuturedevelopmentopportunities.

Inallcases,policymakersmustunderstandthevariedpatternsofdemographicchangeinruralcommunitiesanddesignpoliciesthatarecomprehensiveenoughtoaddressthemulti-facetedchallengesthesecommunitiesface.

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The2003NewHomesteadAct,whichwassponsoredbyabipartisangroupoffarm-statesenators,exemplifiesthekindofcomprehensivelegislationneededtoaddressthecomplexneedsofruralareas.Designedtostempopulationloss,thebilltargetednonmetropolitancountiesthatlostmorethan10percentoftheirpopulationfromoutmigrationduringthepasttwentyyears.Some698countiesqualifiedforthepro-gram,includingthefourfarmcountieswehighlight—Jewell,Osborne,Republic,andSmith.ModeledontheoriginalHomesteadActof1862,whichofferedgovernmentlandtoanyonewillingtosettleonandworkitforfiveyears,theNewHomesteadActofferedincentivestoindividualsandbusinessestoencouragethemtostayinormovetocountieswithhistoriesofmigrationloss.Forindividuals,incentivesincludedrepaymentofcollegeloans,taxcreditsforhomepurchases,protectionofhomevalues,andtax-freeaccountstobuildsavingsandincreaseaccesstocredit.Forbusinesses,incentivesincludedinvestmenttaxcredits,micro-enterprisetaxcredits,andaventurecapitalfund.

Unfortunately,thelegislationnevermadeitoutofcom-mittee.Nonetheless,theNewHomesteadActexemplifiesthetypeofcomprehensive,multifacetedbillneededtoaddressmanyofthechallengesthatcausedpopulationloss.

ThefatesofruralandurbanAmericaareincreasinglylinkedinthenewcentury.19However,policiestoaddresstheneedsofAmerica’s100largestmetropolitanareasmaynotyieldsimilarsuccessesinruralAmerica,wheredistancesaregreater,isolationiscommon,andagglomerationadvantagesarefewerandfartherbetween.Onlycomprehensivepolicies,suchastheNewHomesteadAct,thatarefullycognizantofthespecialneedsofruralcommunitiesandinformedbyinputfromlocalruralleaderscanaddresstheemergingde-mographic,economic,andspatialchallengesthatmanyruralcommunitiesface.Improvingtheopportunities,accessibility,andviabilityofruralareasiscriticalbothtothe51millionruralresidentsandtothelargernationthatdependonthecontributionsruralAmericamakestothematerial,environ-mental,andsocialwell-beingofthenation.

DataandMethodsCountiesaretheunitofanalysis.Theyhavehistoricallystableboundariesandareabasicunitforreportingfertility,mortality,andcensusdatabythefederalgovernment.Coun-tiesarealsoappropriateunitsofanalysisbecausemetropoli-tanareasarebuiltupfromthem(county-equivalentsareusedforNewEngland).Wedesignatecountiesasmetropoli-tanornonmetropolitanusingcriteriadevelopedbytheU.S.OfficeofManagementandBudget.Weuseaconstant2004metropolitan-nonmetropolitanclassification.Suchafixed

definitionofnonmetropolitanandmetropolitanremovestheeffectofreclassificationfromthecalculationoflongitudinalpopulationchange.

Metropolitanareasincludecountiescontaininganurbancoreof50,000ormorepopulation(orcentralcity),alongwithadjacentcountiesthatarehighlyintegratedwiththecorecountyasmeasuredbycommutingpatterns.Thereare1,090metropolitancounties.Theremaining2,051countiesareclassifiedasnonmetropolitan.Foreaseofexposition,weusetheterms“metropolitan”and“urban”(and“nonmetro-politan”and“rural”)interchangeably.Insomeanalyses,wehavefurtheridentifiedlargemetropolitancorecountiesinmetropolitanareasof1millionormore,andconsiderthemseparatelyfromallothermetropolitancounties.

