Journal of the Australian Population Association Vol.5, No.l, 1988

Book Reviews and Bibl iography

KANE, Penny The Second Billion t Population and

Family Planning in China Penguin Books Australia Ltd, Ringwood, Victoria, 1987 (264 pp.)

Harnessing China's population, like the harnessing of nuclear power, has become the subject of heated political controversy. In 1986 the United States ceased funding to the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) following pressures from both right-to- life and women's rights groups over coercive practices and enforced abortions. The question is whether this and other changes will release explosive fertility in China accelerating world population growth rapidly from its current five billion with devastating social and environmental impacts. The Second Billion by Penny Kane investigates this phenomenon, the demographer's equivalent of the nuclear physicists' "melt down".

The Second Billion documents demographic and political facts about population policies in China with particular emphasis on the sensitive areas of women and family. Chapter i, "The Chinese Family and Change", is a fascinating and broad ranging discussion of Chinese society. It documents the shift from "feudal" social relations to "socialist-humanist" family and household patterns and the shift of authority from "elders" to "cadres". Chapter 2, "China's Population and the Development of Population Policies", will be most of interest to professional demographers but it provides essential background for the subsequent two chapters. These deal with family planning in urban and rural areas respectively and discuss the major controversies as well as facts of implementation of policies in the two vastly differing spheres of Chinese life. The final chapter, "Meeting Basic Needs", deals with the relationship between providing for basic social and economic needs and population policies. This massive topic is well managed in a mere 40 pages but merits a book in itself. At the end there is a Bibliography of some 130 or more items which are rated by the author for their value to the population debate. Only five references, or four per cent of those rated, get top three-star accolades. A future book will no doubt give Kane's book a high rating.

There is a history to current disputes between China and the United States to which Kane notes Dean Acheson, the US Secretary of State, made a contribution in August of 1949. Acheson cited over- population as the driving force behind the Communist revolution. Mao Zedong, stung by the undervaluation of historical necessity and political beliefs responded angrily in the People's Daily: "... Was the American revolution against Britain 174 years ago also due to overpopulation? ..." (p.57). There was US support at the time for Taiwan's Nationalist claims on China. It has been noted that the old Taiwan lobby is also very active in current US debates about China's population policies.

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Kane deals sensitively with the issues of coercion and abortion. She points to the inevitability of population policies in the plans of a country like China (p.176) and the development of "Marxist demography" (p.89) and the single-child family policy (p.122). She notes that there is as much official Chinese concern about coercion as there is international meddling:

... Occasional scandals about coercion, forced abortion and so on (usually given widespread publicity by the government as a warning) reflect the desperation of those caught between the forces of the community and the state ... (p.197).

She notes a history of toleration of abortion (p.151) after listing specific details of fifteen rural contraceptive recipes - not recommended for effective birth control! But she comes down heavily against urban abortion practices:

... The increased reliance on abortion indicates that many women are being pressured into terminating a second pregnancy which they really want ... These are very large prices to pay to reduce still further the very low urban fertility rates ... (p.141).

But she is also sympathetic to the role played in this process by women cadres who are not unaware of their own ambiguous position (p.169).

Probably more of concern is the practice of female infanticide in rural areas which has as its roots the "feudal" valuation of males over females and dire poverty. The national Peoples Congress in December, 1982 was used by Premier Zhao Ziyang to "resolutely condemn the criminal activities of female infanticide and maltreatment of the mothers ..." (p.197). These problems are related to more general issues of the status of women and economic development. Kane notes the continuing low status of women in rural areas (p.184) despite sustained action for change and some quite significant improvements. She pins hopes on education and technological development, which reduce the significance of male labour, as factors which can improve this situation.

At the end of her introductory historical review Kane sums up the Chinese family policies succinctly:

... Until recently the state accepted the limitations of its influence in family life, preferring to attempt to alter "feudal" relationships and behaviour through education and persuasion rather than through direct intervention. In the late 1970's, however, ... it began to intervene very strongly in one of the most basic aspects of family life: reproduction. As a consequence it has to consider other interventions as ambitious as the introduction of pension schemes, and has to consider family policies as a priority equal to, though sometimes conflicting with economic policies ... (p.44).

