Bond Family

escapes massacreAugust 17 to 23, 1862

New Ulm, Fort Ridgley& Courtland, Minnesota

Indian MassacresAlso includes St. Peter, Acton, Mendota, Glencoe,

Hutchison, LeSeuer, Swan Lake, Fort Ripley, South Bend and other communities and surrounding

areas within 200 miles.

(This escape allowed the future existence of William Bond descendants)

William Bond family escapes massacreAugust 17 to 23, 1862 New Ulm / Cortland, Minnesota

Harriet “Hattie” Bond's family tale passed down and told by William Henry Bond had it that “a friendly Indian came through warning that Indians were on a rampage.” It is told that she looked across the Minnesota River from where the family cabin was near New Ulm, Minnesota on the north side of the river, and could see family homesteads burning down in the Lower Sioux Agency vicinity.She stated that, “this warning gave us enough time to load our wagon with our belongings and escape in time, to the fort.” In doing research, the fort mentioned was Fort Ridgley just a bit north and west of New Ulm and not far from where the family homestead was located on the north side of the Minnesota River. From a book, “The History of Minnesota and Tales of the Frontier“, written by thelocal former Indian Agent Charles Eugene Flandrau, and witness, he writes what happened those days. Mind you, the Sioux Indians had been causing a few problems prior to this but it escalated rapidly as they were aware that many of the Minnesota soldiers had been dispatched, by the Governor of Minnesota, to defend after the attack on Fort Sumter. The Indians thought they could take advantage of the situation and began a terror campaign. As it is written in the book beginning on page 138, this describes what was going on August 17th - 23rd, 1862, that Harriet “Hattie” Bond and family witnessed, and were able to escape from. Explanation of text color, ctrl and left click.

Fort Ridgley and New Ulm, Minnesota map

Judge Charles Eugene Flandrau

Here in his own words, the author of the book, and witness to the events, describes in detail the days surrounding the Sioux Indian massacres of 1862,

“Little Crow was the principal instigator of war on the whites. He was a man of greater parts than any Indian in the tribe. I had used him on many trying occasions, as the captain of my bodyguard, and my ambassador to negotiate with other tribes, and always found him equal to any emergency; but on this occasion his ambition ran away with his judgment, and led him to fatal results. With all these influences at work, it took but spark to fire the magazine, and that spark was struck

on the seventeenth day of August, 1862.

A small party of Indians were at Acton, on August

17th, and got into a petty controversy about some eggs with a settler, which created a difference of opinion among them as to what they should do, some advocating one course and some another. The controversy led to one Indian saying that the other was afraid of the white-man, to resent which, and to prove his bravery, he killed the settler, and the whole family was massacred. When these Indians reached the agency, and related their bloody work, those who wanted trouble seized upon the opportunity, andinsisted that the only way out of the difficulty was to kill all the whites, and on the morning of the 18th of August the bloody work began. It is proper to say here that some of the Indians who were connected with themissionaries, conspicuously An-pay-tu-tok-a-cha, or John Otherday, and Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, the president of the Hazelwood Republic, of which I have spoken, having learned of the intention of the Indians,informed the missionaries on the night of the 17th, who, to the number of about sixty, fled eastward to Hutchison, in Mcleod county, and escaped.

“Little Crow” The next morning, being the 18th of August, the Indians commenced the massacre of the whites, and made clean work of all at the agencies. They then separated into small squads of from five to ten and spread over the country to the south, east and

southeast, attacking the settlers in detail at their homes and continued this work during all of the 18th and part of the 19th of August, until they had murdered in cold blood quite one thousand people_men, women and children. The way the work was conducted, was as follows: The party of Indians would call at the house, and, being well known, would cause no alarm. They would await a good opportunity, and shoot the man of the family; then butcher the women and children, and, after carrying off everything that they thought valuable to them, they would burn the house and proceed to the next homestead and repeat the performance. Occasionally, someone would escape, and spread the news of the massacre to the neighbors, and all who could would escape to some place of refuge.

The news of the outbreak reached Fort Ridgley (which was situated about thirteen miles down the Minnesota River) from the agencies about eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th, by means of the arrival of a team from the Lower Agency, bringing a badly wounded man; but no details could be obtained. The fort was in command of Capt. John Marsh, of Company “B”, Fifth Minnesota Volunteer Infantry. He had eighty-five men in his company, from which he selected forty-five, leaving the balance, under Lieut. T. F. Gere, to defend the fort. This little squad, under command of Captain Marsh, with full supply of ammunition, provisions, blankets, etc., accompanied by a six-mule team, left the fort at 9:00 a.m., on the

18th of August, for the Lower Sioux Agency, which was on the west side of the Minnesota River, the fort being on the east, which necessitated the crossing of the river by a ferry near the agency. On the march up the command passed nine or ten dead bodies, all bearing evidence of having been murdered by the Indians, one of which was Dr. Humphrey, surgeon at the agency. On reaching the vicinity of the ferry no Indians were in sight, except one on the opposite side of the river, who tried to induce them to cross over. A dense chaparral bordered the river on the agency side, and tall grass covered the bottom on the side where the troops were. Suspicion of the presence of Indians was aroused by the disturbed condition of the water of the river, which was muddy and contained floating grass. Then a group of ponies was seen. At this point, and without any notice whatever, Indians in great numbers sprang up on all sides of the troops, and opened upon them a deadly fire. About half of the men were killed instantly. Finding themselves surrounded, it became with the survivors a question of sauve qui peut. Several desperate hand-to-hand encounters occurred, with varying results, when the remnant of the command made a point down the river, about two miles from the ferry, Captain Marsh being of the number. Here they attempted to cross, but the captain was drowned in the effort. Only from thirteen to fifteen of the command reached the fort alive. Among those killed was Peter Quinn, the United States interpreter, an

Irishman, who had been in the Indian territory for many years. He had married into the Chippewa tribe. He was a man much esteemed by the army and all old settlers.

