Bringing Hope,Forging Peace

The Elders’ Mission to Sudan

Cover photograph and all photographs by Frederic Noy for The Elders, Inc.© 2007 by The Elders, Inc. All rights reserved.Map provided courtesy of the UN Cartographic Section.

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Bringing Hope,Forging Peace

The Elders’Mission to Sudan

November 2007

We chose to go to Sudan for The Elders’first mission because we could not turnour eyes from the humanitarian crisis,and we wanted to join with the manypeople around the world who haveworked to stop the atrocities, protect thepeople, and contribute to peace.

-The Elders

Table of ContentsLetter from The Elders ..........................................................................................................................3

Executive Summary, English ....................................................................................................……….4

Executive Summary, Arabic .......................................................................................................………6

Report: Bringing Hope, Forging Peace

Sudan on a Knife Edge ..........................................................................................................9

Framework for Security and Peace ..........................................................................……….10

Listening to Darfuris..............................................................................................................11

Voices of Influence ...............................................................................................................14

International Voice................................................................................................................15

Voices of Power ...................................................................................................................17

To Move Forward—Conclusions and Recommendations ........................................……….19

Next Steps for The Elders and the International Community ...............................................23

The Elders: A Biographical Sketch .....................................................................................................25

Appendix: Schedule of meetings of The Elders while in Sudan .............................................……….26

Abbreviations......................................................................................................................................27

1

Darfuris in the Otash IDP camp meet with The Elders,in Nyala, Darfur, on October 3, 2007.

The Elders’ mission to Sudan was led byfour Elders. From left to right: JimmyCarter, Graça Machel, Desmond Tutu andLakhdar Brahimi.

Dear Friends:

We chose to go to Sudan for The Elders’ first mission because we could not turn our eyesfrom the humanitarian crisis, and we wanted to join with the many people around the worldwho have worked to stop the atrocities, protect the people, and contribute to peace.

Our mission offered us a chance to listen, learn and report on the views of the people of Sudan.The four of us do not represent governments or intergovernmental organizations. We representthirteen Elders from around the world. We act only as individuals and a group of men and women whohave lived long, learned much, and are united in the belief that we must do everything in our power tocontribute to bring peace where it is absent, justice where it has been denied, and dignity where it isunder attack. We want to amplify the voices of people who are not heard and give hope to themarginalized and help to the peacemakers.

While in Sudan we heard from a wide spectrum of voices, some optimistic and helpful, someweary by life’s difficulties. They shared with us countless stories of pain, frustration and anger at thecontinuing violence and conflict in their lives. In every camp, city or town, people stood before us inthe midst of such horror with dignity and conviction and asked us to tell their stories and urge theworld to act.

The international community has taken many steps—pressed by the people of the world—in thelast few years to try to bring peace and justice to Sudan. We must continue to work together to endthe violence and secure a brighter future for all the people of Sudan.

Therefore, with humility, we submit our report on Sudan. We wish to acknowledge the support andadvice of the United Nations and the African Union and our appreciation to our many Sudanese hostsfor their hospitality. We also credit the immense support and friendship of our Founders, in particularthose who joined us on the mission: Richard Branson, Shannon Sedgwick Davis, Randy Newcomb,Pam Omidyar and Amy Robbins. We could not have had such a productive mission or drafted thisreport without the tireless support and expertise of our staff: Robert Pastor, interim co-director of TheElders; Gayle Smith, senior advisor; Semhar Araia, program officer; Sara Latham, communicationsdirector, and our logistics team, Penelope Williams, Rick Jasculca, Andrew Jasculca, LauraVonderhaar and Karla Bailey; and, finally, Maria Pahigiannis, Jeffrey Lunstead, Anthony Elmo,Siobhan Farey, Marguerite Jimenez, and Mana Zarinejad, who helped support the mission andprepare the report.

Sincerely,

Desmond Tutu Lakhdar Brahimi Jimmy Carter Graça MachelChairman, The Elders

3

Convened on July 18, 2007, in South Africaby Nelson Mandela, Graça Machel, andArchbishop Desmond Tutu, The Elders

include 10 other world leaders who have joinedtogether to confront seemingly intractable crisesand to share their wisdom on global challenges.

For its first mission, four of The Elderstraveled to Sudan to assess the situation inDarfur and affirm the group’s support of thefragile peace negotiated between North andSouth Sudan in the two-year-old ComprehensivePeace Agreement (CPA). We began our trip inKhartoum, where we met with SudanesePresident Omar el-Bashir, other governmentofficials, and representatives of oppositionpolitical parties, the United Nations, the AfricanUnion, the diplomatic community andinternational organizations, including

humanitarian agencies. We then went on toJuba, where we met with the leadership of theGovernment of Southern Sudan (GOSS). Finally,we flew to Darfur to meet with tribal leaders,women’s groups, civil society leaders, andinternally displaced persons (IDPs). We soughtthe opinions of all we met and shared our ownfrank assessments with both the powerful andthe powerless.

We learned that Sudan is at a turning pointin its history. It could sink into a new spiral ofviolence if the CPA breaks down and if theconflict in Darfur worsens. Or it could follow thepromise of the CPA and the bold statement ofthe United Nations in its Security CouncilResolution 1769 and find its path to democracyand peace.

4

Executive Summary

We join with all those who have movedthe world community to pay attentionto Darfur and Sudan. As Elders with

long and diverse experiences, we know theworld has within its power the ability to helpprotect the people of Darfur from furtherviolence, bring peace to communities torn apart,and contribute to guiding the country towarddemocracy and human security. We believe thatthis power must be applied, collectively andswiftly, to end the untold suffering of millions ofinnocent Sudanese.

• Immediate Ceasefire. Lawlessness andinsecurity has bred a culture of violencethroughout the camps and the rest of Darfur.The conflict is escalating—with aerialbombardments, the increased flow of arms,and the growing incidence of looting andtheft further threatening the camps. Womenand young girls are often subjected to rapeand gender-based violence. Because theseviolations often go unreported, theperpetrators act with impunity. TheGovernment of Sudan, Darfur rebelgroups and Janjaweed militias mustcommit and adhere to an immediateceasefire, disarmament and return to therule of law.

• Inclusive Peace Must be the Priority.Achieving a viable and long term peace inSudan—in Darfur, the South andelsewhere—requires a sustainedcommitment to inclusive dialogue andmediation, backed by the internationalcommunity. The Darfur negotiations mustinclude all parties to the conflict, botharmed and unarmed. Additionally, theCPA must be honored by both parties andimplemented according to schedule forall of Sudan, including Darfur.