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She wisely leaves the issue of population ageing out of her discussions. And, despite the book's title The Second Billion, she concentrates her attention on how China got to the first billion. This probably contains all the clues for what will happen in the future but a little more work on what are the significant factors to watch would have been merited.

Penny Kane's book is well researched and a good read. If you want to know the background to current political controversies and to understand one of the most significant efforts at population policy making, then this book is for you. It is accessible to students and non-professionals as well as to practising demographers. It is very much in the Penguin mould and a worthy addition to their Sociology/ Anthropology list.

John McCallum Department of Sociology

Research School of Social Sciences The Australian National University

JOHNSTON, R.J. On Human Geosraphy

Basil Blackwell, Oxford and New York, 1986 (198 pp.)

Following Johnston's earlier reviews and syntheses of recent philosophical and methodological debates within Geography (Geography and Geographers: Anglo-American Human Geography since 1945 (1983); Philosophy and Human Geography: An Introduction to Contemporary Approaches (1983)), On Human Geography is primarily Concerned with his own development as a geographer. Central to this essay is his search to accommodate practice and theory, to develop a "theory of society" that provides a framework for empirical research.

Johnston begins his essay with some brief reflections on con- temporary society (development and ideology; political change; recreation and leisure) to depict the contextual development of his approach to human geography (Chapter 2). In the following three chapters that constitute the core of his essay, he discusses at great length the cosmology, philosophy and methodology underlying his approach to geographic practice. He argues that all presuppositions underlying every research endeavour are "coloured by our fundamental beliefs about the origin of reality", and that these cosmologies, or personal paradigms, "condition our philosophies, our beliefs about the source of knowledge and about knowledge itself"; he emphasizes that only when these cosmologies and philosophies are clearly determined is it possible to consider methodologies, that is, the means of obtaining knowledge (p.4).

His outline of a model of society (Chapter 3) contains three interacting elements: people (who occupy the central position in having created both other elements); mechanisms (interpretations of basic need to survive); and societies (interpretations of these

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mechanisms). The basic interest of human geographers, according to Johnston, lies in arriving at an understanding of certain aspects of the empirical world (of the societies and people in them); he emphasizes, however, that any such analysis must be accompanied by an understanding of the mechanisms.

The core of his theoretical discussion focuses on just one of these mechanisms, the capitalist mode of production. Acknowledging the dynamic nature of capitalism ("boom periods characterized by high levels of production, employment and profits - are followed by slumps - unemployment, poverty etc.", p.37) and its necessity for continuous change ("stagnation means destruction"), which implies a continuous change for societies and people as well, Johnston views the "study of spatial organizations of societies and the changing interpretations of the physical environment" (p.49) as the ultimate goal of every geographic enquiry.

How "to do" such geography within a "realist framework", that is, the philosophical context of his approach, is outlined in Chapter 4. While primarily concerned with empirical questions in his own practice of geography, Johnston stresses the need to transcend this level of analysis in the search for answers. His approach to "realist research" rejects an exclusive adherence to either empiricist, human- istic, or structuralist approaches. He acknowledges, however, the relevance of some aspects of each of these models, and proposes three levels of analysis, which link back to the society-people-mechanisms triad of his model of society: (i) real level (mechanisms, being the driving forces within the structures); (ii) actual level (decisions, being the actions of individuals); and (iii) empirical level (out- comes, being the results of these actions as empirically observed).

Arguing that individuals are not affected directly by either mechanisms or outcomes but by their interpretations of one or both of them (p.57), Johnston views realistic geographic practice as developing an understanding of these interpretations which provides us with "an understanding of how these Outcomes have been created, and how they in turn influence their own reproduction and restructuring as influences on further behaviour" (p.51). His realist approach is placed in a "structurationist" framework (Giddens), that posits the interdependence between individuals and structures, and aims at developing a "theory of society out of which viable actual and empirical research can be undertaken, and which in turn feeds back into that theory, which must itself always be changing as the society it studies changes" (p.63).

