New Perspectives on Jewish-Christian Relations

In Honor of David Berger

The Brill Reference Library of Judaism

Editors

Alan J. Avery-Peck (College of the Holy Cross)William Scott Green (University of Miami)

Editorial BoardDavid Aaron (Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of

Religion, Cincinnati)Herbert Basser (Queen’s University)

Bruce D. Chilton (Bard College)José Faur (Netanya College)

Neil Gillman (Jewish Theological Seminary of America)Mayer I. Gruber (Ben-Gurion University of the Negev)

Ithamar Gruenwald (Tel Aviv University)Maurice-Ruben Hayoun (University of Strasbourg and

Hochschule fuer Juedische Studien, Heidelberg)Arkady Kovelman (Moscow State University)

David Kraemer (Jewish Theological Seminary of America)Baruch A. Levine (New York University)

Alan Nadler (Drew University)Jacob Neusner (Bard College)

Maren Niehoff (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)Gary G. Porton (University of Illinois)

Aviezer Ravitzky (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)Dov Schwartz (Bar Ilan University)

Günter Stemberger (University of Vienna)Michael E. Stone (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)

Elliot Wolfson (New York University)

VOLUME 33

New Perspectives on Jewish-Christian Relations

In Honor of David Berger

Edited by

Elisheva CarlebachJacob J. Schacter

LEIDEN • BOSTON2012

Cover image: Jüden Thalmud fürnembster Inhalt und Widerlegung by Christian Gerson, 1569–1622. Image courtesy of Mendel Gottesman Library, Yeshiva University, with special thanks to Pearl Berger, Dean of Libraries, and Shulamith Z. Berger, Curator of Special Collections, Yeshiva University.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

New perspectives on Jewish-Christian relations / edited by Elisheva Carlebach, Jacob J. Schacter. p. cm. — (Brill reference library of Judaism ; v. 33) ISBN 978-90-04-22117-8 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Judaism—Relations—Christianity. 2. Christianity and other religions—Judaism. I. Carlebach, Elisheva. II. Schacter, Jacob J.

BM535.N388 2012 261.2’609—dc23

2011039146

ISSN 1571-5000ISBN 978 90 04 22117 8

© Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotel Publishers, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, and VSP.

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In honor of David Bergerinspiring teacherdevoted mentorbrilliant scholar

gracious colleague

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments .............................................................................. xi

Introduction ........................................................................................ 1 Elisheva Carlebach and Jacob J. Schacter

CHRISTIAN TRIUMPHALISM AND ANTI-JEWISH VIOLENCE

On the Authenticity of the Testimonium Flavianum Attributed to Josephus ................................................................. 13 Louis H. Feldman

The Menorah and the Cross: Historiographical Reflections on a Recent Discovery from Laodicea on the Lycus ..................... 31 Steven Fine

Judaizing the Passion: The Case of the Crown of Thorns in the Middle Ages ................................................................................... 51 William Chester Jordan

“Unless the Lord Watches Over the City . . .”: Joan of Aragon and His Jews, June–October 1391 .............................................. 65 Benjamin R. Gampel

CHRISTIAN MISSION AND JEWISH CONVERSION

Genesis 49:10 in Thirteenth-Century Christian Missionizing ..... 93 Robert Chazan

The Different Hebrew Versions of the “Talmud Trial” of 1240 in Paris ............................................................................................ 109 Judah Galinsky

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An Infant’s Missionary Sermon Addressed to the Jews of Rome in 1553 ................................................................................. 141 Robert Bonfil

Rabbi Jonathan Eibeschuetz and the Alleged Jewish-Christian Sect in Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam ................................... 175 Sid Z. Leiman

THE IMPRINT OF CHRISTIAN SOCIETY ON INTERNAL JEWISH CULTURAL PATTERNS

Seeking Signs? Jews, Christians, and Proof by Fire in Medieval Germany and Northern France .................................................. 205 Elisheva Baumgarten

A Medieval Judeo-Spanish Poem on the Complementarity of Faith and Works and Its Intellectual Roots .............................. 227 Bernard Septimus

“Because Our Wives Trade and Do Business with Our Goods”: Gender, Work, and Jewish-Christian Relations ....................... 241 Debra Kaplan

JEWISH EVALUATIONS OF CHRISTIANITY

Meiri and the Non-Jew: A Comparative Investigation ............... 265 Yaakov Elman

Changing Attitudes toward Apostates in Tosafist Literature, Late Twelfth–Early Thirteenth Centuries .................................. 297 Ephraim Kanarfogel

The Portuguese Jews of Amsterdam and the Status of Christians ........................................................................................ 329 Miriam Bodian

Rabbi Jacob Emden, Sabbatianism, and Frankism: Attitudes toward Christianity in the Eighteenth Century ....................... 359 Jacob J. Schacter

contents ix

JEWISH POLEMICAL STRATEGIES IN LIGHT OF CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM

Rashi’s Position on Prophecy among the Nations and the Jewish-Christian Polemic ............................................................. 399 Avraham Grossman

Isaiah’s Suffering Servant and the Jews: From the Nineteenth Century to the Ninth .................................................................... 419 Elliott Horowitz

Peshat or Polemics: The Case of Genesis 36 ................................. 437 Martin I. Lockshin

Maimonides’ Attitude toward Christian Biblical Hermeneutics in Light of Earlier Jewish Sources .............................................. 455 Mordechai Z. Cohen

Karaism and Christianity: An Evolving Relationship ................. 477 Daniel J. Lasker

CONTEMPORARY JEWISH-CHRISTIAN RELATIONS

Morality, Liberalism, and Interfaith Dialogue .............................. 491 David Shatz

The Jewish People and Their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian Bible, by the Pontifical Biblical Commission (Rome, 2001) .................................................................................. 521 Michael Wyschogrod

Index .................................................................................................... 535

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We are grateful to Dr. Morton Lowengrub, Provost and Senior Vice President for Academic Affairs at Yeshiva University, for crucial sup-port for this project. Shaul Seidler-Feller provided us with expert edi-torial assistance from the inception of the book. We deeply appreciate his devotion; it was a pleasure to work with him. We thank Professor Steven Fine for making the important introduction to Brill. At Brill, Acquisitions Editor Jennifer Pavelko, Assistant Editor Katelyn Chin, Production Editor Katie Costello, and Copy Editor Gene McGarry worked expeditiously and professionally to bring this volume to frui-tion. We thank the contributors for working closely with us.