• Democracy is Key. Democracy has to bethe centerpiece of a sustainable peace. Fullcivic participation and free elections providethe best means of ensuring that humanrights are respected, that disputes aresolved peacefully, and that human security is

assured to all. We are pleased that theCarter Center has been invited to monitorthe electoral process. To fulfill the promiseof democracy and good governance, thegovernment should fully fund thenational census and consult with allparties to develop a new electoral lawand institutions prior to the 2009elections.

• Rapid Deployment of PeacekeepingForce. UNAMID, the hybrid UnitedNations/African Union peacekeeping missionfor Darfur authorized by the UN SecurityCouncil, must be fully equipped anddeployed according to schedule. To date, theinternational community has not providedthe civilian and military equipment and othersupport necessary to ensure UNAMID’ssuccess. Existing pledges must behonored and specialized supportprovided on an urgent basis. At the sametime, the Government of Sudan must liveup to its commitments and accept thatUNAMID will be a predominantly Africanforce with non-African support.

• Humanitarian Agencies Must be Free toOperate. At present neither Darfur’s citizensnor the international and Sudanesehumanitarian workers dedicated to assistingthem are safe from direct attacks by bandits,rebels, militia and government forces. Raidson civilians and attacks on the campscontinue. For any party claiming to championthe human rights, dignity and security ofDarfur’s people, the reality on the ground isa stark reminder that their actions do notmatch their words. All parties must takeimmediate steps to protect civilians andhumanitarian operations. TheGovernment of Sudan must honor itsresponsibilities and enforce the rule oflaw by adhering to the Joint HumanitarianCommuniqué so that humanitarianoperations can continue withoutinterference or disruption.

5

Recommendations

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Executive Summary, Arabic

7

Joint AU-UN Special Representative for Darfur Rodolphe Adada andGen. Martin Luther Agwai, force commander for the African Unionmission in Sudan, brief The Elders on October 2, 2007.

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This is the moment of truth for thepeople of Sudan, and it is a moment oftruth for the international community.Only with the commitment of all theparties … can the people of Sudan findtheir way to peace.

Darfuris in the Otash IDP camp meet withThe Elders, in Nyala, Darfur, on October 3, 2007.

9

Bringing Hope, Forging PeaceThe Elders’ Mission to Sudan

Sudan on a Knife Edge

The future of Darfur, and indeed the wholeof Sudan, sits on a knife edge. On oneside, peace is within reach, and innocent

civilians could finally be secure. On the other sideis a new cycle of violence and despair withdevastating consequences for the entire country.The fate of the people of Sudan is precariouslybalanced on that edge.

This is the moment of truth for the people ofSudan and it is a moment of truth for theinternational community. Only with thecommitment of all the parties inside Sudan andthe determined involvement of friends, allies,neighbors and fellow citizens can the people ofSudan find their way to peace.

We traveled to Sudan from September 30 toOctober 4, 2007—to Khartoum, then to Juba in

the southern region of Sudan, and finally to El-Fasher, Nyala, and Kebkabiya in Darfur. Wewent as members of The Elders, a groupconvened by Nelson Mandela, Graça Machel,and Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and ten otherinfluential world leaders. The Elders was createdto confront seemingly intractable crises, to sharewisdom on global concerns, and to help build afuture shaped by our common humanity. Theconcept of The Elders is rooted in tradition andreflects our desire to help contribute to a betterworld.

We do not represent governments orintergovernmental organizations. We act only inour individual capacities as men and womenwho have lived long, learned much, and areunited in the belief that we must do everything inour power to contribute to bring peace where it isabsent, justice where it is being denied, anddignity where it is under attack.

Graça Machel and Desmond Tutu are greeted by the Wali of NorthSudan, Osman Mohammed Yusuf, on October 2, 2007 in El-Fasher.

We chose Darfur as our first missionbecause it is a blight on the conscience ofhumanity; because it is in Africa, where TheElders’ initiative was launched; and because thisis a moment when resolution and justice arepossible and failure is unacceptable. We believethat the world has within its power the ability tohelp protect the people of Darfur from furtherviolence, bring peace to communities tornasunder, and contribute to putting Darfur and allof Sudan on the path to stability, tolerance anddemocracy.

We believe peace is possible because thevarious parties to the conflicts have alreadytaken steps that many had felt wereinconceivable—the Comprehensive PeaceAgreement (CPA) signed by the Government ofSudan in Khartoum and the Sudan People’sLiberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) in January2005; the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA), whichwas signed by the Government of Sudan andone rebel group, Minni Minawi’s faction of theSudan Liberation Army (SLA) in May 2006; theagreement between the Government of Sudanand the United Nations (UN) to protecthumanitarian workers in March 2007; and finally,UN Security Council Resolution 1769 to deploy arobust peacekeeping force to protect civilians,approved unanimously in July 2007.

Taken together, these small steps combineto a great leap, and no one should minimize theirsignificance as they could—if properlyimplemented—end the untold suffering ofmillions of innocent Sudanese. Each step is atrisk. Those with the greatest stake in failure orsuccess—the people of Darfur—are united intheir demands for security, peace, and justice.

Framework for Security and Peace

The crisis in Sudan is a crisis ofgovernance—or rather the lack of it.Darfur is an impoverished region where

increased pressure on land and water has givenrise to growing tensions, and where the centralgovernment has rejected the legitimate demandsof the people to participate in their nation’s

decisions and to share in its new found oilwealth. In the wake of a rebellion in 2003, gravecrimes against humanity were perpetratedagainst innocent people. Armed militia—knownlocally as the Janjaweed—were given license bythe government to assault the people anddisplace them from their homes.

At the same time, Darfur is home to a warthat pits the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) againsta growing array of armed rebel movements. Withpeace still elusive, a growing number of armedrebel groups are fighting one other. They areattacking humanitarian workers, the civilianpopulation whom they claim to defend, and theAfrican Union (AU) forces in order to obtainmoney, vehicles, fuel, and weapons. It is ahumanitarian crisis with hundreds of thousandsof people killed, over 2 million uprooted andforced to live in makeshift displaced or refugeecamps in Darfur or Chad, and more than half ofDarfur’s total population adversely affected insome way. Darfur’s youth are being deprived ofthe freedom to live as children, and its womenand girls are subjected to unbearablehumiliations and far too often, even to horriblerapes and other gender-based violence.