Much criticism has been indulged in as to whether Captain Marsh, when he became convinced of the general outbreak, should not have retreated to the fort. Of course, forty-five men could do nothing against five or six hundred warriors, who were known to be at or about the agency. The Duke of Wellington, when asked as to what was the best test of general, said, “to know when to retreat, and to dare to do it.” Captain Marsh cannot be justly judged by any such criterion. He was not an experienced general. He was a young, brave, and enthusiastic soldier. He knew little of Indians. The country knows that he thought he was doing his duty advancing. I am confident, whether this judgment is intelligent or not, posterity will hold in warmer esteem the memory of Captain Marsh and his gallant little band than if he had adopted the more prudent course of retracing his steps. Gen. George Custer was led into an ambush of almost the exact character, which was prepared for him by many of the same Indians who attacked Marsh, and he lost five companies of the Seventh United States Cavalry, one of the best fighting

regiments in the service, not a man escaping.Immediately previous to the outbreak, Lieut. Timothy J. Sheehan, of Company “C”, Fifth

Minnesota, had been sent, with about fifty men of his company, to the Yellow Medicine Agency, on account of some disorder prevailing among the Indians; but having performed his duty, he had been ordered to Fort Ripley, and had on the 17th left Fort Ridgley, and on the 18th had reached a point near Glencoe, distant from Fort Ridgley about forty miles. As soon as Captain Marsh became aware of the outbreak, he sent the following dispatch to Lieutenant Sheehan, which reached him on the evening of the 18th,

“Lieutenant Sheehan: It is absolutely necessary that you should return with your command immediately to this post.

The Indians are raising hell at the Lower Agency. Return as soon as possible.”

Lieutenant Sheehan was then a young Irishman, of about the age of twenty-five years, with immense physical vigor, and corresponding enthusiasm. He immediately broke camp and returned to the fort, arriving there on the 19th of August, having made a forced march of forty-two miles in nine and one-half hours. He did not arrive a moment too soon. Being the ranking officer after the death of Captain Marsh, he took command of the post. The garrison then consisted of the remnant of Marsh's Company “B”, fifty-one men, Sheehan's Company “C”, fifty men, and the Renville Rangers, fifty men. This latter company was the one raised by Major Galbraith, the Sioux agent at the agencies, and was composed principally of half-breeds. It was commanded by Capt. James Gorman. On reaching St. Peter, on it's way down to Snelling to be mustered into the service of the United States, it learned of the outbreak, and at once returned to Ridgley, Sergeant Jones of the regular artillery, who had been left there in charge of the military stores. He was quite an expert gunner, and there were several field-pieces at the fort. Besides this

garrison, a large number of people from the surrounding country had sought safety at the fort,” (includes Hattie Bond and family), “and there was also a party of gentlemen, who had brought up the annuity money to pay the Indians, who, learning of the troubles, had stopped with the money, amounting to some $70,000 in specie. I will here leave the fort for the present, and turn to other points that became prominent in the approaching war.

On the night of the 18th of August, the day of the outbreak, the news reached St. Peter, and, as I have before stated, induced the Renville Rangers to retrace their steps. Great excitement prevailed, as no one could tell at what moment the Indians might dash into the town, and massacre the inhabitants.

The people at New Ulm, which was situated about sixteen miles below Fort Ridgley, on the Minnesota River, dispatched a courier to St. Peter as soon as they became aware of the trouble. He arrived at 4 o'clock a.m., on the 19th, and came immediately to my house, which was about a one mile below the town, and informed me that the Indians were killing people all over the country. Having lived among the Indians for several years, and at one time had charge of them as their agent, I thoroughly understood the danger of the situation, and knowing that, whether the story was true or false, the frontier was no place at such a time for women and children, I told him to wake up the people at St. Peter, and that I would be there quickly. I immediately placed my family in a wagon, and told them to flee down the river, and taking all the guns, powder and lead I could find in my house, I arrived at St. Peter about 6 a.m. The men of the town were soon assembled at the court-house, and in a very short time a company was formed of 116 men, of which I was chosen as Captain, William B. Dodd as first, and Wolf H. Meyer as second lieutenant. Before noon two men, Henry A. Swift, afterwards governor of the state, and William C. Hayden, were dispatched to the front in a buggy to scout, and locate the enemy if he was near, and about noon sixteen mounted men under L. M. Boardman, sheriff of the county, were started on a similar errand. Both these squads kept moving until they reached New Ulm, at about 5 p.m.

Great activity was displayed in equipping the main body of the company for service. All the guns of the place were seized, and put into the hands of the men. There not being any large game in this part of the country, rifles were scarce, but shot-guns were abundant. All the blacksmith shops and gun shops were set at work moulding bullets, and we soon had a gun in every man's hand, and he was supplied with a powder horn or a whiskey flask full of powder, a box of caps and a pocket-full of bullets. We impressed all the wagons we needed for transportation, and all the blankets and provisions that were necessary for subsistence and comfort. While these preparations were going on a large squad from Le Sueur, ten miles further down the river, under the command of Captain Tousley, sheriff of Le Sueur county, joined us. Early in the day a squad from Swan Lake, under an old settler named Samuel Coffin, had gone to New Ulm tosee what was the matter.

Our advance guard reached New Ulm just in time to participate in it's defense against an attack of about one hundred Indians who had been murdering the settlers on the west side of the river, between the town and Fort Ridgley. The inhabitants of New Ulm were almost exclusively German, there being only a few English-speaking citizens among them, and they were not familiar with the character of the Indians, but the instinct of self-preservation had impelled them to fortify the town with barricades to keep the enemy out. The town was built in the usually way of western towns, the principal settlement being along the main street, and the largest and best houses occupying a space of about three blocks. Some of these houses were of brick and stone, so with a strong barricade around them, the town was quite defensible. Several of the people were killed in this first attack, but the Indians, knowing of the coming reinforcements, withdrew, after firing five of six buildings.