WealsoclassifycountiesusingatypologydevelopedbytheEconomicResearchServiceoftheU.S.DepartmentofAgriculturethatgroupsnonmetropolitancountiesalongeconomicandpolicydimensions.20Countypopulationdatacomefromthedecennialcensusfor1990,2000,and2010.TheyaresupplementedwithdatafromtheFederal-StateCooperativePopulationEstimatesprogram(FSCPE),whichprovidesinformationonbirthsanddeathsineachcountyforApril2000toJuly2009.21WeestimatedbirthsanddeathsfromJuly2009tothecensusinApril2010at.75oftheamountfromJuly2008toJuly2009.Wederivedtheesti-matesofnetmigrationbytheresidualmethod,wherebynetmigrationiswhatisleftwhennaturalincrease(birthsminusdeaths)issubtractedfromtotalpopulationchange.

DatafortheracialandHispanicoriginofthepopula-tionarefromthe2000and2010census.Fiveethnoracialgroupsareidentified:(1)Hispanicsofanyrace,(2)non-Hispanicwhites,(3)non-Hispanicblacks,(4)non-HispanicAsians,and(5)allothernon-Hispanics,includingthosewhoreportedtwoormoreraces.Insomeanalyses,NativeAmericansarereportedseparately.Toexaminethespatialdistributionofdifferentracialandethnicchildpopulations,weestimatedthenumberandpercentageofmajority-minor-ity counties—thosehavingatleasthalftheirchildpopulationfromminoritygroupsin2010—andnear majority-minoritycounties—thosewithbetween40percentand50percentoftheirchildrenfromminoritypopulations.

Wealsoclassifiedcountiesashavingminorityconcentra-tionsifmorethan10percentofthepopulationwasfromaspecificminoritygroup.Black,Hispanic,Asian,andNativeAmericanwerethefourminoritygroupsthatreachedthe10percentthresholdinatleastonecounty.Weclassifiedcoun-tiesthathadtwoormoreminoritygroupsreachingthe10percentthresholdasmulti-ethnic.

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CountySnapshots

Farming Counties

RuralAmericawasoriginallysettledbypeoplewhoselivelihooddependedontheirabilitytowrestlefood,fiber,andmineralsfromtheland.TheUSDAdefines403farm-dependentcountiesthatrepresentthistraditionalruralsec-tor.AmongthemareJewell,Osborne,Republic,andSmithcountiesinKansas.SituatedalongtheNebraska-Kansasborderandstraddlingtheboundarybetweenthecornandwheatbelts,thesecountieshaveaverylargeproportionoftheirlaborforceengagedinagricultureandarefarremovedfromtheurbanscene.

In1900,nearly66,000peoplelivedandfarmedinthesefourcounties.Thepopulationhasdeclinedeversince.By1990,only20,700peopleremained.Thepopulationdroppedanother24percentinthenexttwentyyears,leavingjust15,800peoplein2010.Youngadultshavehistoricallyleftthesefarmcountiesinlargenumbers.Incontrast,theolderpopulationstays.Asaresult,allfourcountiesexperiencedoverallnaturaldecreaseineachofthelastfourdecades.

Thesefarming-dependentcountiesdoenjoysignificantadvantages.Unemploymentandpovertylevelsarelow.Incomesandhousingpricesaremoderate,producinganaffordablestandardofliving.Residentsfindthesefarmcountiesappealingbecausetheybelievetheirneighborswillhelpoutwhenneeded,peoplegetalong,andresidentsworktogetherwellintheircommunities.22Thecontinuinglossofpeopleandjobsdespitestronglocalsocialandcommunitycapitalreflectsthedilemmafacingmanyruralfarmcoun-ties.Addressingthisrequirescomprehensivepolicyinitia-tivesthatcapitalizeonlocalsocialandcommunitycapitaltoencouragepeople,business,andinstitutionstostayintheregionaswellasattractnewresidents.