Finally, Darfur’s current crisis stems from apeace agreement that has failed to keep thepeace. The signatory parties have violated theDPA and the non-signatories have yet to acceptor negotiate its terms.

We learned that neither the crisis in Darfurnor its resolution exists in isolation. Sudan’smany crises are interconnected. In particular, thefuture of Darfur is intertwined with the future ofSouthern Sudan and the success—or failure—ofthe CPA.

The CPA brought an end to over twodecades of brutal war in the South and pavedthe way for peace by providing for representationin the Khartoum government by representativesof the South, establishing a new and moreequitable mechanism for sharing Sudan’snational resources and wealth, setting the stagefor national elections in 2009, and offering thepeople of Southern Sudan the opportunity tovote on their future status in a referendumscheduled for 2011.

10

Many of the core principles of the CPA arerelevant to Darfur. Most importantly, the promiseof national elections in 2009 offers the people ofDarfur and the entire country the chance to electtheir representatives at both the regional andnational levels. The success of the CPA isDarfur’s dream; its failure is Darfur’s nightmare.

The international community, meanwhile,has committed to provide two of the other criticalingredients for progress. The first is thedeployment of a hybrid peacekeeping force—United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur(UNAMID)—mandated to protect the citizens ofDarfur and composed of UN and AU forces. Thesecond is a reinvigorated peace process,mediated by the UN and the AU, which waslaunched in Libya on October 27, 2007.

It is our strong belief that the resolution ofthe multiple crises in Sudan require success onthree fronts: (1) the implementation of the CPA,including elections, (2) the swift deployment of apeacekeeping force in Darfur with the mandate

and capabilities to provide security and civilianprotection, and (3) a sustained and crediblepeace process in Darfur. Our mission wasdesigned not simply to do our own analysis. Itspurpose was fundamentally to listen to thepeople on the ground, for at the core of Darfur’scrisis is the simple fact that those who have thegreatest stake in the future have the least voicein defining it.

Listening to Darfuris

In Darfur our aim was to talk to as manyDarfuris as possible—women’s groups,youth, traditional leaders, local

nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)representatives, teachers, and residents of theInternally Displaced Persons’ (IDP) camps. In atleast one case, local government security forcesattempted to restrict us from meeting freely withthe people of our choice, but we did not accept

11

Lakhdar Brahimi delivers opening remarks toDarfuris in the Otash IDP camp in Nyala, Darfuron October 3, 2007.

this. This incident sent a message that wasreceived by senior government officials, and wereinforced it by saying that we expected thatnothing untoward would happen to the peoplewe met or the humanitarian workers of the UNand other organizations who helped arrange ourmeetings.

We listened to as many people and leadersfrom the region as we could in the limited timewe were able to spend on the ground in Darfur.We visited three sites—El-Fasher, Kebkabiya,and Nyala—and met with people from local IDPcamps. What impressed us the most was theconsistency, coherence, and emotional weight ofall of the messages we heard.

Without question or exception, theparamount concern of all of the Darfuri civilianswith whom we spoke is security. They cannotreturn to their homes not just because most havebeen destroyed, but because they know it isunsafe. Their accounts of life in the campsdemonstrate that security remains a problemeven for the displaced. Their camps areattacked. They and their families are attackedwhen moving outside camp perimeters. They livein fear that escalating conflict betweengovernment, Janjaweed, and rebel forces willfurther destabilize their already fragile lives.

We found the accounts of people’s flight tothe camps and their lives as displaced peoplechilling. We have dozens of stories, but we willtry to capture their collective plight in a fewexamples.

Women and men alike told us that traditional

authority is fast breaking down in the camps,where most residents are entering their fifth yearof residence. To call these “camps” is to begenerous; in most cases, people are living inramshackle shelters constructed of small bits ofwood, mud and torn plastic sheeting that neithershields them from the elements nor offers themprivacy. The able-bodied are without work orhope of securing jobs. While the majority want toreturn home, they have neither the means nor,given the worsening security situation, theopportunity. While they expressed appreciationfor the humanitarian assistance being provided,they want to free themselves from lives ofdependence.

We were told that among children—who are,remarkably, able to access some educationalprograms provided by national and internationalNGOs—the cost of the crisis is dramatic andmay be enduring. Their drawings are of gunsand the Janjaweed; their games are shaped byviolence. In some of the camps, we learned thatyouth gangs are emerging, mirroring thedeepening ethnic divisions in Darfur and focusedon attacking children who represent “the other.”Parents and community elders told us that theirability to guide the children is made more difficultby their inability to present a credible picture ofthe future.

More shocking were the consistent andpersistent accounts of rape—of young girls, ofmothers, and of elderly women. Women gavegraphic accounts of sexual assault, in somecases. When alone with women from our

12

“We want to help stop the suffering,especially that of our sisters and mothers.We know your greatest hunger is for peaceand to move back to your homes.”

-Desmond TutuOtash IDP Camp, October 3

13

delegation, they lifted their clothing to show theirscars. They described rape as a growing norm,and fear of sexual attack as the primaryimpediment to undertaking their daily tasks offetching water or gathering firewood. Some ofthe young girls we met were unable to speak,but others voiced their anger with the oppressionembodied in rape: the humiliation of violation,the pain of violence and the constant distress ofsilence in a culture that tends to hide, rather thanheal, this egregious crime against humanity.

While appreciative of the efforts andpresence of AU forces, Darfuris are eager—andin some cases desperate—for the arrival of theUNAMID force. If anything, their expectationsare dangerously high. They believe the missionwill protect them from attacks, enable them tomove freely outside the camps, and ultimatelyreturn to their homes. In essence, they believe—and hope—that the peacekeeping force will“solve” the problem of armed violence. Theyexpressed high hopes for the mission but

conveyed considerable frustration that UNAMIDhas not yet been deployed and fear theconsequences should deployment be undulydelayed.

While we share their confidence in thepotential for UNAMID to provide protection, weare concerned by the high expectations vestedin this large and complex mission. Significantly,the UN Security Council authorized thedeployment of UNAMID before a comprehensiveand durable peace agreement had beenachieved. That agreement remains elusive.There is not yet a peace to keep. UNAMID isurgently needed for civilian protection andcannot be expected to “solve” the crisis in Darfuror even successfully sustain its mission overtime unless a viable peace agreement isreached and implemented.