Elisheva Carlebach and Jacob J. Schacter

THE MENORAH AND THE CROSS:HISTORIOGRAPHICAL REFLECTIONS ON A RECENT

DISCOVERY FROM LAODICEA ON THE LYCUS

Steven Fine*

The origins of this essay lie in a visit just four years ago to the city of Laodicea on the Lycus, in what was once Phrygia, in modern Turkey. A colleague, the intrepid Mark Wilson of the Asia Minor Research Center in Izmir, directed me to a pile of column fragments west of the Roman cardo, where he told me I would find a fragment with a cross and a menorah. Eventually, I found the pile, and with great excitement the column. This fragment, which was published in a brief note by the excavator, Celal Simsek, in 2006, was discovered in the ruins of Nymphaeum A at Laodicea, “to the north side of the so-called Syrian Road,” a building destroyed in an earthquake in 494 CE. (Fig. 1).1 The presence of a menorah in the nymphaeum compound at the very center of the city did not surprise me. After all, numerous roughly inscribed menorahs were found in the Sebastion of Aphrodi-sias from late antiquity, a period during which the erstwhile emperor temple compound was subdivided into shops.2 Similar rough menorahs

* This article is dedicated to Prof. David Berger, with great appreciation. A preliminary version of this piece was presented at the Association for Jewish

Studies Annual Meeting in Boston, December 2010. Thanks to my colleagues Joseph Angel, David Frankfurter, Robin Jensen, Shira Lander, Vivian Mann, Jess Olson, Stu-art S. Miller, and Mark Wilson for their incisive comments in the preparation of this manuscript. I am especially grateful to Mark Wilson for his continuing generosity toward my research, to Celal Simsek and Stephan Westphalen for discussing their excavations with me, to John Pollini and Eberhard Sauer for sharing their studies with me prior to publication, to the archivists of the New York Public Library, and to Wayne Kempton, archivist of the Episcopal Diocese of New York. This research trip was funded by the Office of the Provost of Yeshiva University, Prof. Morton Lowen-grub. Finally, I thank Elisheva Carlebach and Jacob J. Schacter for organizing this marvelous tribute.

1 Celal Simsek, “A Menorah with a Cross Carved on a Column of Nymphaeum A at Laodicea Ad Lycum,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 91, no. 1 (2006): 342.

2 Joyce M. Reynolds and Robert F. Tannenbaum, Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodi-sias: Greek Inscriptions with Commentary. Texts from the Excavations at Aphrodisias Conducted by Kenan T. Erim (Cambridge, 1987). Angelos Chanitotis, “Godfearers in the City of Love,” Biblical Archaeology Review 36, no. 3 (2010): 34–44, 77; idem, “The Conversion of the Temple of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias in Context,” in From Temple

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Figure 1. Column fragment with menorah and cross, Laodicea (photograph by Steven Fine).

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were found in the shops adjacent to the Sardis synagogue (also a build-ing in the city center),3 on a reused marble slab found in the Library of Celsius in Ephesus, and adorning tombs—including some in nearby Hierapolis (Pamukkale)—at numerous other sites.4 Alternatively, per-haps this well-carved column fragment derived from some lost Jewish communal building, perhaps a synagogue.

The image of the menorah on this column fragment, flanked by a shofar, a ram’s horn, to its right and a lulav, a palm frond, to its left, was a well-known visual trope in Jewish art across the empire,5 but our piece is distinguished by the fact that this is the first archaeological evidence published for the Jewish community of Laodicea.6 The form of the menorah is also typical, though the portrayal of flames as short irregular lines above the branches is less common. Though no traces of pigment remain on this object, I wonder if the flames might have been colored differently than the rest of the lamp, though this would be an exception in a very standard iconography.7 The angular shofar is typical of portrayals of ram’s horns from Asia Minor.8

What makes this portrayal unique, however, is the very large cross that is superimposed on the upper branches of the menorah; its round base is deeply gouged over the upper branches. The cross—asymmetri-cal and carelessly carved—is nonetheless a much stronger image than the menorah. Its lines were carved widely and deeply with a far more secure hand than the compositionally more complex menorah below. This column is an excellent example of the ways that each of these

to Church: Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity, ed. Johannes Hahn, Stephen Emmel, and Ulrich Gotter (Leiden, 2008), 243–273.

3 John S. Crawford, “Jews, Christians, and Polytheists in Late-Antique Sardis,” in Jews, Christians, and Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue: Cultural Interaction during the Greco-Roman Period, ed. Steven Fine (London, 1999), 174–189.

4 See Walter Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II: Kleinasien (Tübingen, 2004), 151, 398–440, and the bibliography there.

5 See Rachel Hachlili, The Menorah, the Ancient Seven-armed Candelabrum: Ori-gin, Form & Significance (Leiden, 2001).

6 On the history of the Jewish community at Laodicea, see Paul R. Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1992), 14, 17, 31, 101–103, 198. Simsek tells me that “[w]e have found only one menorah at the Laodikeia excavations yet, but we found a lot of Jewish inscriptions” (e-mail message to author, October 13, 2010).

7 Simsek informs me that “[t]here wasn’t any evidence of plaster or coloration within the menorah or the cross” (e-mail message to author, August 18, 2009).

8 Steven Fine and Leonard V. Rutgers, “New Light on Judaism in Asia Minor during Late Antiquity: Two Recently Identified Inscribed Menorahs,” Jewish Studies Quarterly 3 (1996): 1–23.