The main body of my company, together with the squad from Le Sueur, reached the ferry about two miles below the settled part of New Ulm, about 8 p.m., having made thirty-two miles in seven hours, in a drenching rainstorm. The blazing houses in the distance gave a very threatening aspect to the situation, but we crossed the ferry successfully, and made the town with-out accident. The next day we were reinforced by a full company from Mankato under Capt. William Bierbauer. Several companies were formed from the citizens of the town. A full company from South Bend arrived on the 20th or 21st, and various other squads, greater or less in numbers, came in during the week, before Saturday, the 23rd, swelling our forces to about three hundred men, but nearly all very poorly armed. We improved the barricades and sent out daily scouting parties who succeeded in bringing in many people who were in

hiding in swamps, and who would have undoubtedly been loss without this succor. It soon became apparent that , to maintain any discipline or order in the town, some one man must be placed in command of the entire force. The officers of the various companies assembled to choose a commander-in-chief, and the selection fell to me. A provost guard was at once established, order inaugurated, and we awaited events.

I have been thus particular in my description of the movements at this point because it gives an idea of the defenseless condition in which the outbreak found the people of the country, and also because it shows the intense energy with which the settlers met the emergency, at its very inception, from which I will deduce the conclusion at the proper time that this prompt initial action saved the state from a calamity, the magnitude of which is unrecorded in the history of Indian Wars.

Having described the defensive condition of Fort Ridgley and New Ulm, the two extreme frontier posts, the former being on the Indian reservation and the latter only a few miles southeast of it, I will take up the subject at the capital of the state. The news reached Governor Ramsey, at St. Paul, on the 19th of August, the second day of the outbreak. He at once hastened to Mendota, at the mouth of the Minnesota River, and requested ex-Governor Sibley to accept the command of such forces as could be put in the field, to check the advance of and punish the Indians. Governor Sibley had a large experience with the Sioux, perhaps more than any man in the state, having traded and lived with them since 1834, and besides that, was a distinguished citizen of the state, having been its first governor. He accepted the position, with the rank of Colonel in the state militia. The Sixth Regiment was being recruited at Fort Snelling for the Civil War, and, on the 20th of August, Colonel Sibley started up the valley of the Minnesota with four companies of that regiment, and arrived at St. Peter on Friday, the 22nd. Capt. A. D. Nelson of the regular army had been appointed Colonel of the Sixth, and William Crooks had been appointed Lieutenant Colonel of the Seventh. Colonel Crooks conveyed the orders of the governor to Colonel Nelson, overtaking him at Bloomington Ferry. On receipt of his orders, finding he was to report to Colonel Sibley, he made the point of military etiquette, that an officer of the regular army could not report to an officer of militia of the same rank, and turning over his command to Colonel Crooks, he returned to St. Paul and handed in his Col. Henry H. Sibleyresignation. It was accepted, and Colonel Crooks was appointed Colonel of the Sixth....”.

“On Sunday, the 24th, Colonel Sibley's force at St. Peter, was augmented by the arrival of about two hundred mounted men, under the command of William J. Cullen, formerly superintendent of Indian Affairs, called the Cullen Guard. On the same day six more companies of the Sixth arrived, making up the full regiment, and also about one hundred more mounted men, and several squads of volunteer militia. The mounted men were placed under the command of Col. Samuel McPhail. By these acquisitions Colonel Sibley's command numbered about 1,400 men. Although the numerical strength was considerable, the

command was practically useless. The ammunition did not fit the guns of the Sixth Regiment, and had to be all made over. The horses of the mounted men, were raw and undisciplined, and the men themselves were inexperienced and practically unarmed. It was the best the country afforded, but was probably about as poorly equipped an army as ever entered the field and to face what I regard as the best warriors to be found on the North American continent; but fortunately the officers and men were all that could be desired. The leaders of this army were the best of men, and being seconded by intelligent and enthusiastic subordinates, they soon overcame their physical difficulties; but they knew nothing of the strength, position or previous movement of the enemy, no news having reached them from either Fort Ridgley or New Ulm. Any mistake made by this force,

resulting in defeat, would have been fatal. No such mistake was made.... The Indians felt that it would be necessary to carry Fort Ridgley and New Ulm, before they extended their depredations further down the valley of the Minnesota, and concentrated their forces for an attack on the fort. Fort Ridgley was in no sense a fort. It was simply a collection of buildings, principally frame structures, facing in towards the parade ground. On one side was a long stone barrack and a stone commissary building, which was the only defensible part of it.

On the 20th of August, at about 3 p.m., an attack was made upon the fort by a large body of Indians.The first intimation the garrison had of the assault was a volley poured through one of the openings between the buildings. Considerable confusion ensued, but order was soon restored.”

To note at this point, the Bond family was either inside the fort at this time or, had left for St. Peter with this author and others, and to understand on a personal level the facts. Harriet's family consisted of the following. Harriet's mother Mary had died in 1857, so was a family with only the father. Without doing more research for exact location of all involved,would have to believe that Harriet's father William Bond, my great great grandfather, was there with his family. Then in order, at this time, the children, Preston Randolph Bond would be 18 years old, Franklin Maxim Bond would be 16 years old, my great grandfather Claston Bond would be 13 years old, Harriet Hattie Bond would be 11 years old, Ira Elwin Bond would be 9 years old and lastly, Oliver Bond would be 7 years old. So, you have mostly young children with no mother, but a with a single father and a couple of older boys. It is possible that Preston and even Franklin were old enough to assist in defending, at the fort. Now back to the witness accounts of what more happened to the folks of New Ulm and Fort Ridgley.

“Sergeant Jones attempted to use his cannon, but to his utter dismay, he found them disabled. This was the work of some of the half-breeds belonging to the Renville Rangers, who had deserted to the enemy. They had been spiked by ramming old rags into them. The Sergeant soon rectified this difficulty, and brought his pieces into action. The attack lasted three hours, when it ceased, with a loss to the garrison of three killed and eight wounded.