This ongoing dialectic between theory and practice, empirical research and findings, sets Johnston's conceptualization of theory clearly apart from the type with which most empirical social scientists identify: while the positivist type provides for deduction and hypothesis-testing, with a good theory being one that can predict events, the realist type, rejecting the notion of static determinism, "provides a map, an outline of choices that are available [to individuals]" (p.78).

Following a comprehensive discussion of the cosmology and philosophy behind his approach to human geography, his methodological

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foray in Chapter 5 is somewhat of an anticlimax. Despite the clarity of his arguments in dispelling some of the more popular myths and mis- conceptions associated with the nature of positivism in general and quantification in particular, such as the confusion of methodical means with ends, and the equation of positivism with quantification, and his emphatic, albeit far from new, call to resist a wholesale condemnation of quantification merely because of its frequent misuse, his discussion on the system of methods applicable to realist research is rather brief and somewhat superficial. His embracing of hermeneutics and his conceptualization of "geographic story-telling" that combines the theoretical analysis of mechanisms with concrete empirical studies of actors, events and outcomes, offer few insights and little practical guidance toward the actual conduct of empirical enquiries.

The remainder of his essay deals with the practice of human geography. Notwithstanding the exploration of many interesting issues, such as the relevance of geographic practice as a separate discipline within the social sciences as well as with regard to its usefulness to society, the relationship between human and physical geography, and the value of human geographic education, Chapters 6 to 8 appear somewhat detached from the core of this essay, providing only intermittent and spurious links back to his general argument.

A major strength of Johnston's essay is his balanced critique of theoretical and empirical exclusiveness. He skilfully argues that theoretical development without empirical research is arid in its lack of direct links to the worlds of experience and events (p.173), and that empirical researchers need a theory of the real within which to set their investigations, even if their explicit purpose is detached from contributing directly to theory development, to ensure that topics they ask questions about are rational abstractions and not chaotic conceptions (p.171). His contribution to an improvement in geographic practice, however, appears to favour empirical researchers over those more explicitly concerned with theoretical issues. This is apparent from his outright and comprehensive rejection of positivist theories (that pretend to predict events) in favour of a realist model of society (that - pretends to? - help understand events), while his methodological discussion, particularly his outline of how to conduct empirical research within such a framework, provides little concrete guidance to those who may derive the greatest benefit from realizing that theory development is inseparable from empirical work. On Human Geography, however, makes interesting reading, not only for geographers, and it will also attract other social scientists concerned with issues of integrating empirical research with theory development.

Gerald Haberkorn Department of Demography

The Australian National University

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ASPIN, L.J., The family: an Australian focus, Longman Cheshire, Melbourne, 2nd edition, 1987.

This work examines the problems and issues facing family groups in Australian society today. It analyses how individuals and families adapt to the changes occurring within society and how in turn society must accommodate different family formations. Case studies are provided, and questions to assist students. Chapters cover: studying the family; the family as a social system; historical development of the Australian family; the socialization and development of the individual; socialization of children; one parent families; dual income families; low income families and families in poverty; the aged; housing the family; the family and change; and the family in other cultures.

AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS, Deaths Australia 1986, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra, 1987 (ABS Catalogue No.3302.0).

Numbers of deaths and death rates are given, with a section on infant deaths. Details include age, sex, marital status, causes of death, occupation and age group of males, deaths by country of birth and duration of residence. Findings include that life expectancy at birth in 1986 has continued to increase, for males, to 72.8 years in 1986 from 72.3 years in 1985, and for females, to 79.1 years in 1986 from 78.8 years in 1985.

AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS, Marriage Australia 1986, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra, 1987 (ABS Catalogue No.3306.0).

Statistics are presented for marriages registered in 1986. 114,900 marriages were registered during 1986 but this figure was influenced by delays in the NSW registration of marriages in 1984 and 1985. Without these delays it is estimated that 110,800 marriages would have been registered in 1986. Other tables presented include median age at marriage of bridegrooms and brides (which have continued to rise since the mid 1970s), the distribution of marriages by previous marital status, relative birth places of parties, category of celebrant, and month of celebration of marriage.

BRADBURY, B., GARDE, P. and VIPOND, J., "Youth unemployment and intergenerational immobility", Journal of Industrial Relations, 28: 191-210, 1986.

