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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT:REEVALUATING MARITIME ROUTES FROMTHE FOURTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTHCENTURYRenard Gluzman MA Dissertation aa Early Modern History Department , Tel Aviv UniversityPublished online: 22 Mar 2013.

To cite this article: Renard Gluzman MA Dissertation (2010) BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT:REEVALUATING MARITIME ROUTES FROM THE FOURTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, The Mariner'sMirror, 96:3, 264-294, DOI: 10.1080/00253359.2010.10657146

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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT: RE-EVALUATING MARITIME ROUTES FROM THEFOURTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

By Renard Gluzman

Maritime routes in the eastern Mediterranean have attracted the attention ofmany scholars engaged in geopolitical, technological and cultural studiesbearing on the medieval and early modern periods. These studies display

extensive uncertainty and lack of agreement in the interpretation of the con -temporary evidence regarding maritime trade routes.1 If we may deduce anythingfrom the range of contradictory sources, it would be that the routes linking Venice tothe Levant were not as inflexible and predetermined as much modern researchinsistently claims. Furthermore, crossing open water was an integral part of anylong-distance voyage in the period covered. Venetian vessels sailed greater distancesand much further from the coast than previously suggested.

John H. Pryor has made the most recent contribution to the study of these mari -time routes, albeit now over twenty years ago. In his book Geography, Technology,and War, published in 1988, Pryor asserts that too much importance has beenattributed to political and cultural conditions as factors limiting maritime voyages topredetermined coastal routes. Instead, Pryor claimed that a combination oftechnological constraints and weather patterns, mainly the prevailing currents andnorth-westerly winds, led seamen to choose a narrow route along the northern shoreof the Mediterranean characterized by regular and frequent stops. This, he says, ledeventually to European dominance over the Muslim world in the twelfth andthirteenth centuries.2 The main thesis of his study won Pryor much acclaim, and heis considered the authority on the subject.3

This paper re-examines Pryor’s construct regarding the maritime routes betweenVenice and the Levant from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century. This periodbegan with the organized commercial voyages to Cyprus and Armenia in 1308 andsaw the growth of Venice as the dominant power in the Levant trade. It reached apeak in the fifteenth century with the development of a complex network ofmerchant galley routes, and ended with the battle of Lepanto and the loss of Cyprusto the Ottomans in 1571. This period also saw significant technological develop -ments in sailing ships such as the cogs, carracks and galleons which graduallyreplaced commercial galleys by the late sixteenth century.

Based on records of 130 seagoing voyages on 193 different vessels, of pilgrimsand other travellers to the Levant over a period of three centuries, as well as on mypersonal experience of sailing these waters, this paper suggests that Pryor has mis -understood the vagaries of weather at sea and his documentary sources weresome times misinterpreted. Moreover, the meteorological data upon which much ofhis thesis is based is inaccurate and in some places simply incorrect.

The Mariner’s Mirror Vol. 96 No. 3 (August 2010), 264–294

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SEA ROUTES ACCORDING TO THE PRIMARILY GEOGRAPHICAPPROACHIn his famous book on the sixteenth-century Mediterranean, Fernand Braudellinked historical processes to geographic conditions, which is the core of theprimarily geographic approach. Braudel claimed that in the Mediterranean of thesixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, vessels sailed along the shores, huggingthe coast, hopping from rock to rock as it were. Open waters, he stated, weresailed around wherever this was feasible, or crossed as fast as possible.4 Braudelbased his claim on Tenenti’s findings regarding shipwrecks of vessels that sank inthe Adriatic Sea between 1580 and 1615, information gleaned from claims forindemnification, based on insurance policies. ‘There is no doubt’, wrote Tenenti,‘that all shipwrecks were found along the shores.’5

Historians who favour the primarily geographic approach apply modernmeteorological data to earlier periods. This leads them to the conclusion that stayingwithin a narrow strip of relatively comfortable weather along the shores waspreferable to struggling with perilous winds on the high seas.6 Pryor goes evenfurther, and in a series of studies describes the weather and perils along the trunkroutes.7 One of his main contributions concerns the return voyage from Alexandriato the West. Pryor claims that in medieval times and until the sixteenth centuryseamen sailed in an anticlockwise direction along the shores of the Sinai peninsula,the Holy Land, Lebanon, Syria and southern Asia Minor. An anticlockwise currentof 3 knots and the land breeze enabled good progress along the shores.8 A directnorthward crossing from Alexandria or the Holy Land to Rhodes or Cyprus, hestates, was bound to fail due to adverse winds.9