On Thursday, the 21st, two further attacks were made on the fort, one in the morning and one in the afternoon, but with reduced force, less earnestness, and little damage. On Friday, the 22nd, the savages seemed determined to carry the fort. About eight hundred or more, under the leadership of Little Crow, came down from the agency. Concentrating themselves in the ravines which lay on several sides of the fort, they made a feint, by sending about twenty warriors over on the prairie for the purpose of drawing out the garrison from the fort, and cutting them off. Such a movement, if successful, would have been fatal to the defenders; but fortunately there were men among them of much experience in Indian warfare, who saw through the scheme, and prevented the success of the maneuver. Then following the shower of bullets on the fort from all directions. The attack was continued for nearly five hours. It was bitterly fought, and courageously and intelligently resisted. Sergeant Jones and other artillerists handled the guns with effective skill, exploding shells in the outlying buildings, and burning them over the heads of the Indians, while the enemy endeavored to burn the wooden buildings composing the fort, by shooting fire arrows on the roofs. One of the most exposed and dangerous duties to be performed was covering the wooden roofs with earth to prevent fire. One white man was killed and seven wounded in this engagement. Lieutenant Sheehan, who commanded the post through all these trying occurrences, Lieutenant Gorman, of the Renville Rangers, Lieutenant Whipple, and Sergeants Jones and McGrew, all did their duty in a manner becoming veterans, and the men seconded their efforts handsomely. The Indians, after this effort, being convinced that they could not take the fort, and anticipating the coming of reinforcements, withdrew, and, concentrating all their available forces, descended upon New Ulm the next morning, August 23rd, for a final struggle. In the official history (written for the state) of this battle at Fort Ridgley, I place the force of the Indians as 450, but have learned since from reliable sources that it was as above stated.

We left New Ulm, after the arrival of the various companies which I have named on the 21st of August, strengthening its barricades and awaiting events. I had placed a good glass on the top of one of the stone buildings within the barricades for the purpose of observation, and always kept a sentinel there to report any movement he should discover in any direction throughout the surrounding country. We had heard distinctly the cannonading at the fort for the past two days, but knew nothing of the result of the fight at that point. I was perfectly familiar, as were many of my command, with the country between New Ulm and the fort, on both sides of the river, knowing the house of every settler on the roads.

Saturday, the 23rd of August, opened bright and beautiful, and early in the morning we saw column after column of smoke rise in the direction of the fort, each smoke being nearer than the last. We knew to a certainty that the Indians were approaching in force, burning every building and grain or hay stack they passed. The settlers had either all been killed, or had taken refuge at the fort or New Ulm, so we had no anxiety about them. About 9:30 a.m., the enemy appeared in great force, on both sides of the river. Those on the east side, when they reached the neighborhood of the ferry, burned some stacks as a signal of their arrival, which was responded to by a similar fire in the edge of the timber, about two miles and a half from the town on the west side. Between this timber and the town, was a beautiful open prairie, with considerable descent towards the town. Immediately on seeing the smoke from the ferry the enemy advanced rapidly, some six hundred strong, many mounted and the rest on foot. I had determined to meet them on the open prairie, and had formed my men by companies in a long line of battle, with intervals between them, on the first level plateau on the west side of the town, thus covering its whole west front. There were not over twenty or thirty rifles in the whole command, and a man with a shotgun, knowing his antagonist carries a rifle, has very little confidence in his fighting ability. Down came the Indians in the bright sunlight, galloping, running, yelling, and gesticulating in the most fiendish manner. If we had had good rifles they never would have got near enough to do much harm, but as it was we could not check them before their fire began to tell on our line. They deployed to the right and left until they covered our entire front, and then charged. My men, appreciating the inferiority of their armament, after seeing several of their comrades fall, and having fired a few ineffectual volleys, fell back on the town, passing some buildings without taking possession of them, which mistake was instantly taken advantage of by the Indians, who at once occupied them, but they did not follow us into the town proper, no doubt thinking our retreat was a feint to draw them among the buildings, and thus gain an advantage. I think if they had boldly charged into the town and set it on fire, they would have won the fight; but, instead, they surrounded it on all sides, the main street below the barricades, from which direction a strong wind was blowing towards the center of the town. From this point they began firing the houses on both sides of the street. We soon rallied the men, and kept the enemy well in the outskirts of the town, and the fighting became general on all sides. Just about this time, my first lieutenant, William B. Dodd, galloped down the main street, and as he passed a cross street the Indians put three or four bullets through him. He died during the afternoon, after having been removed several times from house to house as the enemy crowded in upon us.

On the second plateau, there was an old Don Quixote windmill, with an immense tower and sail-arms about seventy-five feet long, which occupied a commanding position, an had been taken possession of by a company of about thirty men, who called themselves the Le Sueur Tigers, most of whom had rifles. They barricaded themselves with sacks of flour and wheat, loopholed the building and kept the savages at a respectful distance from the west side of the town. A rifle ball will bury itself in a sack of flour or wheat, but will not penetrate it. During the battle the men dug out several of them, and brought them to me because they were the regulation Minie bullet, and there had been rumors that the Confederates from Missouri had stirred up the revolt and supplied the Indians with guns and ammunition. I confess I was astonished a Don Quixote windmillwhen I saw the bullets, as I knew the Indians had no such arms, but I soon decided that they were using against us the guns and ammunition they had taken from the dead soldiers of Captain Marsh's company. I do not believe the Confederates had any hand in the revolt of these Indians.