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communities created symbols for themselves in the Roman world. For the Jews, a symbol drawn from the Jerusalem Temple cult; for the Christians, a memory of the crucifixion; for both, a simple vertical and highly linear cipher that expresses something about each community in shorthand. Here they were, expressing the same formal vocabu-lary, one superimposed upon the other. Here was the “smoking gun,” the iconographic evidence for the process of Christianizing the physi-cal environment of the empire, which included the destruction and appropriation of polytheistic and Jewish sacred spaces.9

Archaeological evidence from diaspora synagogues has been dis-covered at Ilici (modern Elche) in Spain, at Stobi in Macedonia, and at Gerasa in Jordan.10 At Ilici and Stobi, the synagogues were trans-formed into churches, while in Gerasa the site was razed and a church built in its stead. Destruction of synagogues by fire, as at Ein Gedi and perhaps Caesarea Maritima and Huseifa on Mount Carmel, has been ascribed to Christians;11 the malicious destruction of a Huseifa syna-gogue is mentioned in a liturgical poem.12 More significantly, Roman legal and patristic sources provide dozens of examples relating to the destruction and conversion of synagogues for Christian purposes. Still, here was an explicit and visually compelling image of the process of Christianization—an image that I had long assumed must exist.

9 I was, of course, well aware of the archaeological and literary evidence for the transformation of synagogue sites, and in 1999 wrote about evidence for the Christian destruction of synagogues in late antique Palestine. See Steven Fine, “Non-Jews in the Synagogues of Palestine: Rabbinic and Archaeological Perspectives,” in Jews, Chris-tians, and Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue, 224–241.

10 The most complete discussion and bibliography on Ilici appears in David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe, vol. 1, Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain, and Gaul (Cambridge, 1993), 241–247. On Stobi, see Dean L. Moe, “The Cross and the Menorah,” Archaeology 30 (1977): 148–157. On Gerasa, see John W. Crowfoot, “The Christian Churches,” in Gerasa: City of the Decapolis, ed. Carl H. Kraeling (New Haven, 1938), 234–241.

11 Dan Barag, Yosef Porat, and Ehud Netzer, “The Synagogue at ‘En-Gedi,” in Ancient Synagogues Revealed, ed. Lee I. Levine ( Jerusalem, 1981), 116–119. Michael Avi-Yonah, The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule: A Political History of Palestine from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab Conquest ( Jerusalem, 1984), 251, notes that “the evidence even included particles of sulfur.” On Huseifa, see Michael Avi-Yonah and Na’im Makhouly, “A Sixth-Century Synagogue at ‘Isfiya,” Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine 3 (1933): 118–131.

12 Simha Assaf, “Kinah kedumah ‘al hurban ha-kehillot be-’Eretz Yisra’el,” Meko-rot u-mehkarim be-toledot Yisra’el ( Jerusalem, 1946), 9–16; Mordechai A. Friedman, “ ’Ono—yedi‘ot hadashot mi-kitvey ha-Genizah ha-Kahirit,” in Beyn Yarkon ve-’Ayalon: Mehkarim ‘al Gush Dan ve-‘Emek Lod, ed. David Grossman (Ramat-Gan, 1983); Fine, “Non-Jews in the Synagogues of Palestine,” 235.

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The placement of the cross above the menorah parallels a standard late antique Christian practice in dealing with Roman “paganism.” The addition of crosses, often directly upon or above “pagan” images, is well documented. This Christianization often had deep ideological significance. One example of this practice is the destroyed image of Mithras and the bull from a natural cave relief in Doliche in eastern Asia Minor.13 Here, too, a cross, apparently representing the Church Triumphant, is carved above the mutilated sculpture, and other crosses appear as well. Closer to Laodicea, the Temple of Artemis at Sardis is covered with similarly carved crosses (Fig. 2). At Ephesus, crosses were added in a very public way to the foreheads of Augustus and Livia, transforming the imperial couple into Christian penitents

13 Eberhard Sauer, The Archaeology of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World (London, 2003), pl. 9.

Figure 2. Christian graffiti in the Temple of Artemis at Sardis (photograph by Mark Wilson).

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(Fig. 3).14 There is thus nothing surprising about the Laodicea column. It was perversely exciting, nonetheless, to finally see it!

Few processes in late antiquity are better documented than the steps by which the Christian empire, ostensibly led, prodded, and cajoled by its most ideological elements, destroyed, appropriated, and trans-formed the architectural face of the Mediterranean world—at first post factum and then a priori. Roman legal sources, triumphalistic—and often hagiographic—patristic sources in four languages,15 archaeo-logical remains strewn from England to Arabia, occasionally Roman authors like Libanius, and even a Hebrew liturgical poem point to this process. James Parkes’s masterpiece, The Conflict of the Church and Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of Anti-Semitism (London, 1934)—a book written in response to rising European anti-Semitism (and, notably, published by the Jewish Soncino Press, and not by a general publisher)—provides the most comprehensive description of what can only be called an assault upon the synagogue in late antiquity.16 Ener-gized by the Laodicea column fragment, I searched for more recent discussions of the destruction of polytheistic and Jewish sites.

Over the last century, astonishingly little has been written that focuses upon the destruction of “pagan” art in late antiquity.17 Until very recently, this process was taken as a natural—and often lauda-tory—element of the Christianization of the Roman Empire. Only now

14 The sculptures are currently at the Ephesus Museum. Many thanks to Mark Wilson for bringing them to my attention. Helen Saradi, “The Use of Ancient Spolia in Byzantine Monuments: The Archaeological and Literary Evidence,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 3 (1997): 403–404, suggests that “another means of incorporating the pagan past into the Christian world was to carve the sign of the cross on the forehead of statues, in particular those of Roman emperors. It has been shown that the cross on the forehead stood for the sphragis, directly related to the baptism. Thus these statues were Christianized and the represented persons were included among the Christians. This use of the cross was positive and it was not meant to indicate that the statues were ‘neutralized.’ The fact that in particular statues of members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty received the cross on the forehead takes on a special significance. It probably indicates that they had been chosen by God to become part of his divine plan, since Christ came to earth during that dynastic rule.”