Scholars also emphasize that weather conditions were not the only reason forhugging the coast. Although technological advances in the construction of shipsincreased their seagoing capabilities, Venetian captains had to consider otherconstraints: the need for fresh supplies, water, wood, technical services, refuge frompirates and storms, and sources of political and commercial news to ensure safe andprofitable voyages. Besides, Braudel writes, the configuration of the shore invitesfrequent stops and is still considered to be the best navigational aid. All this, it isargued, compelled ships and galleys to stay close to the coast sailing cape to capekeeping land in sight until the late sixteenth century.10

ANALYSING THE PILGRIMS’ DESCRIPTIONS OF SAILING For some years I have been sailing the Mediterranean in my 31-foot ketch, Halcyon.In the summer of 2007 I set sail for three months intending to follow the Venetiantrade routes. I started my voyage from Tel Aviv, near the ancient port of Jaffa, andreached Dubrovnik (formerly Ragusa) in the Adriatic Sea, before returning to TelAviv.11 It seemed strange to me that while Columbus, Da Gama, Vespucci andMagellan and their followers were crossing oceans, the sailors of the Mediterraneanwere still hopping from rock to rock. I therefore began reading accounts of seagoingtravellers and collected information from more than 130 travelogues describing theroutes of vessels between Venice and the Levant. While other researchers havequestioned the validity of Pryor’s conclusions, my own survey of these sources, tothe best of my knowledge, is the most extensive ever done for the study of thesenavigation routes.12

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All these travelogues are primary sources of travellers, traders, officials andpilgrims (the latter comprising the majority of the sources) who actually undertookthe voyage, not ‘armchair’ travellers, as far as I could ascertain. A full and detailedlist is appended to this paper.

J.K. Hyde was the first to use pilgrim diaries for the study of maritime routes.He claimed that other sources such as contracts, book-keeping documents andinsurance policies tell only a partial story. For the most part, they are land-based andwere written before the voyage began. Second, their focus is on the transportation ofmerchandise and on matters related to the financing of those operations. Therefore,the route taken by the vessel can be only partially traced.13 Hyde was also the first tonote the extent of flexibility and variations from the initial route plan that can besurmised from these sources. He was right: flexibility and variation from the initialsailing plan represent one of the most striking aspects of diaries and travelogues.14 Infact, they are a crucial and an integral component of every voyage. In my opinion itis impossible to describe accurately the Venetian maritime routes without taking thiscomponent into consideration.

I have also noted a number of pitfalls within these sources awaiting the unwaryscholar. Primarily, travellers used different terms referring to a port at which theystopped as opposed to one they merely passed by. It has often been mistakenly statedthat a ship anchored at a certain location for which the writer merely noted that ithad been left behind. Italian terms, such as toccare, essere, gionta al and dimorassimo,and the German lagen all mean that a stop had been made. On the other hand, theexpression ‘from [one place] we have reached [another place]’, or the expression ‘wehave approached’ were generally meant to indicate that a certain location had been

Fig. 1 The author’s 31-foot ketch, Halcyon.

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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 269

passed without a stop. Likewise the Italian costegiare, sorgere and scapular, and thecommon German phrase camen (= kamen) do not imply a halt. For example, Stefanvon Gumpenberg, who sailed in a galley, did not stop at Pola and Zara, which wereonly passed by. On these occasions he uses the phrases ‘gen Bolen camen’ and ‘vonBolen gen Saders’. However, he did stop at Corfu and at Modon in the Peloponnese,where he uses the German word lagen, and notes in his diary the sea miles travelledsince his last halt. In cases when a stop had indeed been made, pilgrims also used thephrases ‘we disembarked’ or ‘we stayed’, meaning that they had been hosted in thetown.15 The Jewish traveller Meshulam of Volterra, who sailed in a pilgrims’ galley,did not stop at Sapienza, as stated in the modern interpretation of his diary.16