Darfuris know of the peace talks, but theyare concerned that their views might not berepresented. Repeatedly, they argued thatneither the government nor the rebels can betrusted to represent them. Most were aware ofand supported the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue andConsultation (DDDC) group, an entityestablished in the DPA and designed to enlist theviews of Darfur’s civil society. They said they canidentify possible participants, but did not know ifthey would be asked. They appealed to TheElders to help them send civil societyrepresentatives to Libya and future talks.

On the particulars of the peace talks, peoplespoke of three critical issues. First, we heard thatcompensation is important, but should include:(a) individual compensation to right particularwrongs, (b) mass compensation for thedisplaced, and (c) financing for thereconstruction of their homes and villages.Second, we heard that people will not returnhome until they are assured of security and thedisarmament of those who have displaced them.Third, we heard the strong view that all rebelgroups should participate in the talks.Specifically, people spoke of Abdul Wahid Nur,the self-exiled leader of an SLA faction who isboycotting the talks. Nur, who currently residesin Paris, says that until the UN force has beendeployed, he does not want to negotiate. Manyof the people with whom we spoke described

A Darfuri woman displaced from her homeattends a meeting with The Elders inNyala, Darfur on October 3, 2007.

Nur as a patriot, but strongly expressed that heneeds to attend peace talks and would betraythe process by remaining in Paris. We alsoheard that some of his followers tried to preventcivil society representatives from participating inthe peace process.

Finally, people expressed enthusiasm—andskepticism—about the elections scheduled for2009. In the words of many, elections—if freeand fair—would give them their voices back. Noone we met had been consulted about thecensus or an election law, and some worried thatthe process could be manipulated to entrenchthe government or accommodate rebel leaderswithout ever addressing their concerns orinterests.

Voices of Influence

In Khartoum, we met with influentialSudanese leaders, including members ofopposition political parties, NGOs, and other

citizens dedicated to bringing the Darfur crisis toan end. These meetings were striking for tworeasons. First, people spoke frankly and withoutapparent fear of criticizing the government;second, and despite their displeasure with thegovernment’s policies, they had some hope forthe future.

All of our interlocutors spoke of theunderlying problems created by poverty andexacerbated by drought, accelerateddesertification and the shrinking arable landavailable to a fast growing population. Theyspoke of three fundamental causes.

First, Darfur’s crisis is rooted inmarginalization and poverty, and the failure ofsuccessive governments to ensure more equitabledevelopment and distribution of wealth. Theselongstanding problems, they told us, have beenexacerbated by the discovery of oil, which hasgenerated wealth for Khartoum, but has yieldedfew economic benefits for the rest of Sudan.

Second, most expressed the view that theemphasis on ethnic and tribal differences inDarfur is oversimplified. Several peoplesuggested that the portrayal of a conflictbetween “African” and “Arab” tribes

misrepresents the culture of Darfur, andexacerbates tensions by inferring that all of theArab tribes are at fault. The absence ofdemocracy is a significant problem. They told usthat good and effective governance in Darfurrequired both free elections and the return topower and influence of some of Darfur’straditional leaders who have been recentlyreplaced.

Third, they spoke of the difference betweenconsulting the people of Darfur—whether inmatters of national governance or peace talks—and including the people of Darfur. They viewedthe DDDC group as critical, but insufficient, andrepeatedly came back to the fundamental need

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An AU peacekeeper standsguard at the UNMIS compoundin El-Fasher, Darfur onOctober 2, 2007.

for the electoral process to accelerate to permitgenuinely free elections by 2009. While theysupport the peace talks, they expressed the viewthat both the Darfur talks and the negotiationsthat led to the CPA are flawed by the absence ofunarmed political opposition and representativesof civil society.

In their view, the crisis in Darfur is part andparcel of a larger, national crisis and is one that ifleft unresolved will lead to long-term instability inSudan and crisis for the entire region. Thesolution, they believe, must be both national incharacter and inclusive in practice. They viewelections as the best hope, but expressedconcerns both about the fragility of the CPA andabout the failure of the government to fund thecensus that is required before elections can takeplace. They firmly believe peace is neitherattainable nor sustainable unless it is built on abedrock of democracy and free elections.

The International Voice

During the course of our mission, we alsomet with representatives from the UN,AU, diplomatic missions, and

international NGOs operating in Sudan. To all ofthem, and especially the UN, we owe a debt of

gratitude for their professionalism and support ofour mission.

The UN and the AU were united in theirviews that much depends on the successfulimplementation of the CPA, both because itserves as a model and the potential inspirationfor resolution in Darfur but also because itprovides for a framework of federalism, seculargovernment, and free elections. They weresimilarly united in the view—shared bydiplomatic and NGO representatives—that themost urgent issue is security, and the rapiddeployment of a fully equipped UNAMID force.Finally, they share the view that peace talks arecritical, and all parties, including Nur, mustengage in order to ensure that a durable peaceemerges.

Three main issues dominated the concernsof the international representatives with whomwe met. First, all expressed grave concernsabout the dispute over the composition ofUNAMID and the international community’sfailure to ensure that the force is fully equipped.

The dispute revolves around the degree towhich UNAMID is an African force. UN SecurityCouncil Resolution 1769 declares explicitly that“the Hybrid operation should have apredominantly African character.” TheGovernment of Sudan accepted the resolution

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“The government doesn’t have anunderstanding of what it means whenwomen say repeatedly to different people:‘We are being raped. We are being beaten.We are being brutalized. We are fearful.’I don’t think the people we talked totonight understand.”

-Graça MachelConcluding press conference, Khartoum, October 4

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Government of Southern Sudan PresidentSalva Kiir Miyardit meets with The Eldersin Juba on October 2, 2007.

but is now demanding that UNAMID be anexclusively African force. General Martin LutherAgwai, present commander of the AU force whowill soon command the UNAMID force, told usUNAMID needs non-African troops to succeed.AU President Alpha Omar Konare now fullysupports this view. African governments havecommitted the majority of troops for UNAMID,but the force also needs heavy equipment andmilitary units to manage it, and these are onlyavailable from non-African countries. In ourmeetings with senior officials, we stronglyencouraged flexibility on the part of theSudanese Government, but they insisted on anexclusively African force.