Recreational Counties

Michigan’sGrandTraverseCountyexemplifiesthefastgrow-ingrecreationalandretirementdestinationsdiscussedinthisreport.SituatedonabeautifulLakeMichiganbayinMichi-gan’sLowerPeninsula,thecountyiswellknownforitscrystalclearlakes,skislopes,golfcourses,restaurants,andlodging.Ithasawell-earnedreputationasayear-roundrecreationalcenter,butitseconomyisactuallyquitediverse.

GrandTraverseamenitiesattractretireesandthecreativeclassesseekinganalternativetothehecticpaceofurbanlife.Theresulthasbeenrapidpopulationincrease,from39,175in1970to64,273in1990,a64percentgaininjusttwentyyears.Growthcontinuedinthe1990swithagainof20.8percent.Mostofthegrowthcamefrommigration,withasubstantial

flowfromthemetropolitanareasofsouthernMichiganandChicago.Growthslowedtojust12percentafter2000,asithasinmanyrecreationalareas,asaresultofslowingmigration,especiallyastherecessionhasdeepened.Eventhefastgrowingamenityregionsarenotimmunetoeconomicforces.

GrandTraverse’shistoryofgrowthhasexpandedemploy-mentopportunities,makingiteasierforresidentstostayandforworkersfromsurroundingareastomovein.Butthisgrowthhashadnegativeconsequencesaswell,withsomeconcernedabouttheimpactthatsomuchgrowthwillhaveontheenvironmentandqualityoflifeinthecommunity.

Manufacturing Counties

SurryCountyinNorthCarolinaisnestledagainsttheVir-giniaborderinthescenicfoothillsoftheSmokeyMoun-tains.Thecountyhasalonghistoryasacenterofruralmanufacturingmostlyinfurnituremakingandtextiles,butbothofthosesectorsarefadingandjobsaredisappearing.23Poultryprocessingisgrowinginthecounty,asitisinmuchoftheruralSoutheast,butjobsarestillscarce.Tourismisalsoontherisebecauseofthecounty’sbeautyanditsprox-imitytothegrowingurbanareastotheSouth.

Thecountyhashaditsdemographicupsanddowns.Surry’spopulationgrewby15.6percentduringtheruralturnaroundofthe1970sandby15.4percentduringthereboundofthe1990s.Migrationfueledalmostallofthisgrowth.Growthhasdiminishedsharplysince2000,withthecountygrowingbyjust3.5percentbecausenetmigrationfelltolessthan20percentofits1990slevel.SurryCounty’srecentdemographicchangeillustratesthegrowingdiversityofruralAmericaaswell.Hispanicsaccountedforvirtuallyalloftherecentpopulationgain,growingbymorethan50percentbetween2000and2010andnowrepresentingnearly10percentofthepopulation.PriorresearchbytheCarseyInstitutehighlightsthechallengesthatSurryandmanyotherruralcountiesfaceastheirpopulationsbecomemorediverse.24

Straddling an Economic Transformation

InNewHampshire’snorthernmostcounty,CoösCounty,adecliningmanufacturingandresourceextractionbasecoupledwithgrowingrecreationalactivity,hasproducedanunusualdemographicprofile.Formorethan100years,woodandpaperproductswereamainstayoftheeconomy,withlargemillsemployinggenerationsofresidentsprocess-ingthetimberofthevastnorthernforests.Today,onlyonemillremainsanditsfutureisprecarious.Yet,CoösCountyisalsosituatedinascenicregionwithskiareasandgrandoldresortsthathavewelcomedgenerationsofvacationersandnowamenitymigrants.