15 While many of the specific instances of Christian destruction are clearly dramatic inventions and stock topoi of Christian hagiographic literature, these texts reflect and provide broader ideological support for actual Christian destruction.

16 See now Leonard V. Rutgers, Making Myths: Jews in Early Christian Identity Formation (Leuven, 2009), whose basic tendencies are similar to those presented in this article.

17 On the problematic nature of the terms “pagan” and “polytheists,” see Michele R. Salzman, “Pagans and Christians,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, ed. Susan Ashbrook Harvey and David G. Hunter (Oxford, 2010), 186–189.

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Figure 3. Sculpture with Christian graffiti, Ephesus Museum, Seljuk, Turkey (photograph by Mark Wilson).

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have classical art historians—often with the sense of being themselves the personally aggrieved parties—focused upon this phenomenon. Most prominent among these are Eberhard Sauer in his The Archaeol-ogy of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World (Lon-don, 2003) and John Pollini,18 who for the first time examined the damage done to the most iconic (and studied) of all classical buildings, the Parthenon.19

“Late Antiquity” scholars have, until recently, been astonishingly quiet on this subject. Kurt Weitzmann’s monumental 1979 Metropoli-tan Museum of Art exhibition, The Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century,20 intentionally made no mention of this less happy side of late antique “spirituality,” elid-ing the catastrophe that was already being visited upon “polytheis-tic,” Jewish, and non-Orthodox Christian culture. The exhibition was unproblematically divided into five sections: “The Imperial Realm,” “The Classical Realm,” “The Secular Realm,” “The Jewish Realm,” and finally “The Christian Realm.”21 Margaret Olin has shown that Weitz-mann’s approach was not mere academic blindness, but it was pro-scriptive. Weitzmann projected happy postwar America into antiquity

18 See also Eberhard Sauer, “Bursts of Destruction: Regional Variations in Icono-clasm in the Ancient and Late Antique World,” in Iconoclasm: Proceedings of a Confer-ence at Oslo, 5–6 November 2009, ed. Kristine Kolrud and Marina Prusac-Lindhagen, forthcoming.

19 John Pollini, “Christian Destruction and Mutilation of the Parthenon,” in Athe-nische Mitteilungen 122 (2007): 207–228; idem, “Gods and Emperors in the East: Images of Power and the Power of Intolerance,” in The Sculptural Environment of the Roman Near East: Reflections on Culture, Ideology and Power, ed. Yaron Z. Eliav, Elise A. Friedland, and Sharon Herbert (Leuven, 2008), 165–195; idem, “The Archae-ology of Destruction: Christians, Images of Classical Antiquity, and Some Problems of Interpretation,” Proceedings of the International Conference on “The Archaeology of Violence”: An Integrated Approach to the Study of Violence and Conflict, Institute for European and Mediterranean Archaeology, University of Buffalo, April 2009, forthcom-ing. Pollini is currently preparing a monograph entitled Christian Destruction and Desecration of Images of Classical Antiquity: A Study in Religious Intolerance in the Ancient World.

20 Kurt Weitzmann, ed., The Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century (New York, 1979). For Weitzmann’s perspective on this exhibition, see his Sailing with Byzantium from Europe to America: The Memoirs of an Art Historian (Munich, 1994), 429–444. See also Margaret Olin, The Nation without Art: Examining Modern Discourses on Jewish Art (Omaha, 2002), 127–156; Steven Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World: Toward a New Jewish Archaeology (Cambridge, 2010), 5–59, 130–131, 172–183.

21 Robin M. Jensen comments on the enduring significance of this exhibition in “Material Evidence (2): Visual Culture,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, 109–110.

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in response to his own wartime experiences. He traced his interest in relationships between Jewish and Christian art to a seminar on Dura taught by the venerable Berlin art historian Hans Leitzmann in 1933–1934, soon after Hitler came to power. This theme was appar-ently chosen by Leitzmann as an act of resistance against Nazism. As a student of the (baptized) Jewish art historian Adolph Goldschmidt, Weitzmann found himself unemployable in Germany without a course of Nazification. He therefore left for Princeton, where he devel-oped his prewar interests and continued to imagine—and project—a Weimar-like multicultural Dura Europos. It is not insignificant that The Age of Spirituality presented an undisturbed “Jewish Realm,” nor that this section of the exhibition was curated by Israeli art historian (and Weitzmann acolyte) Bezalel Narkiss.22

The field of “Late Antiquity,” with Peter Brown as paterfamilias, having developed so recently out of patristic studies, still maintains an astonishing empathy toward the Christianization of the empire.23 A recent collection entitled Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices (London, 2006), for example, mainly focuses upon violence toward Christians and has little to say about violence committed by Christians.24 Michael Gaddis’s There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005), published in Brown’s “The Transformation of the Classical Heritage” series,25 is the first monograph of this school to focus upon patristic violence and is an important step. A major conference volume, edited by Johannes Hahn, Stephen Emmel, and Ulrich Gotter, From Temple to Church: Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography

22 Olin, The Nation Without Art, 139–146; Bezalel Narkiss, “My Path Through Art,” trans. Dvora Sax, posted on the website of The Center for Jewish Art, http://cja.huji.ac.il/Narkiss/MY%20PATH%20THROUGH%20ART.html (accessed January 17, 2011). This anti-lachrymose approach to Dura was translated in terms of contempo-rary “multi-cultural” concerns in an exhibition organized by the Yale University Art Gallery and the McMullen Museum of Art at Boston College, Dura Europos: Cross-roads of Antiquity, McMullen Museum of Art at Boston College, February 5–June 5, 2011, and particularly in the accompanying volume edited by Lisa R. Brody and Gail L. Hoffman (Boston, 2011). See my forthcoming review in Near Eastern Archaeology.