We held several other outposts, being brick buildings outside the barricades, which we loopholed,

and found very effective in holding the Indians aloof. The battle raged generally all around the town, every man doing his best in his own way. It was a very interesting fight on account of the stake we were contending for. We had in the place about twelve or fifteen hundred women and children, the lives of all of whom, and of ourselves, depending upon victory perching on our banners; for in a fight like this, no quarter is ever asked or given. The desperation with which the conflict was conducted can be judged from the fact that I lost sixty men in the first hour and a half, ten killed and fifty wounded, out of less than 250, as my force had been depleted by the number of about seventy-five by Lieutenant Huey taking that

number to guard the approach to the ferry. Crossing to the other side of the river he was cut off, and forced to retreat toward St. Peter. It was simply a mistake of judgment to put the river between himself and the main force, but in his retreat he met Capt. E. St. Julian Cox, with reinforcements for New Ulm, joined them, and returned the next day. He was a brave and willing officer. The company I mentioned as having arrived from South Bend, having heard that the Winnebagoes had joined in the outbreak, left us before the final attack on Saturday, the 23rd of August, claiming that their presence at home was necessary to protect their families, and on the morning of the 23rd, when the enemy was in sight, a wagon load of others left us and went down the river. I doubt if we could have mustered over two hundred guns at any time during the fight.

E St. Julien Cox

The enemy, seeing his advantage in firing the buildings in the lower part of the main street, and thusgradually nearing our barricades with the intention of burning us out, kept up his work as continuously as he could with the interruptions we made for him by occasionally driving him out; but his approach was constant, and about 2 o'clock a roaring conflagration was raging on both sides of the street, and the prospectlooked discouraging. At this juncture Asa White, an old frontiersman, connected with the Winnabagoes,whom I had known for a long time, and whose judgment and experience I appreciated and valued, came tome and said: “Judge, if this goes on, the Indians will bag us in about 2 hours.” I said: “It looks that way;what remedy have you to suggest”. His answer was, “We must make for the cottonwood timber.” Two milesand a half lay between us and the timber referred to, which, of course, rendered his suggestion utterly impracticable with two thousand non-combatants to move, and I said: “White, they would slaughter us likesheep should we undertake such a movement. Our strongest hold is in this town, and if you will get togetherfifty volunteers, I will drive the Indians out of the lower town and the greatest danger will be passed.” He saw at once the propriety of my proposition, and in a short time we had a squad ready, and sallied out, cheering and yelling in a manner that would have done credit to the wildest Comanches. We knew the Indians were congregated in force down the street, and expected to find them in a sunken road, about three blocks from where we started, but they had worked their way up much neared to us, and were in a deep swale about a block and a half form our barricades. There was a large number of them, estimated at about seventy-five to one hundred, some on ponies and some on foot. When the conformation of the ground disclosed their whereabouts, we were within one hundred feet of them. They opened a rapid fire on us, which we returned, while keeping up our rushing advance. When we were within fifty feet of them, they turned and fled down the street. We followed them for at least half a mile, firing as well as we could. This took us beyond the burning houses, and finding a large collection of saw logs, I called a halt and we took cover among them, lying flat on the ground. The Indians stopped when we ceased to chase them, and took cover behind anything that afforded protection, and kept up an incessant fire upon us whenever a head or hand showed itself above the logs. We held them, however, in this position, and prevented their return \toward the town by way of the street. I at once sent a party back with instructions to burn every building, fence, stack or other object that would afford cover between us and the barricades. This order was strictly carried out, and by six or seven o'clock there was not a structure standing outside of the barricades in that part of the town. We then abandoned our saw logs and returned to the town, and the day was won, the Indians not daring to charge us over an open country. I lost four men killed in this exploit, one of whom was especially to be regretted. I speak of Newell Houghton. In ordinary warfare, all men stand for the same valueas a general thing; but in an Indian fight, a man of cool head, an exceptionally fine shot, and armed with a reliable rifle, is a loss doubly to be regretted. Houghton was famous as being the best shot and deer hunter in all the Northwest, and had with him his choice rifle. He had built a small steamboat with the proceeds of

his gun, and we all held him in high respect as a fine type frontiersman. We had hardly got back to the town before a man brought me a rifle which he had found on the ground near a clump of brush, and handing it to me said, “Some Indian lost a good gun in that run.” It happened that White was with me, and saw the gun.

He recognized it in an instant, and said: “Newell Houghton is dead. He never let that gun out of his hands while he could hold it.” We looked where the gun was picked up, and found Houghton dead in the brush. He had been scalped by some Indian who had seen him fall, and had sneaked back and scalped him.

That night we dug a system of rifle pits all along the barricades on the outside, and manned them with three or four men each, but the firing was desultory through the night, and nothing much was accomplished on either side.

The next morning (Sunday) opened bright and beautiful, but scarcely an Indian was to be seen. They had given up the contest, and were rapidly retreating northward up the river. We got an occasional shot at one, but without effect except to hasten the retreat. And so ended the second and decisive battle of New Ulm.”

Sunday the 24th, Captain E. St. Julien Cox with his soldiers and Lieutenant Huey with a portion of his command arrived at the New Ulm to reinforce them. They were welcomed visitors.

There were in the town at the time of the attack on the 23rd, as near as can be learned, from 1200 to 1500 noncombatants, consisting of women and children, refugees and unarmed citizens. On the 25th, due to scarce provisions and ammunition, and to avoid pestilence, they decided to evacuate the town of New Ulm and try to reach Mankato. Mankato was chosen to avoid the crossing of the Minnesota River. After a 30 mile journey through hostile country with a possibility of being massacred, they arrived successfully in 153 wagons. Here was the population of one of the most flourishing towns in the state, abandoning their homes and property.

There were other problems later and some of these folks did return to New Ulm at a later time. But some didn't. According to Harriet Bond's obituary, sometime after this event, the family returned, for a time to West Virginia where they had lived before.

August 31, a detail of Captain Grant's company with some citizens were sent from Fort Ridgley to the Lower Agency to feel the enemy, bury the dead and perform any otherservice that might arise. They went as far as Little Crow's village, no sign of Indians. Thenon September 1st, they reached Birch Coulie and encamped at the head of it, which was nearly opposite the ferry where Captain Marsh's company was ambushed.