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CoösCountycurrentlyhas33,100residents,roughly1,200fewerresidentsthanithadin1970,andithaslostpopulationineachofthelastthreedecades.Therewere3,000birthsinCoösCountybetween2000and2010,butmorethan4,100deaths.Thisproducedanaturalpopulationlossof3.3percent.Coösalsoexperiencednaturaldecreaseinthe1990s.Yetbetween2000and2010,CoösCountygainedmigrantsbecauseofitsrecreationalappeal.Thismigrationgainoffsetmostofthenaturaldecreaseresultinginapopu-lationdeclineofjust56people(.2percent),aconsiderableimprovementoverthelossofnearly1,700duringthe1990s.

Thedifferinginfluenceofmanufacturingandrecreationisevidentinlocalmigrationpatterns.CoösCountyisstilllosingmanyofits20-to39-year-olds,whichiscommontomanyextractive-basedcounties(forestry,farming,andmining).Working-agedadultsmustoftenleavetoseekopportunitieselsewhere.Atthesametime,themodestinfluxofthoseaged50to59iscommoninrecreation-basedcounties.25

CoösCountyisseekingtocapitalizeonitsgrowingrecreationalappealthroughacounty-wideefforttocreateacommonbrand.Theeffortmustovercomethefierceinde-pendenceoflocalcommunitiesinthe“livefreeordie”state,however.26Suchrebrandingandregionalcooperationisanimportantstrategyforruralcommunitiestoconsiderastheyattempttoadapttotheeconomicanddemographictransfor-mationfacingruralAmericainthenewcentury.

E N D N O T E S1.Weusethetermsmetropolitanandurban(andnonmetro-politanandrural)interchangeably.2.KennethM.Johnson,“DemographicTrendsinRuralandSmallTownAmerica,”Reports on Rural America,vol.1,no.1(Durham,NH:CarseyInstitute,2006),pp.1-35.3.KennethM.JohnsonandJohnB.Cromartie,“TheRuralReboundandItsAftermath:ChangingDemographicDy-namicsandRegionalContrasts.”InPopulation Change and Rural Society,editedbyW.KandelandD.L.Brown(Dordre-cht,Netherlands:Springer,2006).4.Immigrationcontributedmoretoruralmigrationgainsbetween2000and2010thanitdidduringthe1990s.Nodefinitiveimmigrationdataarecurrentlyavailablefortheperiod,butestimatesfrom2000to2009suggestasubstan-tialinflowofimmigrantstobothadjacentandnonadjacentcounties.However,evenwithimmigrationontherise,over-allmigrationgainsweresignificantlysmallerinruralareasduringthefirstdecadeofthetwenty-firstcentury. 5.KennethM.JohnsonandCalvin.L.Beale,“NaturalPopu-lationDecreaseintheUnitedStates,”Rural Development Perspectives,vol.8(1992):8-15.6.KennethM.Johnson,“TheContinuingIncidenceofNatu-ralDecreaseinAmericanCounties,”Rural Sociology,vol.76,no.1(2011):74-100.7.Ibid.8.Manufacturingisanimportantcomponentoftheruraleconomyemployingalargerproportionoftherurallaborforcethanitdoesinurbanareas.SeeJohnson,“Demograph-icTrendsinRuralandSmallTownAmerica.”9.Johnson,“DemographicTrendsinRuralandSmallTownAmerica”;andJohnsonandCromartie,“TheRuralReboundandItsAftermath.”10.KennethM.JohnsonandCalvinL.Beale,“NonmetroRecreationCounties:TheirIdentificationandRapidGrowth,”Rural America 17(2002):12-19;David.A.McGranahan,“NaturalAmenitiesDrivePopulationChange,”AgriculturalEconomicsReportno.718(Washington,DC:EconomicRe-searchService,U.S.DepartmentofAgriculture,1999);Eco-nomicResearchService,“MeasuringRurality:2004CountyTypologyCodesMethods,DataSources,andDocumentation”(Washington,DC:U.S.DepartmentofAgriculture),availableonlineathttp://www.ers.usda.gov/Briefing/Rurality/Typology/Methods(retrievedJuly15,2011).11.WilliamKandelandJohnCromartie, New Patterns of Hispanic Settlement in Rural America,RuralDevelopmentResearchReportno.99(Washington,DC:EconomicRe-searchService,USDA,2004);KennethM.JohnsonandDan-ielT.Lichter,“NaturalIncrease:ANewSourceofPopulation

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Buildingknowledgeforfamiliesandcommunities

TheCarseyInstituteconductspolicyresearchonvulnerablechildren,youth,andfamiliesandonsustainablecommunitydevelopment.Wegivepolicymakersandpractitionerstimely,independentresourcestoeffectchangeintheircommunities.