23 See Peter Brown, Authority and the Sacred: Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman World (Cambridge, 1995), 31–54, and my review of Hagith Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity, in Review of Biblical Literature [http://www.bookreviews.org] (2009).

24 Harold A. Drake, Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices (London, 2006).

25 Michael Gaddis, There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005).

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in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 2008), assembles studies that reflect great subtlety in their use of literary and archaeological sources, with opin-ions ranging from Roger Bagnall’s self-described “positivist” and deeply anti-lachrymose approach to archaeological evidence for the Christianization of Egypt to David Frankfurter’s cautious search for “historical kernels” in patristic sources that do not find their way into the kinds of legal papyri and imperial narratives that Bagnall favors.26

Trends in the larger academy are apparent in Jewish studies, though with the particular charge relating to Emancipation and its most recent stage, Americanization. Scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums, most prominently historian Heinrich Graetz, focused deeply upon the Christian destruction of Jewish monuments and buildings, building upon a deep-seated Jewish sense of aggrievement toward Christian-ity and using that historical evidence in the contemporary battle for emancipation.27 Writing in New York beginning in 1927, the Austro-Hungarian immigrant scholar Salo W. Baron moved to bracket and balance negative aspects of Jewish history and focus upon Jewish social and economic power,28 a narrative that suited his upwardly mobile first-generation Americanizing Jewish audience well (and was first given public expression in a popular literary journal directed toward this group in 1928—perhaps one of the least lachrymose moments in all of Jewish history).29 To do this, he branded his predecessors as proponents of “the lachrymose history of the Jews,” as opposed to his own community-focused search for a new and rebalanced American

26 Roger S. Bagnall, “Models and Evidence in the Study of Religion in Late Roman Egypt,” From Temple to Church, 23–41; David Frankfurter, “Iconoclasm and Chris-tianization in Late Antique Egypt: Christian Treatments of Space and Image,” From Temple to Church, 135–159. In addition, see Sauer’s evaluation of Bagnall’s work in The Archaeology of Religious Hate, 106–113.

27 Heinrich Graetz, Geschichte der Juden von den ältesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1908), 354–367; Ismar Schorsch, From Text to Context: The Turn to History in Modern Judaism (Waltham, MA, and Hanover, NH, 1994), 51–70, 151–367; Yosef H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle, 1996), 77–117.

28 This approach is first presented in his “Ghetto and Emancipation: Shall We Revise the Traditional View?” Menorah Journal 2 (1928): 515–526. See Robert Liberles, Salo Wittmayer Baron: Architect of Jewish History (New York, 1995), 39–51; Schorsch, From Text to Context, 376–388.

29 See Liberles, Salo Wittmayer Baron, 14–15. I focus on this moment in terms of New York public Jewish architecture in the preface to the revised edition of my Art and Judaism, xv–xviiii. I hope to return to this decisive year in a subsequent publication.

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consensus in his multivolume A Social and Religious History of the Jews. The second, greatly expanded edition of Baron’s opus has been described as an anti-lachrymose response to “the noxious fumes of the Holocaust.”30 In the section ominously titled “Incipient Medieval-ism,” Baron goes to incredible lengths to support his anti-lachrymose approach. Here, Baron draws upon resources almost entirely from patristic polemics against synagogues and particularly against Chris-tian participation in synagogue rituals, reading them against the grain in search of positive interactions with Jews and Judaism. To cite some of his more poignant comments:

More remarkably still, even the Christian masses got along very well with their Jewish neighbors. . . . Many Christians continued to attend synagogues particularly on Saturdays. So widespread was the reverence for the Jewish Sabbath in Christian circles that the strongly anti-Jewish Council of Laodicaea had to concede them the right of reading in their churches from “the Gospels and other portions of the Scripture” on that day.31

Much of this friendliness, to be sure, already had a suspicious color-ing. It foreshadowed, in part, a growing belief among medieval Chris-tians that the Jew is endowed with superior powers of healing and blessing crops because of his intimate association with demons. . . . These normally friendly masses were, nevertheless, easily swayed by a rabble-rousing preacher or any unsubstantiated rumor to attack Jews and syna-gogues. Burning of Jewish houses of worship and their conversion into churches became a frequent occurrence. Mobs and their ecclesiastical leaders effectively defied the imperial will, expressed in an endless reit-eration of protective laws for synagogue property.32

The anti-lachrymose approach adopted by Baron, with this tinge of special pleading, asserted far greater significance for the happier sides of late antiquity and paralleled the Holocaust response that under-lies Weitzmann’s approach to things Jewish. Baron played down the Christian destruction of Jewish and pagan sites and ascribed it to “rab-ble-rousing” churchmen, adopting as his own the positions expressed by late antique imperial legal codes, texts that maintained their own internal and deeply conservative legal logic even as historical situa-tions changed.

30 Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (Phila-delphia, 1962), 187–191; Schorsch, From Text to Context, 386.

31 Baron, A Social and Religious History, vol. 2, 188.32 Ibid., 189.

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Between the lines of Baron’s narrative, one may sense the gulf that often separated the Church’s official anti-Jewish hostility before the Second Vatican Council and the far warmer relations that often existed between Catholics and Jews on the local level—particularly in America but also in Baron’s native Austria-Hungary.33 It is astonishing that a recent 748-page study of the ancient synagogue, written by a student of Baron’s school, mentions synagogue destructions only briefly;34 the narrative of Christian destruction receiving a “walk-on” role is a fine example of anti-lachrymose scholarship.35 The “obviousness” of this stance was such that it did not even occur to me, a young student of Baron’s student, to include synagogue destruction in my 1996 exhibi-tion, Sacred Realm: The Emergence of the Synagogue in the Ancient World, a project that, from its earliest planning stages, beginning in 1990, I intentionally modeled on The Age of Spirituality.36 On the other hand, to include it might have diminished funding options, for the 1990s were a particularly happy period in American culture.

