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    ALFRED ADLER. The Science of Living (1929). Edited with an introduction byHeinz L. Ansbacher. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1969.Pp. xxii + 138. $1.25 paper.For more than a decade I have been recommending the original edition of

    this book to my students as a good introduction to the Individual Psychology ofAlfred Adler. Its availability now in this inexpensive paper edition will, J believe,open it to a larger reading public and make Adler's point of view more widelyread and more clearly understood. Although my review is explicitly of this book,I discovered long ago that none of Adler's books-not those which J myself haveread, at any rate-can stand alone. Each is necessary for a better understandingof the others, for each deviates from or modifies earlier development of Adler'sbasic ideas.

    The essence of this lucid and useful book is that every normal human beinginteracts with other human beings by means of an innate potentiality, but notinborn motive, which Adler originally called Gemeinschaftsgefiih/. The translationof this controversial word is "social interest." What saves this word from meresocial adjustment and confotmity to the standards of the group is that in itslater extended meaning it makes room for the nonconforming innovator, theindependent spirit who contributes to the enhancement of the individual andsociety. Social interest means an interest in mankind and an interest in theinterests of mankind. I t carries the important idea of goal-orientation, and thisorientation implies a future temporal dimension. This stress on the future placedAdler in fact in the center of the existentialist movement at a time when thismovement was just coming to maturity in Europe, especially as this movementwas developing in the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Adler is thus again seento be an innovator and not a follower.

    Moreover, in the framework of Adler's central ideas the concepts of socialinterest and social adjustment, terms which were current in the psychologiesdating roughly from 1920 to the end of World War I1, far transcend the mechan-istic character of those psychologies and are consistent with the dynamic natureof Adler's life and writings. These writings including the present volume, aboundin such bold ideas as the uniqueness of the individual, betterment of the humansi tu ation, reformism as social reconstruction, changing a person's conception ofhis life, anticipation of the future, etc. I like to think of my own proactive psy-chology, with its emphasis on the forward-thrusting nature of man, as beingessentially Adlerian.

    In the light of the above considerations we come to see afresh the viabilityand up-to-the-minute relevance of Individual Psychology. We come to appreciatea fact not often remembered, that despite the occasional use of the terminologyof adjustment psychology, Adler was a holistic, phenomenological, and human-centered psychologist at least twenty years before this view became known in itsAmerican version.



    When social interest grows, it gives rise to those mature forms of conductwhich occupy the central place in f ndividual Psychology and the emerging human_istic psychologies. J am speaking of human concern, othermindedness, com_passion, and the loving encounter. These human phenomena are best explainedby a psychology of social interest. They require that we emancipate our minds,as Adler liberated his own, from the consequences of a rigid homeostasis and drive-reduction psychology, which is possible only in a social interest conceptual frame_work.

    The foregoing comments give added credence to my earlier statement thatThe Science of Living, though serving as an introduction to Adler's writings, pre-supposes both earlier and subsequent developments of his ideas, notably, hisviews of the philosophy of science, his rather loose "methodology," his generalsocial philosophy, his view of education, especially that psychology is education,etc.

    Upon this background J have found more focused meaning, clarity, and arenewed appreciation of such leading ideas as the education of children, love andmarriage, the social sentiment, style of life as both individual guide and personalphilosophy, and above all, a better reconciliation of inconsistencies as a form ofunity-in-diversity. And for the understanding of the Individual Psychology ofAlfred Adler, this is reward enough.

    More appropriate chapter headings and the introduction of correspondingcenter headings enhance the reading quality of the new edition. The new book isalso provided with an index.

    United States International University,San Diego, California



    STANLEY COOPERSMITH. The Antecedents of Self-Esteem. San Francisco: W. H.Freeman, J 967. Pp. ix + 283. $6.00.This is a highly important and at the same time fascinating book. Without

    doubt, it will be a major influence on the course of developmental research for thenext several years, and, if certain of its more striking findings are supported byfurther research, it may well presage a drastic shift in certain child-raising prac-tices in our culture. Essentially a research report, the volume also includes alimited, introductory discussion of the historical background of the concept ofself-esteem, and a somewhat more extensive examination of the theoretical impli-cations of the findings.

    Perhaps the most striking feature of the book is simply that it exists-i.e.,that the topic of self-esteem, which has been a major psychological concept sinceWilliam James, and was discussed long before that, has now been approachedthrough objective, quantifiable means. This work, to be sure, is not the firstempirical study of self-esteem-a major prior one is that of Rosenberg (Societyand the adolescent self-image, 1965)-but it is the most intensive such study, andbecause of its important theoretical and methodological innovations, it is likelyto have far-reaching implications. 1t therefore deserves our very careful exam-ination.


    Coopersmith defines self-esteen as "the evaluation which the individualmakes and customarily maintains with regard to himself: it expresses an attitudeof approval or disapproval, and indicates the extent to which the individual be-lieves himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy" (pp. 4-5). Thisstatement, be it noted, is a trait rather than a state definition; i.e., it focuses uponself-esteem as a relatively endurable characteristic of a person, rather than uponimplications and correlates of day-to-day variations in self-esteem. Both of thesedefinitional approaches appear to be significant for personality research, but thetrait dimension, which Coopersmith has employed, is probably more appropriatefor individual differences studies.

    The concept of self-esteem, as Coopersmith indicates, is a fundamental aspectof the broader concept of the self, and the present work is best seen as a contribu-tion in this larger context. The importance of the construct of the self in psy-chology is indicated by the fact that it has been employed, under one term oranother, in all important personality theories since at least the time of Adler.Adler was also one of the first to give systematic attention to the subdimenion ofself-esteem as a personality variable.

    The essential features of Coopersmith's study are as follows: The subjectswere 85 white boy~, 10-12 years of age, attending public schools in Connecticut.They were selected from a larger group of 125 in such a way as to represent aconsiderable range on the dimension of self-esteem. Two criteria were used in thisordering: (a) a 50-item (sample: I'm pretty sure of myself) self-report inventory(51); and (b) a 13-;tem (sample: Does this child attempt to dominate or bullyother children?) behavior rating form (BRF) filled ou t by the teacher. The 85final su bjects represented five groups of l7 each, including one group obtaininghigh scores on both the 5EI and BRF, one group being low on both, and so on.Each subject was then administered a series of tests, including the WJ 5C andRorschach. In addition, several experimental measures, including level of aspira-tion, tendency toward conformity, and reactivity to stress, were obtained. Finally,three techniques were used to gather data concerning the an teceden ts of self-esteem: (a) an 8o-item questionnaire (sample: A wise parent will teach a childearly just who is boss) which was completed by the mothers of the subjects; (b)an interview with the mother; and (c) a number of questions Oil parental attitudesanswered by the subjects.

    The focus of the present book is upon the relations between the first andsecond of the above classes of variables-i.e. upon the relations between the sub-jects' level of self-esteem (primar;ly as assessed by the self-report quest;onnaire)and an teceden t condi tions (primarily as assessed by the mothers or the subj ectsthemselves). In other words, the study is primarily concerned with the conditionsthat lead to high self-esteem.

    Before considering the overall results of the study, several comments of amethodological nature are in order. The design of the study is essentially straight-forward, and relatively convincing; nevertheless, there are certain limitationswhich need to be taken into account in its interpretation. Most of these limitationsprobably reflect an inadequacy in reporting, rather than any basic defect. Forexample, though the author reports and discusses a large number of specific statis-tical tests-largely chi-sq uares and F values-at no place are the results of all


    possible significance tests systematically presented. The reader is thus unable toevaluate the number of statistically significant findings that were obtained interms of