The personal and family characteristics of teenage workers and un- employed teenagers who were living with one or both parents at the time of the 1981 census are described and analysed. The one per cent sample of household records released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics was the data source. Unemployment rates were much higher among teenagers of sole-parent families than among other teenagers. However, in the case of teenagers who lived with their mothers only, this could be attributed to low family incomes rather than family structures. Teenagers who lived with both parents also had high un- employment rates when family incomes were low. Among youth who lived

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with both parents, high unemployment probabilities were associated with parental disadvantages, even when the personal characteristics of the youth, such as their education levels, were controlled. It was concluded that unemployment distribution among 15-19-year-olds reflects intergenerational rigidities with respect to labour market status.

BURNS, A., "Mother-headed households: what is the future?" Unpublished, 1987, Paper presented to Workshop/Conference: the Future of the Household Economy and the Role of Women, Melbourne, May 1987.

The last 15 years have seen a rapid growth in virtually all industrialized countries in the proportion of families that are headed by a woman. Divorce rates have stabilized since 1980, but ex-nuptial births have increased. Conservative and liberal responses have differed, with the former emphasizing the influence of "permissiveness" and bad laws, and the latter emphasizing the dis- advantages suffered by mother-headed families. The conservative explanation is not supported by cross-national data. Liberal theory sees a broader spectrum of social changes as the cause. Two such changes are discussed - those associated with costs and benefits of marriage versus the alternatives. It is concluded that in Australia at least no decrease should be expected for the next two to three decades.

CARMICHAEL, G.A., "Bust after boom: first marriage trends in Australia", Demography, 24: 245-64, 1987.

This paper examines first marriage trends in Australia in detail, concentrating on the period commencing with the outbreak of World War II. Initially the extent and causes of the marriage boom, which was more prolonged in Australia than in the United States, are explored. Attention is then turned to the contemporary reluctance of young people to marry and to the forces that seem to have brought about this state of affairs. The paper concludes by indulging in a little speculation about what the future might hold.

FISHER, E., "Occupation: unemployed; trends in unemployment in Australia 1970 to 1986", Policy and Research Branch, Department of Social Security, Research Paper No.36, Woden, ACT, 1987.

This paper provides a statistical background for analysis of the issues relating to unemployed persons, presenting data from the three major sources of official statistics relating to unemployment covering the years 1970 to 1986. Trends in labour force participation are analysed: changing rates and durations of unemployment are examined and correlated with age, sex, marital status and family responsibili- ties, educational qualifications, occupation and industry, and birth- place. The figures show marked increases in overall unemployment; that young people still have the highest rates of unemployment but older people, especially those aged 45 and over, bear the brunt of longer durations of unemployment; that, as a result of the age changes in the impact of unemployment, a bigger percentage of unemployed

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people are married and caring for children than in previous years; and that unemployed people are less likely to have post-school qualifica- tions and tend to have left school earlier than people in employment.

FREELAND, J., "Welfare and jobs connection", Australian Social Welfare Impact, 17 (July): 6-8, 1987.

The May Statement began a strategy of returning welfare recipients to the workforce. The author questions the extent to which the policies can be successful and states that it is important to develop an analysis which integrates labour market and social security, which most of the commonly used indicators fail to do. labour force statistics and trends are examined, and it is shown that without employment growth there can be no overall reduction in the proportion of the population dependent on those who are employed. For every percentage point of the population successfully entering employment there is a roughly equivalent proportion being ejected by structural change. While there can be some redistribution in the patterns of access to and participation in the labour market with a view to reducing labour market inequalities, these possibilities are limited by the capacity of the economy to generate employment opportunities for a steadily increasing proportion of the population.

FREELAND, J., "Behind the welfare crisis", Australian Social Welfare Impact, 17 (August): 6-9, 1987.

The second of two articles examines the huge shift which has taken place in Australia's dependent population, from intra-family dependence to public dependence. At the same time, it is argued that, despite the rhetoric, Keynesianism is alive and well; it's who the state serves that's at issue. In the long term improvement in the employment-population ratio is dependent on whether or not the economy is successfully reconstructed. In the meantime, measures to reduce the social dependency ratio in the hope of cutting social expenditures will have limited success, will do little to assist the recon- struction, and will privatize some of the costs of economic dependency. In short, there is little narrow economic benefit in the current moves to rationalize the socially dependent population; rather, the moves serve to reinforce the stigmatization of the social dependent, to isolate the "undeserving poor".