There is another common error found in modern maps illustrating the routealong which pilgrims travelled. Meshulam of Volterra wrote that on his returnjourney from Jaffa to Italy, Cyprus was left to starboard of the ship, indicating thathe sailed along the southern shore of the island, yet modern research has him sailingalong the northern coast.17 A similar mistake has been made in a map illustrating thetravels of Jacques Lesage in a Venetian ship. The route proposed by Ivon Bellengerfollows the northern coast of Cyprus, while it is clear from the text that Lesage madehis way to the Levant and back along the southern shore of the island.18 MichelBalard who examined documents of the ship’s clerk Lorenzo Bozzio from 1368–9,concludes that the Genoese vessel hugged the Lycian shores all the way from Rhodesto Famagusta in Cyprus and back. Reading the sources as presented by Balard,however, we find no evidence for this route in the text. Balard himself states that thistext is far from being a logbook, and that Bozzio aimed only to keep a record ofvoyage expenses.19 Balard’s description and sketch of the routes between Rhodes andCyprus along the Lycian shores, are based partly on Pryor’s thesis and partly onother logbooks which he does not specify.20 Despite his cartographical recon -struction of the vessel’s progress along the Lycian shore, it remains unclear where thevessel did not sail along the southern shores of Cyprus on its route to and fromFamagusta.

The two most common inaccuracies contributing to the false impression that allmaritime routes hugged the coast are erroneous interpretations of landmarks andplaces noted by travellers. For example, Satalia Bay along the southern shore of AsiaMinor, mentioned in many narratives, does not have the same meaning as themodern Alanya Bay, the area around the cities of Alanya and Antalya. Thus, whenpilgrims wrote that their vessel entered Satalia Bay, they did not mean that theysailed along the coast of modern Alanya Bay, as Pryor claims.21 In fact, Satalia Bayincluded a much more extensive area stretching from Rhodes all the way to Cyprus,and vessels crossing these waters were very often out of land sight. Stefan vonGumpenberg in 1449 and Pietro Casola in 1494 went even further and included thewaters between Jaffa and Cyprus as part of Satalia Bay. Jacopo di Verona recordedthat in 1335 he entered Satalia Bay immediately after sailing along Scarpanto(modern Karpathos), one of the Dodecanese islands, located in the southern AegeanSea, as did Niccolò of Poggibonsi in 1346, Moshe Basola in 1522 and Hans vonHirnheim in 1569.22

Those who have never sailed far from land are liable to make another error.Sailors commonly point to the horizon and say that ‘such and such a place is overthere’. Pilgrims would often do the same, and wrote in this way in their travelogues

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in accordance with what they had heard from mariners. This did not imply that theyhad actually seen those places. For example, Ulrich Brunner, who sailed back fromthe Levant to Venice in 1470 close to the island of Milos in the Aegean Sea, reportedthat Negroponte and Constantinople were located on the starboard side.23 MartinBaumgarten recorded in 1507 that the islands of Nio, Paros, Servi, Naxos, Milos andFalconera, all part of the Southern Cyclades, were to be found to starboard. It ishighly improbable that all these islands were spotted from a galley sailing betweenCrete and the southern Peloponnese.24

Various names and locations in the writings of pilgrims were only meant todescribe stages in the monotonous description of a voyage on the high seas. This wayof writing may be compared to the method used by a ship’s captain, who in thesixteenth century would often note various locations in the logbook only in order toindicate the position and progress of his vessel. Many examples can be found in thediary of Alessandro Magno, who copied from the captain’s log the progress of histhree voyages to Cyprus and Alexandria between the years 1557 and 1561:

At sunrise the Gulf of Cattaro lay to the north at a distance of 20 miles, Malonta to thenorth-west by north, Budua to the north-east, Trasto to the north-east by North, Dulcignoto the east and Antivari to the east-north-east, and it was cloudy all day.25

It is very unlikely that Magno’s captain was able to see all these places at the sametime. This is also true for the yet unpublished diary of the Giustiniana’s voyage toCyprus in 1567. The captain kept an exact record of the progress of the ship at seaand the places he passed. When a place was seen from a great distance, he usedspecific terms like scopriva, si vedeva or da largho, while closer places were notedwith phrases such as costizava or sotto i tereni. On other occasions where no landwas sighted the captain indicated the ship’s position by noting the wind direction,estimated mileage covered, and bearings.26

Another look at Tenenti’s above-mentioned interpretation is warranted. Asnoted, Tenenti claims that vessels sailing in the Adriatic hugged the shores, sincenearly all shipwrecks found in the region are located along the eastern and westerncoasts.27 I should like to offer a different interpretation, namely that the findings areevidence that vessels were swept to the shore by strong winds, especially the Borawind blowing in the summer from the north-east and east. Drifting in adverse windsis an inseparable component of sailing. What scholars have commonly failed toacknowledge is that for all types of vessels, going aground is the most common causeof shipwreck. Sailing along the shore is far more treacherous than sailing the highseas.