A battle raged here from morning of September rescued settlers below 2nd to September 3rd, Indians fleeing when Colonel

Sibley's whole command arrived to relieve them. Around the area, other fortifications were created to

defend against any other attacks by the rampaging Indians. Colonel Sibley knew the Indians had whitecaptives and rescue of them was the most important

thing to him, so on September 4th, after the Battle at Birch Coulie, he attached to a stake on the battlefield a communication feeling confident that it would get to

Little Crow. Colonel Sibley received a note from Little Crow on September 7th, delivered by 2 half-breeds.

With this, he answered, “Little Crow, you have murdered many of our

people without any sufficient cause. Return me the

prisoners under a flag of truce, and I will talk with you like a man.” He didn't hear back until September 12th with Little Crow admitting to having 155 prisoners.

Numerous communications back and forth with no real results. September 17th, Colonel Sibley began the move on the enemy. September 23rd a skirmish led to the Battle of Wood Lake. A one and one-half hour battle led to a routing of the Indians. The white prisoners were rescued as well. From Camp Release, he purged a nearby Indian encampment, and apprehended 16, supposed to be connected to latter outrages. He set up a military tribunal with 5 officers to try them. On September 28th, a tribunal was convened consisting of Col. William Crooks (6th Minnesota Regiment), Lt. Col. William R. Marshall (7th Minnesota Regiment), Captain Grant and Captain Baily (both of 6th Regiment) and Lt. Olin (3rd Minnesota Regiment and possible relative to this author). Lt. Olin was judge advocate later records kept by Honorable Isaac V. D. Heard, who was an experienced lawyer from St. Paul and was on Col. Sibley's staff. After numerous sittings in various locations from September 30th to November 5th, 1862, 425 prisoners were arraigned and tried. From this, 321 were found guilty of the offenses charged, and 303 were sentenced to death with the rest having various terms of imprisonment. The condemned were moved to Mankato where they were confined in a huge guard house. While passing through New Ulm, women and other residents were interrupted in reburying their dead, but the sight of the Indians caused them to angrily attack with clubs, stones, knives, hot water and similar weapons. One Indian was killed with many others battered and bruised.

President Lincoln requested records of the trials which were then turned over to hislegal and military advisors. Following this, the President made the following order,“Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dec. 6, 1862 Brigadier General Henry H. Sibley, St. Paul, Minn.:

Ordered, that of the Indians and half-breeds sentenced to be hanged by the military commission, composed of Colonel Crooks, Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, Captain Grant, Captain Bailey and Lieutenant Olin, and lately sitting in Minnesota, you cause to be executed on Friday, the nineteenth day of December, instant, the following named, to-wit:

(Here follow the names of thirty-nine Indians, and their numbers on the record of conviction.)

The other condemned prisoners you will hold, subject to further orders, taking care that they neither escape nor are subjected to any unlawful violence.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, “President of the United States.”

On December 26, 1862, thirty-eight of the condemned were executed one havingbeen pardoned by the President. Some stories have it that the pardoned Indian was actually hung by accident and one of the guilty was liberated by mistake. The author of the book for the record won't admit this to be true but states, “but as a citizen, thoroughly well informed of current events at the time of this execution, I believe it to be a fact.” Captain Burt of Stillwater,

Minnesota, was the one intrusted with the construction of the

hanging machine capable of sustaining 10 men on each side of

a square form. This was ournations single largest execution inAmerican history. During thewinter of 1862, 1600 Dakotawomen, children and old men,including the wife a 2 children of“Little Crow”, were held in aninternment camp on Pike Island,near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.Poor living conditions and disease

Pike Island Internment Camp resulted in more then 300 dieing. In May 1863, they were relocated

to the Crow Creek Reservation in the southeastern Dakota Territory.This execution ended hostilities for some time, but the

Indians were not done. On June 7, 1863, Little Crow's followers were to be at Devil's Lake in Dakota Territory with a large number of Upper Sioux Indians. General Sibley with staff consisting of nowAdjutant General Olin, Brigade Commissary Forbes, Asst. Commissary and OrdinanceOfficer Atchison, Commissary Clerk Spencer,Quartermaster Corning with others as well as 3,052 infantry, 800 cavalry, 148 artillerymen and a supply train of 225 six-mule wagons departed on June 16, 1863 to encounter the Indians. On July 3, 1863, Little Crow ventured down near Hutchison with his young son, thought to be getting something he hid or to steal horses, but while picking berries, a farmer named Lamson, who was looking for his cows, saw Little Crow and shot him dead. His scalp

Little Crow's scalp Little Crow's family is said to decorate the walls of the Minnesota Historical Society at this time. On July

24th brought the Battle of Big Mound leading to the Indians fleeing, losing most of their camp equipment. On the 26th was the Battle of Dead Buffalo Lake. On July 28th they fought again at

the Battle of Stony Lake, with the Indians fleeing towards the Missouri River. This cleared out all the Sioux to beyond the west side of the Missouri River in Dakota Territory. Another expedition in 1864 was sent out to pursue and attack beyond the Missouri. From June to August they had gone as far as the Yellowstone River routing Indians along

the way. They came home from Yellowstone River

by way of Forts Union, Berthold and Stevenson reaching Fort Rice on September 9th. Further expeditions were launched in June 1865 and again in 1866. No important results from these latter expeditions.

Many controversies continue to this day. To be fair, there was wrong done on both sides of the issues. If you listen to the current day Sioux representatives, mostly you hear information from the day they moved the Indians to the encampment setup on Pike Island near Fort Snelling, Minnesota. But, they don't say what happened to the white settlers in the Lower Agency and beyond. Of some of their stories, they differ to the white settler's version and they differ among their own to some extent. In “Big Eagle's” own statement of what he knew, it comes closer to the white settler's tales of what happened. I newsome of what our country had done, but had never heard from a real Indian who was in the midst of the conflicts. He verifies much of the stories I had read and new of, from the white settlers accounts.

“Big Eagle”

As a result of the hundreds killed during this time, some names mentioned by the witness include,

August 18, 1862 _ Dr. Humphrey, surgeon at the agency was among 9 or 10 bodiesfound during march to the ferry to cross the river.