GRAYCAR, A. and GLOVER, J., "Dependency in nursing homes", Australian Journal on Ageing, 6: 25-30, 1987.

The South Australian Ministerial Task Force on Nursing Home Accommodation was required to report on the nature of nursing home accommodation services available in South Australia, and the profile of patients accommodated in nursing homes. Because existing data were insufficient for the purpose of the Task Force, a survey was carried out, 1,004 residents of 44 nursing homes listing problems and/or diseases that they felt should be recorded as a special problem requiring extra nursing time and identifying the patients with a higher dependency need. This article reproduces some features of the

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data which were collected by the Task Force, both from existing sources and from the new survey work. Particular attention is given to the choice of a dependency measure. Comparative State data are produced to provide a background. The socioeconomic status of nursing home residents is described.

HUGO, G., "Ageing in Australia: the spatial implications", Urban Policy and Research, 5: 24-6, 1987.

This is a paper in the Forum section of the journal on "Housing old people". It reviews some of the spatial and locational associations of an ageing population. Statistics are quoted to show the trend toward ageing of the Australian population, and that the age structure of the Australian population over sixty-five is altering and in itself is ageing. For example, in both the 1980s and the 1990s the fastest rates of growth will be in the oldest age cohorts, and hence the impact of ageing on demands for specialized services is likely to be exacerbated for this period. Also significant is that the contem- porary elderly differ from earlier generations in a variety of ways, and these cohort differences have very important implications for the changing spatial distribution of the elderly. There is evidence of increased rates of mobility among the aged, especially the young aged, and further increases in residential mobility are likely. In addition, there are indications that non-permanent migrations of the aged are of increasing significance. The average economic status of the elderly has improved, they are retiring at younger ages, more are making housing adjustments involving considerable expenditure. It is clear that the "spending power" and "spending urge" among the aged has changed to such a degree that their presence in a community in substantial numbers has significant multiplier effects in that community.

KENDIG, H.L., "Housing futures for older Australians", pp.322-33 in R. THORNE, (ed.), The Housing and Living Environment for Retired People in Australia, Hale and Iremonger, Sydney, 1986.

This chapter assesses policy options in the context of the likely housing experiences of older Australians in the coming decades. While it is recognized that these developments evolve incrementally, an attempt is made to clarify the issues by focusing on the likely experiences of two distinct cohorts. These are the "inter-war" children who will enter old age over the remainder of the century, and the post-war baby boom children who are destined to reach their advanced years early in the 21st century. After briefly reviewing the demographic features and economic capabilities of the cohorts, the discussion turns to four interrelated aspects of housing: tenure and housing costs, housing adjustments, accessibility, and institutional care.

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KENEN, R.H., "Health status: Australian Aborigines and Native Americans - a comparison", Australian Aboriginal Studies, l: 34-45, 1987.

This paper compares the health status of Australian Aborigines and Native Americans (American Indians and Native Alaskans) over the past thirty years and investigates reasons for similarities and differences. The causes of mortality and morbidity among both peoples are similar, but the incidence and prevalence of diseases has been consistently higher for the Australian Aborigines during the period studied - from 1955 to the present - a period when the health status for both peoples was improving. Tables show comparisons of death rates, demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, housing and sanitation.

KILMARTIN, C., "Is the proportion of sole mothers dependent on social security really increasing?" Australian Institute of Family Studies Newsletter, No.18: 31-2, May 1987.

There is a discrepancy between the figures showing the number of mothers in one-parent families in receipt of Supporting Parents Benefit or Widows Pension, and the number recorded in ABS labour force statistics as not being in full-time work (and therefore likely to qualify for a pension or benefit). The discrepancy might be explained by differing definition, illegal claims and/or the fact that the labour force figures are estimates from sample surveys. Despite some long-term effects of the 1982-83 depression, an increase in the proportion of mothers dependent upon Social Security support is not evident from the data presented.