WEATHER PATTERNS ALONG THE ROUTES TO THE LEVANTWithout going into detail about weather conditions along the routes to the Levant, Iwish to point out some inaccuracies that are bound to creep into any attempt todraw far-reaching conclusions from a general weather analysis. Inaccuracies such asthese cast doubt on the conclusions, especially those drawn by advocates of theprimarily geographic approach.

Pryor has claimed that mariners stuck close to the coast to take advantage of theanticlockwise current of 3 knots running in this region. He bases his conclusions on

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geographical studies and schematic maps at basin scale drawn from data collectedmainly by Nilsen between 1908 and 1910.28 More recent studies based on imagestaken from National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) satellites aswell as in situ observations suggest that the case is far more complex than previouslyassumed.29 In fact, it is still debatable whether Atlantic waters flow across the centralparts of the eastern basin, or counterclockwise along the coasts. Various clockwiseand anticlockwise gyres, eddies and jets, like the Mersa-Matruh gyre north-west ofAlexandria, and the recurrent Shikmona gyre west of Haifa, as well as some smaller-scale features, that originated from the instability of the flow along coasts togetheroffer a far more complex picture.30 We should also take into consideration that thesurface currents vary in direction and force due to the winds, as demonstrated by amodel drawn by Gerges in 1976.31 In addition, all modern navigation aids state thatchanges in the direction of sea current are often due to the prevailing winds and thecomplexity of the shoreline.32 While Pryor bases his claims on a steady 3-knotcurrent, modern research points to a current of 0–0.3 knots at most.33 There is noreason to believe that a strong steady current as mentioned by Pryor ever flowedalong these shores, even if we surmise that the Aswan Dam’s effect on the flow of theNile has been to weaken it.

Some other inaccuracies can be found in relation to the land breeze effect thatPryor often mentions. The land breeze is caused by temperature differences betweenland and sea during the day. In the Levant, the wind stops blowing from the north-west in the evening and starts to blow from the opposite direction during the night.Pryor claims that this makes coasting preferable.34 However, the night breeze doesnot exceed 10 knots, being just 1 to 2 on the Beaufort scale. Such a gentle breeze isnot strong enough to move a vessel at sea against the adverse waves left over fromthe previous day’s prevailing north-westerlies.35

Pryor uses schematic seasonal weather maps that illustrate the dominant windsin various locations in the Mediterranean. These maps, however, are intended to givea general impression, and are not used for forecasting or navigation. Much moredetailed climatology studies used for military purposes divide the force and directionof the winds during each month of the year, using monthly wind-rose charts ortables. This data indicates that the data Pryor uses is not sufficiently detailed to allowfor unequivocal conclusions.36 But this has little bearing on a coast-hugging vessel.Indeed, Pryor’s assumptions about prevailing winds and currents cannot be used tosupport the theory of coasting. Air flows along the path of least resistance – thetopography of the shore redirects the initial direction of the wind in such a way thatevery mountain or island alters the wind direction and force.37 For example,according to Pryor’s seasonal weather maps, the Etesian wind along the northernshores of Crete comes from the north or north-east. This leads him to claim thatsailing westward or eastward along Crete is easy with the northerly summer winds.38

In reality, when the wind comes into contact with the northern coast of the island, itchanges direction to blow from the west. Sailing westward along the shores in thesummer is therefore extremely difficult. This effect is not indicated in seasonalweather maps which, as noted, are prepared for general reference only. In short, localwind conditions, as affected by topographical features, are far more significant forthe practical seaman than general wind patterns.

A claim commonly heard regarding visibility is that in the Mediterranean land

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can be seen nearly at all times, which makes coasting a safe and easy option.However, this claim fails to take into account the effect of salt haze during thesummer and early autumn on the Ionian, Aegean, and eastern Mediterranean waters.Salt haze scatters and reflects light rays much more than dust haze, causing poorvisibility. Surface visibility in salt haze may be as little as 4 to 6 nautical miles. If onesails towards the sun the visibility is even worse.39

I do not claim that geographical conditions have no significant effect on thenature of maritime routes; on the contrary, they play a key role, but the picture iscomplex – the wind cannot be represented by a single arrow over a large area. Errorsmade in analysing weather conditions have led scholars to specious conclusions,which in turn have influenced the investigation of historical developments.