ThisresearchwassupportedbyagrantfromAGree,aprojectoftheMeridianInstitute.

HuddlestonHall73MainStreetDurham,NH03824

(603)862-2821

www.carseyinstitute.unh.edu

inEmergingHispanicDestinationsintheUnitedStates,”Population and Development Review,vol.34(2008):327-346.12.JohnsonandLichter,“NaturalIncrease.”13.KandelandCromartie, New Patterns of Hispanic Settle-ment in Rural America;JohnsonLichter,“NaturalIncrease.”14.JohnsonandLichter,“NaturalIncrease”;KennethM.JohnsonandDanielT.Lichter,“TheGrowingDiversityofAmerica’sChildrenandYouth:SpatialandTemporalDimen-sions,”Population and Development Review, vol.31,no.1(2010):151-176.

15.JohnsonandLichter,“NaturalIncrease.”16.JohnsonandLichter,“TheGrowingDiversityofAmeri-ca’sChildrenandYouth.”17.DouglasS.Massey,New Faces in New Places: The Chang-ing Geography of American Immigration(NewYork:RussellSageFoundation,2008).18.MaryBethMattingly,KennethM.Johnson,andAndrewP.Schaefer,“MorePoorKidsinMorePoorPlaces,”CarseyInstitutePolicyBrief(Durham,NH:CarseyInstitute,Uni-versityofNewHampshire,2011).19.DanielT.LichterandDavid.L.Brown,“RuralAmericainanUrbanSociety:ChangingSpatialandSocialBoundar-ies,”Annual Review of Sociology, vol.37(2011):565-592.20.EconomicResearchService,“MeasuringRurality.”21.U.S.CensusBureau,“AnnualCountyResidentPopula-tionEstimatesbyAge,Sex,Race,andHispanicOrigin:April1,2000toJuly1,2009”(Washington,DC:U.S.CensusBureau,2010),availableathttp://www.census.gov/popest/counties/counties.html(retrievedAugust30,2011).22.LarryC.Hamiltonetal.,Place Matters: Challenges and Opportunities in Four Rural America. A Carsey Institute Report on Rural America(Durham,NH:CarseyInstitute,UniversityofNewHampshire,2008).23.Johnson,“DemographicTrendsinRuralandSmallTownAmerica.”24.Ibid.25.KennethM.Johnsonetal.,“TemporalandSpatialVaria-tioninAge-SpecificNetMigrationintheUnitedStates,”Demography, vol.42,no.4(2005):791-812.26.MicheleDillon,“StretchingTies:SocialCapitalintheRebrandingofCoösCounty,NewHampshire,”NewEnglandIssueBrief (Durham,NH:CarseyInstitute,UniversityofNewHampshire).

A B O U T T H E A U T H O R SKennethM.JohnsonisseniordemographerattheCarseyInstituteandprofessorofsociologyattheUniversityofNewHampshire([email protected]).

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T SThisresearchwassupportedbyagrantfromAGree,aprojectoftheMeridianInstitute.ResearchassistancewasprovidedbyLukeRogersandBarbCookoftheCarseyInstitute.ThankstoLeifJensenatPennsylvaniaStateUniversity;DanielLichteratCornellUniversity;BarbaraRayatHiredPen;andBruceMallory,CurtGrimm,AmySterndale,andLaurelLloydattheCarseyInstitutefortheirhelpfulcommentsandsuggestions.

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