Scholarship on early Christianity has shown particular concern for the relationship between Judaism and Christianity in the first centu-ries. The steps by which these communities separated have been of particular interest, particularly surrounding the question of “Jewish Christianity.” Central to this conversation was French scholar Marcel Simon, who identified a small group of objects that seem to pair Jew-ish and Christian iconography as “Jewish-Christian.”37 More recently, much scholarship in North America and in Israel has focused upon interpenetration of Jews and Christians, a search for “The Ways that

33 For a parallel evaluation of Baron’s apologetic, see Elliott Horowitz, Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence (Princeton, 2006), 238–239.

34 Lee I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years, 2nd ed. (New Haven, 2005), 210–211.

35 Yoram Bronowski captured the strongly American tone of Levine’s oeuvre, describing his Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conflict or Confluence? (Peabody, MA, 1999) as “a quiet song of praise (shir hallel ) . . . to this blending (mizzug) [of Juda-ism and Hellenism].” See Yoram Bronowski, “Yefet be-’ohalo shel Shem,” Haaretz, April 24, 2000, B-14.

36 Steven Fine, ed., Sacred Realm: The Emergence of the Synagogue in the Ancient World (New York, 1996).

37 Marcel Simon, Recherches d’Historie Judéo-Chrétienne (Paris, 1962). See Fine, Art and Judaism, 158, 181–187. See my review of Karen B. Stern, Inscribing Devotion and Death: Archaeological Evidence for Jewish Populations of North Africa, in Review of Biblical Literature [http://www.bookreviews.org] (2009).

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Never Parted,”38 that is, the religious culture shared by Christians and Jews in antiquity. My own sense is that while Jews and Christians, like, for example, Jews and Samaritans, certainly shared a broad late antique culture, this approach often plays down the power discrep-ancy between the Jewish minority and the theologically supersession-ist, and at times violent, Christian Empire—incorrectly treating Jews and Christians as rhetorical equals.39 The over-focus on the liminality of borders between these communities (what we now call “hybridiza-tion”) parallels and offers historical resonance to elements of contem-porary Jewish acculturation, liberal Christian secularization, and the de-hyphenization of the Jewish-Christian relationship in contempo-rary America, a phenomenon well expressed in high rates of marriage between these groups.40 Simsek, the excavator of Laodicea, interprets our column within the seemingly endless (and largely futile) search for archaeological evidence of Judeo-Christianity and a peaceable antiq-uity: “The fact that these two motifs are virtually united may point to

38 Adam H. Becker and Annette Y. Reed, ed., The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Minneapolis, 2007). See, e.g., Daniel Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia, 2006), a volume that has been highly influential in Christian circles and has been less well received by most historians of Judaism during this period. This approach underlies, for example, Thomas Sizgorich, Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Mili-tant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia, 2009), 5–6. Scholars working in Israel are often responding to somewhat different stimuli, sometimes related to post-Zionist trends in Israeli scholarship. Good examples are Horowitz, Reckless Rites, whose study of Jewish violence represents his explicit response to what he perceives as the use of “reckless” power in dealing with the Palestinians, and Israel J. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, trans. Barbara Harshav and Jonathan Chipman (Berkeley, 2008), whose work responds to the deep focus upon lachrymosity among Israeli medievalists of previous generations, most prominently Yitzhak Baer.

39 This approach has been the subject of serious reevaluation in recent years. See Stuart S. Miller, “Roman Imperialism, Jewish Self-Definition, and Rabbinic Society:Belayche’s Iudaea-Palaestina, Schwartz’s Imperialism and Jewish Society, and Boyarin’s Border Lines Reconsidered,” Association for Jewish Studies Review 31 (2007): 329–362; Adiel Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity, and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2010), 98, and especially n. 50; Rutgers, Making Myths, 12–15; the comments of Andrew S. Jacobs, “Jews and Christians,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, 169–172; and Jacobs’s review of Rutgers’s Making Myths in Association for Jewish Studies Review 34 (2010): 416–418. See also my reviews of Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity, and of Stern, Inscribing Devotion.

40 The literature on contemporary exogamous marriage among Jews is vast. For an example of one thoughtful study, see Steven M. Cohen and Arnold M. Eisen, The Jew Within: Self, Family, and Community in America (Bloomington, IN, 2000).

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the presence of Jewish Christians in the town and suggest that the two groups co-existed peacefully.”41

In the early 1990s I did not pay much attention to the fact that the marble menorah plaque discovered at Priene in the Grossenkirchen and published in 1892 was found in the church (Fig. 4).42 The iconog-raphy of the menorah—spirals beneath each branch, palm frond and citron to its left, and a shofar to its right—is clearly Jewish and fits with the other menorahs with curls from Nicaea, Sardis, and now Andriake, the Port of Myra.43 This is not a Christian menorah.44 One cannot help but (unfairly?) wonder why it was not discovered in the synagogue (which Sukenik suggests was its source),45 a far more modest building of local stone, where no menorah of this elegance was found. Was this

41 Simsek, “A Menorah with a Cross Carved,” 346. 42 Theodor Wiegand and Hans Schrader, Priene: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und

Untersuchungen in den Jahren 1895–1898 (Berlin, 1904), 481.43 Fine and Rutgers, “New Light on Judaism in Asia Minor,” 1–23; Nevzat Cervik,

Ozgu Comezoghu, Huseyin Ozturk, and Inci Turkoglu, “A Unique Discovery in Lycia: The Ancient Synagogue at Andrake, Port of Myra,” Adalya 13 (2010): 335–366.

44 See Hachlili, The Menorah, 271–272, and my Art and Judaism, 158.45 Eleazar L. Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues in Palestine and Greece (London, 1934),

43, and my Art and Judaism, 29.