A CASE STUDY: THE PRIMARILY GEOGRAPHIC APPROACH APPLIEDTO SAEWULF’S VOYAGEWhat happens if we apply Pryor’s theory to the narrative of a single voyage? Does itfit? It may be tested by using Pryor’s own analysis of the travels of Saewulf.40 Thispilgrim sailed to the Holy Land in 1102–3, two centuries before the period examinedabove, which should have made the ship carrying him even more reliant on coast-hopping, according to Pryor’s theory. Pryor claims that Saewulf sailed along thecoast all the way from Italy to Jaffa and back, as was the custom during that period.Saewulf travelled aboard a commercial vessel. He records that the ship could notcontinue its route directly through the open sea owing to some technical problems.Therefore, he boarded a small craft of local traders at Monopoli in Southern Italy.The vessel had business at three stations along the coast of the Ionian Sea. It is clearfrom Saewulf’s narrative that the main route from Italy to the Levant was across theopen sea, yet Pryor fails to mention this fact.41

In another part of the text Saewulf describes the difficulties of sailing northwardfrom Corinth to Riva d’ Ostria (modern Livadostro Bay). Indeed the winds andcurrents around this area are remarkably strong due to the unique terrain whichcreates an air channel. However, Pryor claims that the word contraria refers todifficulties raised by local officials.42 Since the text continues to deal with navigation,this claim makes little sense.

Another section of Saewulf’s voyage began in Negroponte, the main city ofEuboea in the Aegean Sea, aboard a commercial Byzantine ship. Pryor claims thatthe fierce Meltemi winds running down the Aegean Sea during the summer monthsmake sailing northward impossible, yet the vessel did in fact sail against the winds toreach certain trading posts. Indeed, if we take into account that pointing high into afierce Meltemi wind is impossible, we can see that as much as half of this part of hisvoyage was made in adverse winds.43 In fact, sailing against the Meltemi winds isunavoidable in the Aegean. Another example of sailing against the strong winds isoffered by Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, who rented a small craft of local traders in thesummer of 1405 and sailed from Rhodes to Chios in adverse winds.44

Later Pryor describes some navigational hazards, based on data collected frommodern pilot books. One such example is the danger of going aground on the reefnorth-west of the entrance to the port of Mandraki in Rhodes (the Kolona Shoal).Pryor asserts that ships travelling eastward sailed close to the Turkish coastline untilthey had passed Rhodes, then turned toward the south-west to enter that port.45 In

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fact, the reef is an extension of the shore and is clearly observable. Most of the day,fishermen are happily casting their lines from it. A distance of few metres is enoughto pass it safely. The suggestion that vessels continued as far as the Turkish side of thechannel, a distance of 15 miles, illustrates the hazards of what might be calledarmchair navigation.

The last part of Saewulf’s travels eastward also offers little support to Pryor’stheory. Pryor implies that the vessel carrying Saewulf intended to hug the Lyciancoast in southern Turkey on its way to Paphos in south-western Cyprus. In fact,Saewulf clearly states that the ship had fled to those shores to escape bad weather. Itis therefore doubtful that this was the primary intention of her captain.46 Pryor alsoclaims that during the passage from Paphos to Jaffa, Saewulf’s vessel sailed first alongthe Cypriot coast, then crossed to Tripoli and Beirut before turning southwards toAcre, because of the Meltemi winds. Yet there is no evidence of this route in thetext.47 Quite the opposite: it is evident from the account that the ship crossed directlyfrom Paphos to Jaffa:

After leaving the isle of Cyprus, we were tossed about by tempestuous weather for sevendays and seven nights, being forced back one night almost to the spot from which we sailed;but after much suffering, by divine mercy, at sun-rise on the eighth day, we saw before usthe coast of the port of Joppa, which filled us with an unexpected and extraordinary joy.48

A direct crossing between southern Cyprus to Jaffa in both directions out ofland sight was the custom throughout the period examined here. Almost no cog,carrack, galleon or galley chose the coastal route over a direct crossing. For mostpilgrims, the coast of the Holy Land became visible north or south of Jaffa,depending on the conditions of the voyage. For example, on the one hand, Jacopo diVerona crossed in 1335 on a ship from Famagusta to Jaffa and was swept by adversewinds towards Caesaria. On the other, in 1483 Felix Fabri crossed directly fromPaphos without sighting land until reaching Jaffa.49

Pryor claims that on the return voyage Saewulf sailed along the shores ofLebanon, Syria and Cilicia to avoid the adverse winds between Cyprus and Rhodes.50