OXLEY, C., "The structure of general family provision in Australia and overseas: a comparative study", Social Security Review background/ discussion Papers, No.17, Woden, ACT, 1987.

In examining the case for the retention of a system of family allowances, it is useful to look at some of the arguments that had originally assisted with their introduction in a variety of countries and also the arguments that have been used in the recent overseas debates. As well as looking at these debates, this paper compares the structure and level of universal child income support in a number of other countries with that of the Australian family allowance.

POLLARD, G.N. and POLLARD, J.H., "The social/demographic environment of the elderly in relation to the dwelling experience in Australia", pp.18-49 in R. THORNE (ed.), The Housin 8 and Living Environment for Retired People in Australia, Hale and Iremonger, Sydney, 1986.

The aim of this chapter is to present a statistical picture of the elderly and retired population in the Australian community, especially in relation to their housing and dwelling experiences. The discussion covers: the demographic ageing of the Australian population since 1900 and projections for continued ageing into the 21st century; marital status and place of birth of the elderly population as revealed by the

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1981 Census; the health and mortality of the elderly and particularly trends in mortality rates and the expectation of life; the participa- tion of the elderly in the workforce, and the income of the elderly; the housing and dwelling experience of the elderly; and the variation in the proportion of elderly in different local government areas.

RUZICKA, L.T., "The length of working life of Australian males, 1933- 1981", Bureau of Labour Market Research Monograph, No.15, Canberra, 1986.

The methodology for the construction of a Working Life Table for males is explained, and modifications for the construction of such a life table for females are suggested. Working life tables are then presented for Australian males for each census year from 1933 to 1981 with the exception of 1971. Length of working life, age pattern of entries into and retirements from the labour force, labour force replacement, and variation between the States are covered.

STAINES, V.S., "Background: political (policy) environment in relation to the dwelling experience of aged people in Australia", pp.50-90 in R. THORNE (ed.), The Housing and Living Environment for Retired People in Australia, Hale and Iremonger, Sydney, 1986.

A statistical profile is presented of the dwelling experience of aged Australians. The chapter then outlines briefly the major relevant features of Commonwealth income security policies, focusing on aged care policies. A number of problems with aged care programmes are identified, and a series of recent or foreshadowed policy changes discussed. Four issues which underlie these problems and policy responses are addressed: programme goals and objectives; the logic of discussions concerning the relative costs of institutional and community care; aspects of the incentives implicit within aged care programmes; and facets of integrated community care. An appendix sets out Commonwealth programmes providing care and accommodation primarily for aged people.

VIPOND, J., BRADLEY, B. and ENCEL, D., "Unemployment and poverty: measures of association", Australian Bulletin of Labour, 13: 179-92, 1987.

To what extent do increasing levels of unemployment imply that large numbers of Australian families will be in poverty for short or extended periods? Alternatively, to what extent can current poverty in Australia be reduced if we are able significantly to reduce unemployment levels? This paper argues that precise answers to these questions are impossible, but that some approximations may be made by measuring the association of unemployment and poverty even if we cannot directly calculate the amount of poverty due to unemployment. Authors describe poverty measurement, and review recent trends in unemployment rates and unemployment benefits, showing how both have changed, and the present results of measurements of the recent incidence of poverty among unemployed people. General expectations that the incidence of poverty among unemployed people is much higher

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than the statistics for the general population are confirmed, and the figures presented support arguments that unemployment is a major and increasing cause of poverty.

WALKER, J., "Statistics review: skill and the Australian standard classification of occupations", National Economic Review, 7: 81-5, 1987.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) and the Department of Employment and Industrial Relations (DEIR) have developed a new classification of occupations, the Australian Standard Classification of Occupations (ASCO), which will be used to code the 1986 Census, and also be used by the Commonwealth Employment Service and the Department of Immigration. The author identifies problems that existed with the old Classification and Classified List of Occupations (CCLO), and reviews the ASCO system, noting considerable advances over the old system. She points out, however, that it is important to understand that the operational definition of "skill" involved in ASCO is not an objective technical definition, but is a definition of skill which is socially constructed through labour market institutions. The technical and social attributes of skill are discussed.

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