Figure 4. Menorah plaque from the Priene basilica. The German caption below translates: “Seven-armed candelabrum from the large church” (Theodor Wiegand and Hans Schrader, Priene: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Unter-

suchungen in den Jahren 1895–1898 [Berlin, 1904], 481).

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beautiful plaque taken from the synagogue—perhaps from another local synagogue that has not been discovered—or did the Christians simply buy the stone? Was it displayed in the church, perhaps as a kind of booty? The final report, published in 1904, does not state whether the stone was displayed, though the most recent scholar to study the basilica, Stephan Westphalen, tells me that “the menorah plaque was reused as a spolia in the floor of the Byzantine basilica.”46

Recently, Michele Murray has somewhat tentatively suggested a more positive take on the presence of this rather monumental marble plaque (measuring 60 x 61.5 cm)47 within the large church at Priene. She writes,

Another option that ought to be considered is that the display of the menorah in the church was motivated by a positive attitude towards Judaism. Displaying the menorah in the church would then be an expression of appreciation or even attraction towards Judaism. There is plentiful literary evidence for such attraction and earlier Christian litera-ture from Asia Minor. . . . The fourth-century council held by Anatolian bishops in the Asia Minor city of Laodicea issued canons that oppose a very real Christian interest in Judaism, such as attending Jewish festivals, the observing the [sic] Sabbath, participating in Passover Seders, and other activities. . . . Within Asia Minor, there is evidence for Christian interconnection with and attraction to Judaism and for a certain fluid-ity in Jewish-Christian boundaries and identity. The possibility that the discovery of the menorah in the church (a structure admittedly dated slightly later than much of the literature just cited) might reflect a pro-Jewish attitude on the part of the Christian community of Priene cannot be dismissed out of hand.48

For Murray, the presence of the menorah plaque in the large church has become an ecumenical statement. The sources she cited (Melito of Sardis, Irenaeus) stem from the second century, and not from the fourth and fifth when Christian sources from Asia Minor, most voci-ferously John Chrysostom, struggled with considerable vituperation

46 E-mail message to author, August 3, 2010. On the basilica generally, see Stephan Westphalen, “Die Basilika von Priene. Architektur und liturgische Ausstattung,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen 48 (1998): 279–340; idem, “The Byzantine Basilica at Priene. A Fieldwork Report,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 54 (2000): 275–280.

47 Fine, Sacred Realm, 161.48 Michele Murray, “Down the Road from Sardis: Adaptive Religious Structures

and Religious Interaction in the Ancient City of Priene,” in Religious Rivalries and the Struggle for Success in Sardis and Smyrna, ed. Richard S. Ascough (Waterloo, ON, 2005), 209.

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to limit Christian involvement with Judaism—far from an ecumenical spirit.49 The basilica at Priene was not the Episcopal Cathedral of St. John the Divine in New York City—to choose but one particularly poignant modern example—where the altar is flanked by two large seven-branched menorahs, donated in 1930 by New York Times pub-lisher and son-in-law of Isaac Meyer Wise,50 Adolph S. Ochs. Ochs saw this gift, which was given during the same year Salo Baron became the first incumbent of the Miller Chair in Jewish History at the adjacent Columbia University, as a momentous step forward for Jewish-Christian relations. The Cathedral dean agreed, explaining that the menorahs were “symbols of the debt owed by Christianity to Judaism.”51 This goodwill certainly resonates with Murray’s desire for an ecumenical explanation for the presence of the Priene menorah plaque in the basilica.52

When ancient Christians did include seven-branched lampstands in churches, it was for strictly Christian reasons. Beginning with Euse-bius of Caesarea, themes drawn from the Temple in Jerusalem were attached to the construction and furnishings of churches. By the eighth century (and probably long before), seven-branched lampstands could be seen on the altars of churches.53 These Christian lampstands sel-dom shared an iconographic source with Jewish menorahs, but rather

49 Robert L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983). See now Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 24–45.

50 Wise was the founder of American Reform Judaism.51 “Saint John’s Installs Twin Menorahs: Seven-Branched Lights, As in Solomon’s

Temple, Used for First Time in a Cathedral,” The New York Times, February 3, 1930. Note also the comments of Conservative rabbi Israel Goldstein (op. cit.), whose remarks span the cultural space shared by Baron’s historiography and this donation: “The presentation and acceptance of the gift represents an outstanding demonstra-tion of genuine fellowship and good-will between Jew and Christian in America. It is, moreover, a demonstration of Americanism of the highest order. I doubt if it could have happened in any other country in the world, for nowhere else has the sense of fellowship between Jew and Christian flowered so magnificently.”

52 I am similarly reminded of the many bronze menorahs and other memorabilia bought by Christian tourists in Israel that now decorate evangelical and fundamental-ist Protestant homes and churches. The presence of Israeli memorabilia in contempo-rary Protestant visual culture has not yet been the subject of sustained study. See Joan R. Branham’s suggestive article, “The Temple that Won’t Quit: Constructing Sacred Space in Orlando’s Holy Land Experience Theme Park,” Harvard Divinity Bulletin 36, no. 3 (2008): 8–31.

53 Peter Bloch, “Siebenarmige Leuchter in christlichen Kirchen,” Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 23 (1961): 55–190; idem, “Seven-Branched Candelabra in Christian Churches,” Journal of Jewish Art 1 (1974): 44–49.