Again, I prefer to let Saewulf speak for himself:

But, fearing to meet the fleet of the Saracens, we did not venture out into the open sea bythe same course we came, but sailed along the coast by several cities . . .51

It is clear from Saewulf’s account that the ship was compelled to take the coastalroute to avoid a possible encounter with enemy ships and not, as Pryor claims, becauseof the weather. Among the numerous reports I have examined, I found only one vesselthat chose the coastal route over sailing along the southern shore of Cyprus. All othervessels crossed the open sea directly from Jaffa or Egypt, tacking their way against thewind for approximately a week. Their goal was to go as far north-west as they could.In most cases vessels which departed from Egypt chose a port tack, owing to adversewinds, heading north-east until they reached one of the ports in southern Cyprus. Onrare occasions they got as far as Anatolia or Rhodes, as Guillebert de Lannoy did in1437 on a small ship from Jaffa to Cyprus and Denis Possot in 1532 on a commercialship from Jaffa to Limassol. Both of them mentioned their decision to skip Cyprus andcontinue over the open sea directly to Lycia to take advantage of favourable winds.52

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Ships sailing from Alexandria northwards or westwards tacked repeatedly inhigh seas until reaching the northern shores of the Mediterranean. As time went by,and more commonly during the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we find anincreasing number of vessels able to point higher into the wind and reaching Crete,Modon and even Zante directly. However, luck was always a crucial factor, andduring that period some vessels reached only the southern shore of Cyprus. All ofthe following travellers completed a direct crossing from Alexandria northward.Some were pushed towards the east by adverse winds: Niccolò of Poggibonsi in 1349aboard a brigantine from Damietta to Famagusta; Bernhard von Breydenbach in1483 aboard the galleys of Trafego from Alexandria to Crete; Jean Thenaud in 1512from Alexandria to Kastellorizo; Domenico Trevisan in 1512 aboard a galea bastardafrom Damietta to the southern shores of Cyprus; David Hareuveni in 1524 aboard amerchant galley from Alexandria to Candia; Daniel Ecklin von Arow in 1553 aboarda ship from Alexandria towards Famagusta; Alessandro Magno in 1561 aboard a shipfrom Alexandria to the proximity of Corfu; Albrecht Graffen zu Louwenstein in1562 aboard a ship from Alexandria to Scarpanto.53 Throughout this period, theduration of the crossing from Alexandria to some point on the northern shores didnot change, and was between one and two weeks.54

The merchant ship carrying Alessandro Magno, which sailed from Alexandria on19 October 1561, tacked her way against adverse NW and NNW winds and did notstop until it reached the Corfu area on 7 November – a much faster route than thealternative suggested by Pryor. Magno also left us detailed information about hisvessel’s progress in relation to the winds and course chosen. From his account itseems that his ship tried to point as high as possible into the NW wind, headingtowards the west. When the wind backed, becoming more westerly than northerly,the ship altered course to port tack, heading NE or ENE. Magno writes that on rareoccasions when the wind veered to the NE or even E, all sails were set and theyheaded directly to the NW. From his description it appears that the crew greeted anychange in wind direction with elation.55 Indeed, a good wind could give them a fewhours of sailing at speeds of 4.5 to 8 knots.

In conclusion: Pryor’s analysis of Saewulf’s travel shows how inaccurateinterpretations of weather and navigational hazards have resulted in a flawed theory.His thesis also fails to hold water when examined in the light of all other travelnarratives included in the present research. It follows that Venetian vessels sailedgreater distances and much farther from the coast than assumed so far. Moreover,crossing the open sea was an integral part of any long-distance voyage.

The model suggested by historians supporting the primarily geographicalapproach fails to give a satisfactory explanation to the question of sea routes. Thisdoes not imply that meteorological conditions fail to have bearing on maritimeroutes – quite the opposite. However, the ‘deterministic’ element dictated by theweather was not the need to hug the shore, but the constant need for flexibility. Thepresent research suggests that an improved basis for discussion must take intoconsideration the type of vessel and the purpose of the voyage, as well as the extentof flexibility granted to the operators in all kinds of voyages. This flexibility allowedthe vessel to navigate in accordance with economic and political constraints andvariable sea conditions.

274 BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT

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4

TABLE OF SOURCESThe following table consists of the routes of 193 different vessels, based on recordsof 130 seagoing voyages, according to the narratives of pilgrims and other travellersto the Levant over a period of three centuries. Sources are listed at the end of thetable in the order in which they occur.