It is essential and urgent that UNAMID—composed of a majority of African battalionssupplemented by non-African units with theequipment and trained personnel necessary tosupport the mission—be deployed and starttackling the formidable logistical problems, evenbefore it assumes its urgent mission to protect.For example, it needs to secure sources of waterto support the troops without depriving the localpopulation of this vital but already scarcecommodity.

Both the UN and the AU conveyed to us theurgent need to move quickly and avoid furtherdeployment delays. They also expressedconcern that the international community has yetto offer critical lift capabilities, in particulararmored helicopter units, to support the mission.The costs of delay were underscored while wewere in Sudan. When AU troops were attackedat Haskanita, the AU could not come to theirimmediate defense because it does not have itsown armored helicopters. It took 18 hours toreach the soldiers to evacuate the wounded.

The second issue raised was the peacetalks. Both the UN and the AU have placed ahigh priority on the talks between the Darfurirebels and the government, but said thatprogress also depends on the successfulimplementation of the CPA and on convincingthe main rebel groups to participate.

Third, all of our international interlocutorsexpressed alarm at the dramatic shrinking of the“humanitarian space” for international NGOs andtheir Sudanese partners operating in Darfur.

They reported a surge in vehicle hijackings andassaults and of growing violence in rural Darfur.This makes it difficult and sometimes impossiblefor humanitarian workers to reach people anddeliver food and medicine. This situation hasonly grown worse since our departure, withagencies forced to evacuate their personnel fromsome parts of Darfur in response to new attacks.

Since our departure from Sudan, we havelearned from various sources that Sudanesegovernment forces forcibly relocated hundreds ofIDPs, including women and children from variouscamps, including Otash, which we visited. Weurge the Government of Sudan to cease theseforced relocations. Relocations should bevoluntary.

Voices of Power

We had numerous meetings with seniorofficials of the Government of Sudanand National Congress Party (NCP),

including two with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. We also traveled to Juba to meet with theleadership of the Sudan People’s LiberationMovement (SPLM) and other officials from theGovernment of Southern Sudan (GOSS). Whilethe tensions between the Sudanese governmentin Khartoum and the SPLM are palpable, it isworth noting points of agreement.

Both parties say they do not want war. Theydo want to successfully implement the CPA.Both agreed that the problems in implementationrevolve around several key issues, including thedemarcation of boundaries, the Abyei conflict,the disposition of the SAF and the SudanPeople’s Liberation Army (SPLA) forces, and theallocation of national resources, particularlythose generated from oil revenues. Theircommon identification of the core problemsprovides the basis for negotiation and resolution.

However, the lack of trust between the twosides is eroding the capacity for compromise.Each holds the other responsible for delays andobstruction. If the Assistance and EvaluationCommission (AEC) established by the CPAcould help bring the two sides to agreement,progress might be achieved, but the AEC reports

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only to President al-Bashir and itsrecommendations remain secret. Somethingmore is needed. The SPLM requested outsidemediation and welcomed The Elders to provideit, but the Government of Sudan in Khartoumappears unready to take such a step.

Both parties agreed to invite The CarterCenter to observe the electoral process and theelections of 2009. However, the national censusthat was to have been initiated by now and isrequired as the first step in the electoral process,has not begun. Neither the government nor theinternational community has provided thefinancial resources to carry out this effort to date.

On Darfur, the government expressed itsview that the situation has improved, andreported that tens of thousands have returned totheir homes. Both of those assertions weredisputed by Sudanese in Darfur. President al-Bashir pledged to provide as much as $300million in compensation and for thereconstruction of Darfur, and said that hisgovernment intended to ensure that returneeshad homes and livelihoods. The Sudanesegovernment denied that it bore any responsibilityfor aerial bombardments of civilians or rape inDarfur, though many individuals assertedotherwise. The Sudanese government also saidit would engage fully in the peace talks to try tobring the Darfur crisis to an end.

Our mission to Sudan did not allow us tomeet with representatives of Darfur’s many rebelgroups, though Mary Robinson, a fellow Elder,

had met with rebel leaders just prior to ourdeparture. Based on our meetings with variousactors in Sudan, it is clear that all of the rebelforces must be included in the search for asolution and live up to their responsibilities. Asparties to the conflict, they must be representedat the peace table, and as organizations thatclaim to represent the interests of Darfur’speople, they must be held accountable.

Our myriad discussions underscored that anational peace will be difficult to attain, and thatits durability will require the sincere engagementof all parties—whether it be in Darfur or inSouthern Sudan. We concluded from ourmeetings that the Government of Sudan mustmake a strategic choice between accepting thehelp of the international community orobstructing progress. The NCP, as the rulingparty of the Government of Sudan, is endowedwith authority and responsibilities. It has thepower to choose to facilitate the rapiddeployment of UNAMID and to strengthen itscommitment to the CPA—or not. It is our sincerebelief that the NCP and the Government ofSudan should use their power wisely and makethe right choice.

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“Our appeal really, to the two contributors,to the United Nations and to the AfricanUnion, is—hurry up … because I think theirpresence will give confidence to the peopleof Darfur and will revive hope.”

-Lakhdar BrahimiConcluding press conference, Khartoum, October 4

To Move Forward—Conclusionsand Recommendations

Ours was a brief but thorough mission toSudan. We do not claim to be experts oneither the crisis in Darfur or the

challenges of ensuring the successfulimplementation of the CPA. We can, however,offer some conclusions rooted in both ourcollective experience and in hours of listening toboth Sudanese and international stakeholders.

Peace and justice are within reach. Theycannot be realized unless all parties to the crisisin Darfur are part of its resolution and are fullysupported by the international community. Thesteps forward include full implementation of theCPA, investment in the building blocks ofdemocracy, and adjusting the negotiations onDarfur so that the agenda reflects the people’sinterests and not merely those of the armedparties.

Trust is in short supply—in Darfur, inKhartoum, and in Juba. Confidence in thesincerity of one’s adversaries is limited, and faithin the international community is shaky. In spiteof this, hope for a better future remains strong.

Many believe that only security, justice and ashared prosperity can break the destructive cycleof violence that now rules Darfur and threatensother reaches of Africa’s largest country.

The political will of all parties to adhere toand uphold the rule of law is essential for peacein all of Sudan. Those marginalized withinSudanese society must be empowered. Theycannot be excluded in the determination ofSudan’s future.Specifically, we conclude:• All parties should promptly agree to and

implement a ceasefire;• The end to the crisis in Darfur and the

promise of peace for the people of SouthernSudan require that the CPA be fullyimplemented;

• The Darfur peace process requires the fullparticipation of all parties, including all rebelleaders and citizens’ representatives;

• Security demands the prompt deployment ofa hybrid UNAMID force, fully equipped tofulfill its mandate; and

• Humanity demands the movements andoperations of humanitarian agencies be fullyrespected.