August 18, 1862 _ Captain John Marsh drowned trying to cross the Minnesota Rivernear the ferry.

August 18, 1862 _ Peter Quinn, U.S. Interpreter, married to a Chippewa, killed.

August 23, 1862 _ 1st Lt. William B. Dodd, shot by 3 or 4 Indian bullets while gallopingdown main street of New Ulm, died later in afternoon of his wounds.

August 23, 1862 _ Newell Houghton found in the brush dead and had been scalped.

The Indians credited with warning of the Sioux uprising and allowing many to escape massacre including the Bond family were,

John Otherday ( An-pay-tu-tok-a-cha) and Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, president of theHazelwood Republic.

Others in my family tree who have been reportedly involved,

Josiah Rogers born 1833, died 1923 was in Company B, 1st Regiment Minnesota Mounted Rangers and was among the guard at the hanging of the 38 Indians in Mankato. Was discharged in 1863, reenlisted in1865 in Company K, Minnesota Artillery Regiment and served in Tennessee until the end of the Civil War.

Of note, doing research in another part of the family tree, found that a 2nd husband (Hiram Andirton) of my 4th great grandmother, Clarissa Nash, is mentioned in her obituary that he was killed by Indians in the Indian Massacre near Lake Elysian, which is byMankato. This would be at the tail end of the Indian Massacre I write of in this story. Family story has it that he went with intention of trading with the Indians.

A Lt. Olin later Adjutant General, was part of the original military tribunal put together by Col. Sibley, and need further research to determine if my Olin family from Minnesota can be linked to this Olin of the 3rd Minnesota Regiment.

Henry Schuyler Olin born 1829, was with family in Freeborn, Minnesota in both1860 and 1870 Freeborn census records. He is my 2nd great grandfather, father of ClastonBond's wife Orra Lillian Olin. Freeborn was south and east of troubled area, not sure if itwas under threat, but was very near some of the areas heavily involved. This familyconsisted of Henry, wife Anna Crandall and daughters Orra (3 yrs old at time of uprising), and Mary (1 year old at time of uprising), Phoebe was born a couple years after the event.Possibly descendants of Orra, Mary and Phoebe and their existence may have been in jeopardy if they were involved in the massacres.

In Summary:Many hundreds were killed (including Indians) and as a result, their were no

descendants of these people. But thanks to a warning from the 2 friendly Indians mentioned above, many hundreds escaped massacre and death, allowing them descendants including this author and many others. Next page lists members of theBond Families and their documentation to verify their part in this story.

Bond FamiliesWilliam M. Bond _ born Nov. 4, 1819 Harrison County, Virginia

wife Mary Ann Kelley _ born Dec. 5, 1821 died Oct. 16, 1857)Note: Mary had died before the massacres, so wasn't there, her

children were motherless at the time of these events. List of children who survived giving the existence of their descendants.Preston Randolph Bond _ born March 1, 1845

was 17 yrs old at the time of the massacres.wife _ Levantia Cooper Babcockchildren

Hattie BondAdelaid “Addie” BondBurton Festus BondRose BondEdwin Oliver Bond

all descendants of each of these children would notexist today, if Preston had not survived the massacres.

Franklin Maxim Bond _ born Oct. 26, 1846 was 15 yrs old at the time of the massacres.

wife _ Martha Jane Chancychildren

Alonzo D. BondAlbert P. BondCharles V. Bond

2nd wife _ Nancy Elizabeth McGintychildren

4 children who are at this time unknown plus,Hattie S. BondElsie C. BondRose Lenora BondElsworth Stuart BondMarietta “Retta” Bond

all descendants of each of these children would notexist today, if Franklin had not survived the massacres.

Claston I. Bond _ born April 28, 1849 was 13 yrs old at the time of the massacres.

wife _ Orra Lillian Olinchildren

William Henry Bond (this authors grandfather)Walter Claston BondC L BondHazel Ethelene Bond (was adopted, so not blood descendant)

all descendants of each of these children would notexist today, if Claston had not survived the massacres.

Harriet “Hattie” Bond _ born April 20, 1851 was 11 yrs old at the time of the massacres.

husband _ Hezekiah Milton Stoutchildren

Dr. Arlow Burdette StoutClaude D. Stout

all descendants of each of these children would notexist today, if Harriet had not survived the massacres.

Ira Elwin Bond _ born April 2, 1853 was 9 yrs old at the time of the massacres.

wife _ Alma Ethel Babcockchildren

Clifford Gerald BondLenna Coila BondRobert Ira BondIva Letti BondMary Ethel BondDewey Lee BondLeslie E. Bond

all descendants of each of these children would not exist, if Ira had not survived the massacres.

Oliver Bond _ born April 21, 1855never married, no children, his line stops here.

William M. Bond's 2nd wife _ Mary Jane Loomis children

Edgar BondClara Belle BondViola BondWilliam Albert BondVirginia “Jennie” BondAlvira BondDaniel Bond

all descendants of each of these children would not existtoday, if William had not survived the massacres.

Also included all descendants of Richard and Prudence Bond's daughters Caroline and Prudence Bond who were there, listed in following census records.

Primary Reference material: “The History of Minnesota and Tales of the Frontier”, by Charles E. Flandrau, St. Paul, Minnesota 1900 pages 138 - 157 former Judge and Sioux Indian Agent in Minnesota, was witness to most events he wrote about, or new people he got information from.

Explanation of text color:

My writings in black.Harriet “Hattie” Bond's words in blue.Charles E. Flandrau's words in brown.

Press ctrl key and click mouse to return to your spot in the story.