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reflect an independent visual tradition. There is no evidence that the Christian leadership in late antiquity harbored a “pro-Jewish attitude,” and certainly not in ecclesiastical contexts. In fact, it should be remem-bered that other spolia in the Priene basilica were set in the floor for distinctly nonecumenical reasons. Thus, Helen Saradi writes,

Spolia incorporated in churches could always point to the defeat of the old religion and glorify the new one. In this respect the Life of St. Por-phyry by Mark the Deacon is explicit: since the decision was taken to build a church on the site of the Marneion, the saint ordered that the front yard be paved with slabs of marble from the most sacred part of the temple, so that people and animals would step on them. Such appears to have been the message conveyed by the spoils, including many inscrip-tions from the temple of Athene of Priene, built in the pavement of the city’s large basilica.54

It seems that the Priene menorah plaque met a similar fate. In fact, the decisions of the mid-fourth-century Council of Laodicea, whose stat-utes are adduced as proof by Murray and by Baron, reflect yet another attempt by a church hierarchy to stem fraternization.55 They instruct, for example, that

Christians should not judaize and refrain from work on the Sabbath, but they should work on that day. As Christians, they should honor the day of the Lord, [and], as much as possible, refrain from work. If they are found out to be judaizers, let them be anathematized from Christ.56

Other canons forbid celebration of Jewish feasts, and the receipt of “unleavened bread from Jews” is particularly noted.57 Is our menorah, with a cross roughly superimposed upon it, a visual expression of a broader pattern whereby Christian cultural boundaries were asserted at Laodicea—in this case, to the distinct disadvantage of the local Jew-ish community?

54 Saradi, “The Use of Ancient Spolia,” 401–403. Providing numerous other exam-ples, Saradi goes on to note (p. 403) that “such a use of spolia in religious buildings, conveying the message of religious intolerance and victory over the defeated pagan-ism, was not an unparalleled Christian practice: in the forecourt of Sardis’s Jewish Synagogue a relief with Artemis and Cybele was placed upside down.”

55 See F. J. Elizabeth Boddens Hosang, Establishing Boundaries: Christian-Jewish Relations in Early Council Texts and the Writings of Church Fathers (Leiden, 2010), 91–107.

56 Canon 29, trans. Boddens Hosang, Establishing Boundaries, 93.57 Canons 37, 38, trans. ibid., 99.

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The Laodicea column and my revised thinking about the Priene bas-relief bring me back to a marble ashlar from Iznik, ancient Nicaea (Fig. 5).58 This artifact came to my attention when a rabbi, formerly a U.S. Army chaplain in Turkey, brought me a slide of an exquisite menorah that had previously gone unnoticed. The Greek inscrip-tion below the menorah, a Jewish version of Psalm 136:25 (LXX 135:25), was published in Berlin in 1943, with minor mention of the lampstand.59 The place and date of publication may or may not be relevant; epigraphers often disregard the artifacts upon which their inscriptions appear. More important, though, is the fact that this large late-antique artifact was reused, eventually as the lip of a rather large baptistery. It was reinscribed with a dedicatory inscription by King Michael III (842–867, who began a major building project in Nicaea in 857/8), and the Jewish inscription was embedded in the city wall. What happened to the synagogue/Jewish public building of Nicaea that made this stone available for reuse? Was it abandoned and its stones purchased or salvaged? Was it destroyed by Christians, in this most theological of Byzantine cities? We shall never know, though the questions remain, especially in light of the Laodicea column.

Leaving behind these larger artifacts, evidence for the disfigure-ment of menorahs is more common in Asia Minor than once thought. A number of the Aphrodisias menorahs, for example, were already scratched out in antiquity. The gable of an unpublished tombstone from ancient Trallis in Caria (modern Aydin) contains a rather typical menorah flanked by a palm frond and a shofar.60 Here, too, the meno-rah was scratched out, apparently also in antiquity. We cannot know whether the Laodicea menorah remained visible under the cross—in which case it would have made a clear statement of erasure and super-session—or whether it might have been plastered over.61

58 Fine and Rutgers, “New Light on Judaism in Asia Minor,” 1–23.59 Alfons M. Schneider, Die römischen und byzantinischen Denkmäler von Iznik-

Nicaea (Berlin, 1943), 36, no. 68. See, most recently, Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II: Kleinasien, 322–324.

60 The inscription is located in the garden of the Archaeological Museum of Aydin.

61 I am reminded of a lintel discovered in the Western Wall excavations in Jeru-salem. At the center of the lintel, Byzantine craftsmen carved a cross within a roun-del. Sometime after the Persian conquest of Jerusalem in 614, the roundel was filled with plaster and two menorahs were painted in the ocher, flanking the now-erased cross. See Eilat Mazar, “Architecture and Stratigraphy of the ‘House of the Menorot,’ ” Qedem 43 (2003): 163–186. See also Gideon Avni, “The Persian Conquest of Jerusalem

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Figure 5. Ashlar with menorah from Nicaea (photograph by Marvin Labinger).

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To conclude: Sometimes, an artifact sparks rethinking and reimagin-ing. The Laodicea menorah/cross is one such object. We shall never know what happened in Laodicea that led to the column of a Jewish building—or at least, a building used by Jews—to be resignified in Christian terms. My own instinct, however, is to suspect the worst and to suggest that the kind of social distancing given expression by the Council of Laodicea adversely affected the local late-antique Jewish community, of which our column is the only archaeological evidence.

In this short excursus, I have used this remarkable discovery—which still lies in a pile of columns “to the north side of the so-called Syrian Road”—as a touchstone for a larger discussion of the ways that ideology has affected the interpretation of Jewish-Christian rela-tions in late antiquity. My own interpretation is certainly rooted in the somewhat more “lachrymose” world post-9/11 in which we find ourselves; ever more distant from the “Roaring Twenties” in which Baron’s anti-lachrymose history of Judaism took root, from postwar America when Weitzmann’s happy Age of Spirituality expressed an American social ideal, and from the “carefree 1990s” in which mem-bers of my generation began our own professional careers62—each of these periods marked by its own distinct, yet now illusive, rhetoric of happy endings.

(614 C.E.)—An Archaeological Assessment,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori-ental Research 357 (2010): 35–48.

62 This is how the 1990s are increasingly described in the press. See, for example, Catherine Saint Louis, “Target Touches Up Manhattan’s Makeup,” The New York Times, August 5, 2010, E-3.