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Desmond Tutu and Lakhdar Brahimi meetyoung Darfuris in the Otash IDP camp inNyala, Darfur on October 3, 2007.

Our recommendations are somewhat morecomprehensive. As Elders, we base theserecommendations on our own experience andour collective commitment to a more peacefuland just world. Our aim is neither to apportionblame nor to adjudicate; ours is simply to lendour voices to the disenfranchised, and tocontribute in some way to a Sudan that can meetthe aspirations of all her people.

In order to protect Darfur’s people, all effortsmust be made to deploy UNAMID according toschedule and with the full capabilities required toundertake its mission. Getting there requirestackling two major obstacles. First, theGovernment of Sudan should now leave it to theAU, the UN and the newly appointed SeniorRepresentative of the Secretary General andForce Commander—both of whom areAfricans—to decide how UNAMID will becomposed. This will fully respect the mandate ofthe UN Security Council Resolution 1769 andthe extensive discussions during the past yearbetween the AU and the UN. It is fullyunderstood that the force will be predominantly

African and will be reinforced by non-Africanunits and equipment.

Second, the UN Department ofPeacekeeping Operations reports that theinternational community has not yet madeavailable the full range of equipment needed tosustain UNAMID. All countries that have pledgedspecific material support to UNAMID shouldurgently fulfill their commitment and make thenecessary resources available. This is critical notonly for success in Darfur, but for a newpeacekeeping model—a hybrid UN/AUmission—that can serve global interests in thefuture.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement mustbe honored and its provisions implementedaccording to schedule. This is of criticalimportance to the Darfur crisis and central topeace and security in Sudan. Since ourdeparture, the SPLM has announced thesuspension of its participation in the GNU, withthe sole exception of Vice President Salva KiirMayardit, and has presented to its partners inthe NCP a list of requirements for future

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The people of Sudanwith whom we metfirmly believe peaceis neither attainablenor sustainableunless it is built on abedrock ofdemocracy and freeelections.

A Darfuri women’s representativeat a meeting with The Elders inNyala, Darfur on October 3, 2007.

cooperation. Based on our consultations, webelieve that the two parties have identifiedcommon problems in need of resolution, and weexpect that both will do their utmost to prevent areturn to war. We urge them to get theimplementation of the CPA back on track, tohonor the word and spirit of the agreement, andto take the difficult steps towards lasting peace.

It is incumbent upon the internationalcommunity to assist them. We believe that thereis urgent need to mediate three critical issuesthat will define the success or failure of theCPA—(1) boundary demarcation; (2) thedisposition of troops; and (3) the allocation ofnational resources. As The Elders, we haveoffered our assistance, but believe that it is alsonecessary for world leaders to go beyond issuingstatements. Providing advice, incentives andpressures will enable both parties to live up to

their signed and stated commitments to peace.Those who helped the Sudanese partiesnegotiate the CPA—the member states of theIntergovernmental Authority on Development(IGAD), the AU, the UN and non-Africanpowers—are duty bound to continue to providethe necessary help to implement that agreement.

As a fundamental element of the CPA, webelieve that much more attention must be givento preparing for national elections in 2009.Elections are the means by which thefundamental challenge of governance can beaddressed throughout Sudan. Elections offerSudan’s political parties the chance to competeon their merits and offer Sudan’s people theopportunity to participate in decision-making.

We are concerned that the census mandatedby the CPA has not yet been initiated, andbelieve that the Government of Sudan mustrelease the resources necessary to finance itsimplementation. But responsibility for free andfair elections does not rest with Khartoum alone.Those competing for power must be allowed tobegin—now—to make the case to their people.Potential voters must begin—now—to participateand hold their leaders accountable. The CarterCenter is prepared to send a team to monitor theentire electoral process, and we welcome otherinternational groups to join them.

The peace process initiated in Libya mustprovide a forum for the non-violent resolution ofDarfur’s crisis. The credibility of peace talksdepends on the full participation of all of thestakeholders.

First and foremost, this means that all rebelleaders must engage. If any claim to speak forthe people of Darfur, it is imperative that they doso at the peace table and not just by force ofarms. The Government of France, where Nurhas been living for the last couple of years,informed us they were doing everything in theirpower to encourage him to participate innegotiations.

The success of the peace process hinges onthe ability of the negotiators and the armedparties to hear and take into account the viewsand aspirations of the citizens they claim torepresent. We were impressed by the DDDCgroup, and by the ambition of its facilitators to

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ensure that the views of civil society are fullyreflected in any agreement governing a futurepeace. We urge them to act quickly to bring civilsociety into the peace process and to providespace to pursue the people’s interests. We areeager and willing to help in this effort. This ismore than a point of principle. Successfulimplementation of any agreement requires thefull understanding, acceptance, and participationof the citizenry.

Finally, we hope that a comprehensiveceasefire will be the first order of business in thepeace process. This could help build confidenceto address the full range of complex andcontroversial issues that must be reflected in anagreement. We have confidence in the UN andAU negotiators, and hope that they will be aidedby the international community in their efforts tosustain a peace process that will take time,patience and skill. We believe that while thenegotiations cannot be open-ended, neither canthey be rushed.

Human security must be protected andexpanded. While the people of Darfur wait forpeace, they are dependent upon humanitarianassistance. While they wait for protection byUNAMID, they are dependent on the will andwhims of those with the weapons. The internallydisplaced persons demonstrate great spirit anddignity in horrendous circumstances. Their prideand their ability to laugh in such an environmenthumbled and inspired us, reminding us that they

are not objects to be pitied. They are our sistersand brothers fallen on bad days.

We were moved by the dedication of bothSudanese and international humanitarian aidworkers on the ground in Darfur. They aremaking enormous sacrifices and risking theirlives to aid their fellow citizens, and facingsweeping obstacles each and every day. We inthe international community have focused onmoving forward with the deployment of UNAMIDand resumption of peace talks; however, wehave failed to provide the support thehumanitarian workers need. It may proveimpossible to prevent the armed combatantsfrom attacking humanitarian operations until aceasefire is in place, but it is entirely possible toshine a light on the violations of humanitarianlaw that occur on a daily basis, and to exertpressure on both the government, Janjaweedand rebels.