References:[1] The History of Minnesota and Tales of the Frontier by Charles Eugene Flandraudownloadable Google book at_http://books.google.com/books?

id=9D0VAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+history+of+minnesota+and+tales+of+the+frontier&hl=en&ei=GkvmTp7xO4qTiQKP4Jm4Bg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CDUQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=the%20history%20of%20minnesota%20and%20tales%20of%20the%20frontier&f=false

[2] The History of Renville County, Minnesota Vol 1 downloadable Google book at_http://books.google.com/books?

id=z0EVAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+history+of+minnesota&hl=en&ei=CkrmTvyxKMqWiQLBxuWyBg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=10&ved=0CIMBEOgBMAk#v=onepage&q=the%20history%20of%20minnesota&f=false

[3] Minnesota in the Civil War: An Illustrated History page 199 at_http://books.google.com/books?

id=lVGGlRF5v3wC&pg=PA199&dq=col+sibley+freed+white+settlers+from+sioux+indians&hl=en&ei=pkXmTpj1JebUiALMpu2_Bg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=9&ved=0CF8Q6AEwCA#v=onepage&q=col%20sibley%20freed%20white%20settlers%20from%20sioux%20indians&f=false

[4] Harper's Book of Facts, page 372, downloadable Google book at_http://books.google.com/books?

id=UcwGAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA372&dq=col+sibley+freed+white+settlers+from+sioux+indians&hl=en&ei=pkXmTpj1JebUiALMpu2_Bg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CE8Q6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=col%20sibley%20freed%20white%20settlers%20from%20sioux%20indians&f=false

[5] Indian Massacre in Minnesota by Charles S. Bryant at_http://books.google.com/books?

id=5KJ10M9HgA8C&pg=PR8&lpg=PR8&dq=indian+massacre+in+minnesota+by+charles+bryant&source=bl&ots=1K3cqCiMHo&sig=1E_iwmgcMZo-WCT7zy0Bc53rf0w&hl=en&ei=EWjmTuKFC4WYmQXWn_33BA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5&sqi=2&ved=0CEkQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=indian%20massacre%20in%20minnesota%20by%20charles%20bryant&f=false

[6] Chief Big Eagle's Story of the Sioux Outbreak, downloadable Internet Archive book at_http://www.archive.org/details/siouxstoryofwarc00wamdrich

[7] Historical Civil War tintype photos at_http://www.cowanauctions.com/auctions/catalog.aspx?SaleId=243&mcat=1004

[8] Dakota War of 1862 on Wikipedia at_http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dakota_War_of_1862

[9] American Indian Wars on Wikipedia at _http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Indian_Wars

[10] The Dakota Conflict of 1862 at_http://www1.assumption.edu/users/mcclymer/his260/defaultsioux.html

[11] The Sioux Uprising of 1862 at_http://minnesotaghosts.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=88:the-sioux-

uprising-of-1862&catid=5:minnesota-history&Itemid=13

[12] Largest Mass Hanging in United States History at_http://www.unitednativeamerica.com/hanging.html

[13] Wood Lake Battlefield at_http://woodlakebattlefield.com/battle-history.php

In the following census records, the Mary listed in the 1850 Indiana and 1857 Minnesota census is Mary Ann Kelley, shedied in 1857. The Mary listed in later census records is MaryJane Loomis, William's 2nd wife.

Claston I. Bond's obituarythis author's great grandfather

Preston Randolph Bond's obituary

Franklin Maxim Bond's obituary

Harriet Hattie Bond's obituary

Ira Elwin Bond's obituary

Oliver Bond's obituary

1850 Waltz, Wabash, Indiana CensusWilliam, Mary, Preston, Franklin & Claston Bond

1850 Waltz, Wabash, Indiana CensusRichard, Prudence, Caroline, Prudence Bond

1857 Township 109, Courtland, Nicollet, Minnesota CensusWilliam, Mary, Preston, Franklin, Claston, Harriet,

Ira, and Oliver Bond

1857 Township 109, Courtland, Nicollet, Minnesota CensusRichard, Prudence, Caroline, and Prudence Bond

1860 Courtland, Nicollet, Minnesota CensusWilliam, Preston, Franklin, Claston, Harriet, Ira & Oliver Bond

Richard, Prudence, Caroline & Prudence Bond

1865 Cordova, Le Sueur, Minnesota CensusWilliam, Mary Jane, Preston, Franklin, Claston,Harriet, Ira, Oliver, Edgar and Clara Belle Bond

1870 Grant, Harrison, West Virginia CensusWilliam, Mary Jane, Preston, Franklin, Claston, Harriet,

Ira, Oliver, Edgar, Clara Belle, Viola & William Bond

Ira Bond and family in Gentry, Arkansas about 1902

Oliver Bond about 1920 on his Minnesota land

For other old family photos can view on Ancestry tree

http://trees.ancestry.com/tree/4902417/person/-1525845047

This completes the short story of what transpired duringthose days, when the Indians were rampaging around the frontier. I have answered my question of what my ancestors'remarks and obituaries were referring to and what they hadto deal with. I envision how the younger ones had to live and what they dealt with during the 1860's. Can you imagine what kids today would feel like if they had to live like those kids of early times? Even if they had to deal with life during the 1950's, as I did. I had no TV, and I remember those evenings laying on the floor in front of the radio, listening to the Green Hornet, The Honeymooners, Dark Shadows, George Burns and Gracie Allen, and many others. And yes, I can tell my grandchildren,“ I had to walk 2 miles, in knee deep Minnesota snow, to school “, because I did. I can't be there in person, but haveseen the path I took those wintery days, on Google Earth. Myold home doesn't exist, although can still see the lot it stood on.

This historical uprising by the Sioux Indians led to our nations largest single execution of all times, and many of these Indians later were the very ones who killed General George Armstrong Custer, 2 of his brothers, a brother-in-law and others. Turns out, the brother-in-law mentioned, may be an ancester of an old friend of mine here in Oregon, although still working on the connection.

In doing this story, wanted family to know what hadhappened and of note, if not for 2 friendly Indians giving outa warning of what was happening, we may not be here today.The sad fact is, that many died those days and their familiesdid not survive to carry on their family lines. As with alldisasters, some survive and some don't.

Gene Bond descendant of a survivor, Claston I. Bond