The table includes only the stops and omits all information between stops(regarding storms, calms, drifting, piracy and other information). It is important tonote that the route between two stops was rarely, if ever, a direct line.

The table does not indicate the size or age of vessel, though these factors alsoaffected the route.

Researchers consider a direct crossing to be an open sea passage out of sight ofland, such as the crossing from southern Cyprus to Jaffa which is about 200 miles atsea, measured in a more or less direct line without any intermediate stops. To this, Ihave added direct crossings of more than 250 miles during which regular stops havebeen skipped, which involve open sea passages but are not necessarily all open sea. Ihave not included cases where a vessel passing between two relatively close stationswas forced to remain at sea for an extended period owing to adverse conditions. Anexample would be all passages from southern Cyprus to any stop in Lycia whichinvolved an open sea crossing lasting one to two weeks. Passages of this kind are notincluded in the following table.

In addition, the table illustrates the extent of flexibility and deviation from theplanned route, and consists of all random stops along the routes of the same 193vessels. I have included a station as a random stop only if the writer clearly stated ithimself or if this could be understood from his description. No doubt there aremany other random stops, but from the data presented here we can get a firstimpression of how flexibility and deviation from the planned route were an integraland principal part of any voyage throughout this period.

LEGENDModon–Famagusta A crossing is indicated by two stations in bold type separated by a ruleBeirut Other stations♦ Indicates an unplanned stop» Indicates a stop near a station but not actually at the indicated port…?… Indicates that continuation of the route is not mentioned by the source.Badia (Pola) Name in parentheses following place name indicates region or closest main portStop Indicates that a stop was made but location unclearPilg. Vessel intended mainly for pilgrimsComm. Vessel intended mainly for commercial purposesLocal ship Small craft of local tradersFull crew/Armed/Using oars Indicates the galley had sufficient hands and equipment for rowing

as well as sailingShort-handed/Unarmed/No oars indicates a galley with short-handed sailing

Abbreviations:C. Cape; Cstl. Castle; F. Fort; Is. Island; P. Port; St Saint

BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 275

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4

Tra

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urce

Vessel

Tim

eDir.

Stop

s Si

mon

Fitz

sim

ons

Com

m. s

hip

(Ven

ice)

Mar

132

2E

Ven

ice

Pola

Zar

a R

agus

a Dur

azzo

—M

odon

Cer

igo

♦C

onta

rin

(Can

dia)

Can

dia—

Alexa

ndria

Jaco

po d

a V

eron

aC

omm

. gal

ley

May

133

5E

Ven

ice—

Otran

to—

♦Can

dia—

Fam

agus

ta(V

enic

e, n

o oa

rs)

Jaco

po d

a V

eron

aL

ocal

shi

p (g

repp

eria

)Ju

l 133

5E

Fam

agus

ta—

Jaffa

A C

erta

in E

nglis

hman

C

omm

. gal

ley

(pri

vate

)Fe

b 13

45E

Bri

ndis

i Otr

anto

Cor

fuA

Cer

tain

Eng

lishm

an

Loc

al s

hip

Mar

134

5E

Cor

on—

Rho

des

(Gre

ek, l

ong

ship

)A

Cer

tain

Eng

lishm

an

Com

m. s

hip

(Gen

oa, r

ound

shi

p)M

ar 1

345

ER

hode

s ♦

Myr

a (L

ycia

) ♦»P

apho

s ?F

amag

usta

A

Cer

tain

Eng

lishm

an

Com

m. g

alle

y (?

Gen

oa)

Apr

134

5E

Fam

agus

ta—

♦»C

aesa

ria

Jaff

aN

icco

lò o

f Pog

gibo

nsi

Com

m. s

hip

(pri

vate

)A

pr 1

346

EV

enic

e Po

la ♦Po

la—

Mod

on—

Fam

agus

taN

icco

lò o

f Pog

gibo

nsi

Com

m. g

alle

yFe

b 13

47E

Fam

agus

ta—

Jaffa

(sot

eii,

usin

g oa

rs)

Nic

colò

of P

oggi

bons

iC

omm

. gal

ley

Win

. 134

9E

Bei

rut T

ripo

li—Dam

ietta

Tani

s(T

arsu

s, u

narm

ed,

no o

ars)