Humanitarian affairs cannot be left on thesidelines, as humanitarian assistance is the onlylifeline for the people of Darfur. Adherence to theMarch 2007 communiqué on humanitarianoperations signed by the Government of Sudanand the UN for the NGO community must beaddressed within the framework of the UNAMIDdeployment and the peace talks.

The world must confront the systematic rapeof Darfuri women and girls. The Government ofSudan, local and traditional leaders and the menin the camps must acknowledge and put an end

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“If the Comprehensive Peace Agreementbreaks down, nothing that is done inDarfur will alleviate the suffering of thepeople there, so we consider this to beof crucial importance.”

-Jimmy CarterConcluding press conference, Khartoum, October 4

to this horrific reality. While stopping sexualviolence is imperative, it is also our view that theincidence of rape is so prevalent that there is aneed to provide increased assistance—includingcounseling and specialized medical care—forthe women of Darfur.

Next Steps for The Elders and theInternational Community

We left Sudan, but Sudan did not leaveus. We are haunted that the countrymight descend into another spiral of

violence. We therefore remain committed to usingwhatever influence we can marshal to helpprevent that, but we can only succeed if the peopleof the world remain engaged. The UN SecurityCouncil resolution authorizes the largestpeacekeeping operation in the world today. Thesesteps could not have occurred without the constantand relentless involvement of so many people allover the world. Young and old, people from richand poor countries, all raised their voices andmade a difference.

We call on the people of the world to remainengaged. Let us first declare what we are doingand will do and then offer our thoughts as to whatwe believe the good people of the world should do.

First, we briefed the UN and the AU on whatwe did, what we heard, and what we hope theywill do. The UN and the AU are principallyresponsible for peacekeeping and peacemaking.

We do not want to replace or replicate theiractivities; we want to help them succeed.

Second, we strongly support thecontinuation of peace talks for Darfur that beganin Libya on October 27, 2007. We have sent aclear signal—publicly and privately—thatDarfuris who purport to be interested in peacecannot be called leaders until they come to thenegotiating table and play a constructive role.We have encouraged the rebels to unite andpresent a common platform, and we haveoffered our support to the DDDC group’s effortsto recruit representatives from Darfuri civilsociety organizations, women’s groups, tribaland religious leaders. Over time, genuine peacewill only occur if they help define the parametersof the talks. We are pleased that the UN and AUagree and have been working to ensure thatthese voices will be present at the negotiations.

Third, when the SPLM decided to withdrawfrom the GNU, we immediately phonedPresident al-Bashir and Vice President Kiir andurged them to agree to mediation. Both leaderspledged their opposition to another war.However, while the Government of SouthernSudan said it would welcome mediation, theGovernment of Sudan in Khartoum said that theywill continue, for the present, to tackle the issuebilaterally with their Southern partners.

We agree that it is better for parties to adispute to solve their problems by themselves,but that is not always possible. The Government

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The Elders meet with representatives from civil societyorganizations in El-Fasher on October 2, 2007.

of Sudan says—and its Southern partnersagree—that there is no trust between them. TheGovernment of Sudan runs a serious risk ofbearing responsibility if that lack of trust leads toa resumption of conflict. If they sincerely want toimplement the CPA, both parties should acceptmediation.

Here, we need your help. Pleasecommunicate in whatever way to theGovernment of Sudan your hope that they willaccept international mediation to resolve themany outstanding issues separating the Northand the South. International mediators must bepermitted to work privately with both sides butalso issue public reports.

Fourth, we need a hybrid UN/AU force inDarfur with sufficient equipment and support. Weneed it now. We urge you to ask yourgovernment to increase pledges of troops,funding, and equipment. We urge thegovernment in Khartoum to facilitate their entryin accordance with UN Security CouncilResolution 1769.

Fifth, in the long-term, we believe that theonly durable solution is one resting solidly onfree and fair elections. This will not be easy. Weappreciate the invitation to the Carter Center tomonitor the electoral process, beginning with thenew election law and the establishment of theElectoral Commission, and continuing throughthe entire electoral process.

Sixth, The Elders were founded on the beliefthat nations and citizens of the world have a“Responsibility to Protect” those who aredefenseless. We urge all governments andindividuals to address the concerns of theordinary people of Sudan and to fund efforts toimprove access to education for children in thedisplaced camps and to give them an alternativeto the gangs.

Seventh, there can be no peace withoutaccountability and justice. South Africa providesa compelling example of balancing peace andjustice, and we should learn from that. Sudansigned the treaty establishing the InternationalCriminal Court (ICC) but did not ratify it. TheGovernment of Sudan should find a way tocooperate with the prosecutor of the ICC. TheGovernment of Sudan did not serve its own

interests by offending its citizens and peoplearound the world when, instead of seriouslyinvestigating the two people indicted by the ICC,it promoted one of them to serve as Minister ofHumanitarian Affairs, a position responsible forthe human rights of internally displaced persons.This is unacceptable to all those who care aboutjustice.

Furthermore, true justice will requireadequate compensation for all those harmed bythe violence in Darfur. It will also requirereconstruction assistance on a major scale. Weneed your help to join us in asking theinternational community to expand and fulfill itspledges.

Eighth, we need to give our fullest support tothe thousands of humanitarian workers whowork tirelessly to help the Sudanese people,particularly the internally displaced persons.While in Khartoum, we encouraged theSudanese Undersecretary for HumanitarianAffairs and the UN Deputy SpecialRepresentative for Humanitarian Affairs to meetweekly. We hope these meetings will provideadded protection for the humanitarian workers.Those workers are our heroes and heroines.

For too long, the world has closed its eyes tothe atrocities in Africa. The internationalcommunity has taken many steps—pressed bythe people of the world—in the last few years tosupport the forces of change in Sudan. We mustnot turn away from our responsibility to thepeople of Sudan. We must strengthen ourresolve to end the violence and secure a futureof peace and justice for all the people of Sudan.

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Back row, from left to right:Pam Omidyar, Karla Bailey, Amy Robbins, Rick Jasculca, Dan Vaughn, Said Conde (UN), Penelope Williams, Jeff Carter, Andrew Jasculca

Front row, from left to right:Nancy Nasreddine (UN), Gayle Smith, Laura Vonderhaar, Shannon Sedgwick Davis, Sara Latham, Semhar Araia, Richard Branson, RobertPastor, Randy Newcomb

Seated, left to rightGraça Machel, Jimmy Carter, Desmond Tutu, Lakhdar Brahimi

About The Elders

Out of deep concern for the challenges facingall of the people of our world, NelsonMandela, Graça Machel, and Desmond Tutuconvened a group of leaders to contribute

their wisdom, independent leadership and integrity totackle some of the world’s toughest problems.

Nelson Mandela announced the formation of thisnew group, The Elders, on the occasion of his 89thbirthday. He is joined by founding members of thegroup, Desmond Tutu, Graça Machel, Kofi Annan,Jimmy Carter, Ela Bhatt, Gro Harlem Brundtland, LiZhaoxing, Mary Robinson and Muhammad Yunus.Lakhdar Brahimi and Fernando Henrique Cardoso havealso joined The Elders, along with Aung Sun Suu Kyi, inabsentia.

The Elders can speak freely and boldly, workingboth publicly and behind the scenes, to supportcourage where there is fear, foster agreement wherethere is conflict, and inspire hope where there isdespair. The Elders will use their unique collective skillsto catalyze peaceful resolutions to long-standingconflicts, articulate new approaches to global issuesthat are or may cause immense human suffering, andshare wisdom by helping to connect voices around theworld.

In addition to Sudan, The Elders are exploring bothhow they can contribute to resolving other crises andhelping the public to understand them. The Elders arelooking at three other crises: Myanmar, the Middle Eastand Zimbabwe. The Elders are also examiningapproaches to four global concerns: human rights,global health, climate change and women’s rights.

The Elders Who Visited Sudan

Desmond Tutu became the first black GeneralSecretary of the South African Council of Churches in1979. Tutu was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize inOctober 1984 for his role in the campaign againstapartheid in South Africa. In 1994, after the election ofNelson Mandela, Tutu was appointed Chairman ofSouth Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission.Jimmy Carter, 39th President of the United States ofAmerica, has championed human rights throughoutthe world. Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prizein December 2002 for “his decades of untiring effort tofind peaceful solutions to international conflicts, toadvance democracy and human rights, and topromote economic and social development.”Graça Machel is a renowned international advocatefor women's and children's rights, and has been asocial and political activist for decades. She isPresident of the Foundation for CommunityDevelopment (FDC), a Mozambican aid organizationshe founded in 1994.Lakhdar Brahimi has spent 40 years helping to keepthe peace across the world, serving his native Algeriaas ambassador, special envoy, and foreign minister.After the events of September 11, 2001, Brahimi ledthe UN mission to Afghanistan, where he chaired theBonn Conference. He was later appointed to Iraq as aspecial envoy of the UN Secretary General to helpform an Interim Government.

Itinerary, The Elders’ Trip to Sudan

Sunday, September 30—Khartoum� Arrival and Welcome with Minister of State

for Foreign Affairs Al-Samani Al-Wasila� Roundtable Discussion with UNMIS/AMIS� Ramadan Iftar with Sudanese Civil Society

Organization Representatives� Arrival Statement to Media Representatives� Meeting with Abdul Mohammed, Chair of

Preparatory Committee, Darfur-Darfur Dia-logue and Consultation (DDDC) Group

Monday, October 1—Khartoum� International NGO Representatives� Sudanese Political Opposition Leaders� The Diplomatic Community� President Omar al-Bashir� Sudanese Government of National Unity

(GNU) Representatives� Assistant to the President, Dr. Nafi Ali Nafi� Minni Minawi, Senior Assistant to the Presi-

dent of Sudan and Leader of theSudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M)

� Ramadan Iftar Dinner with Minister of Statefor Foreign Affairs al-Wasila

Tuesday, October 2—Juba and El-Fasher� UNMIS flight to Juba, southern Sudan� Visit Dr. Garang Memorial Site to pay

respects and lay wreath� Site visit to Pediatric Hospital� President Salva Kiir Mayardit and

Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS)� Andrew Natsios, US Special Envoy for

Sudan� UNMIS flight from Juba to El-Fasher, Darfur� Osman Yusef Kibir, wali, Governor of North

Darfur, El-Fasher� Sudanese Civil Society Organization

Representatives, Tribal and ReligiousLeaders

� AMIS & UNMIS Representatives, UnitedNations Country Team

Wednesday, October 3—El-Fasher and NyalaThursday, October 4—KhartoumThe delegation divided into two teams. TeamOne flew to Kebkabiya and conducted meetingsin El-Fasher. Team Two flew to the Otash IDPCamp and conducted meetings in Nyala.

Team One—El-Fasher� Helicopter to Kebkabiya� Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in

Kebkabiya and Site Visit to Water Project� Women’s Group Representatives� UN and International NGO Representatives

Team Two—Nyala� UNMIS flight to Nyala� Ali Mahmoud Mohamed, wali, Governor of

South Darfur� UN Country Teams and International NGO

Representatives� Women’s Group Representatives� Discussion with IDPs in Otash Camp

Khartoum� Both teams converge for UNMIS flight from

El-Fasher to Khartoum� President Omar al-Bashir� Departure Statement of The Elders

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Appendix

27

AEC Assistance and Evaluation CommissionAU African UnionCPA Comprehensive Peace AgreementDDDC Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and ConsultationDPA Darfur Peace AgreementGOSS Government of Southern SudanGNU Government of National UnityICC International Criminal CourtIDP Internally Displaced PersonsIGAD Intergovernmental Authority on DevelopmentNCP National Congress PartyNGO Nongovernmental OrganizationSAF Sudan Armed ForcesSLA Sudan Liberation ArmySPLA/M Sudan People’s Liberation Army/MovementUN United NationsUNAMID United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur

Abbreviations

The Elders’ Mission to SudanContributors to this Report

Robert Pastor, interim co-director, The EldersGayle Smith, senior advisor, The EldersSemhar Araia, program officer, The EldersSara Latham, communications director, The EldersMaria Pahigiannis, executive assistant, International Affairs, American UniversityJeffrey Lunstead, assistant vice president, International Affairs, American UniversityAnthony Elmo, research assistant, International Affairs, American UniversitySiobhan Farey, executive assistant, The EldersMarguerite Jimenez, research assistant, The EldersMana Zarinejad, assistant director of development, American University

Frederic Noy, PhotographyMohamed A. Gorram, Arabic translationKaren Finkel, Profit By DesignLinemark Printing

theElders.org