Nic

colò

of P

oggi

bons

iL

ocal

shi

p (b

riga

ntin

e)Su

m. 1

349

WTa

nis Dam

ietta—

Fam

agus

taN

icco

lò o

f Pog

gibo

nsi

Com

m. s

hip

Aug

134

9W

Bei

rut F

amag

usta

—♦Kek

ova—

♦Tr

ipoli (Africa)—

(Ven

ice,

coc

a)♦Sa

pien

za (M

odon

)—♦»P

aren

zoV

enic

eA

med

eo V

I di

sav

oia

Car

avan

of g

alle

ysJu

n 13

66E

Ven

ice

Pola

Rag

usa

Cor

fu M

odon

Cor

on—

and

ship

sN

egro

pont

e—Gallip

oliC

onst

antin

ople

Am

edeo

VI

di s

avoi

aC

arav

an o

f gal

leys

Jun

1367

WC

onst

antin

ople

Gallip

oli—

Neg

ropo

nte—

Cor

onan

d sh

ips

Mod

on C

lare

nza

Cor

fu D

uraz

zo R

agus

a L

esin

a Vo

dice

(Seb

enic

o) Z

ara

Pola

Rov

igno

Ven

ice

Ark

him

andr

it A

gref

enīi

Com

m. s

hip

1370

EC

onst

antin

ople

Her

acle

a M

arm

ora

Is. G

allip

oli

Gal

lipol

i Str

. Lem

nos

Milo

s Chi

os—

Rho

des

Eph

esus

M

iltos

Mila

s Pr

atia

Myr

a A

ntal

ia A

lani

a C

oric

os T

arsu

sA

ntio

chia

S. C

ypru

s—Ja

ffa

Fres

coba

ldi,

Guc

ciC

omm

. shi

p Se

p 13

84E

Ven

ice—

♦»Z

ante

Mod

on C

oron

—Alexa

ndria

& S

igol

ı(P

ola,

pri

vate

, coc

a)

276 BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT

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4

Fres

coba

ldi,

Guc

ci &

Com

m. s

hip

Apr

138

5W

Beiru

t—♦St

op—

Ven

ice

Sigo

lı(p

riva

te, c

oca)

Tho

mas

Bry

ggC

omm

. gal

ley

(pri

vate

)Se

p 13

92E

Ven

ice

. . .?

. . . Can

dia—

Alexa

ndria

Tho

mas

Bry

ggC

omm

. shi

pJa

n 13

92W

Beiru

t—Rho

des

. . .?

. . .

Hen

ry E

arl o

f Der

byC

omm

. gal

ley

Dec

139

2E

Ven

ice—

Zar

aL

issa

Cor

fu M

odon

—Rho

des—

Jaffa

(Ven

ice,

usi

ng o

ars)

Hen

ry E

arl o

f Der

byC

omm

. gal

ley

Feb

1393

WJa

ffa—

Fam

agus

taPa

phos

Rho

des ♦

Lan

go ♦

Stop

(V

enic

e, u

sing

oar

s)♦

Stop

Mod

on C

oron

Cor

fu R

agus

a L

esin

a Z

ara

Pola

V

enic

eN

icol

ai d

e M

arth

ono

Com

m. s

hip

(Gae

ta,

Jun

1394

EGae

ta—

♦Cerigo—

Rho

des—

Alexa

ndria

Gen

oa, c

arav

an (4

))N

icol

ai d

e M

arth

ono

Loc

al s

hip

Oct

139

4W

Jaff

a B

eiru

tN

icol

ai d

e M

arth

ono

Com

m. s

hip

Jan

1395

WFa

mag

usta

—♦Lan

go(G

enoa

, pin

ace)

Nic

olai

de

Mar

thon

oC

omm

. shi

p (M

essi

na)

Feb

1395

WR

hode

s ♦

Lan

go ♦

Kyt

hnos

♦A

then

sN

icol

ai d

e M

arth

ono

Loc

al s

hip

Apr

139

5W

Cor

inth

Pat

ras

(Cep

halo

nia,

bri

gant

ine)

Nic

olai

de

Mar

thon

oL

ocal

shi

p A

pr 1

395

WPa

tras

♦L

euca

s ♦

Stop

♦»P

reve

za ♦

P. F

anar

i Cor

fu

(Cor

fu, b

arca

)♦

Cas

opol

i (C

orfu

) St C

atal

do (L

ecce

)O

gier

d’A

nglu

reC

omm

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice)

Aug

139

5E

Ven

ice

Pola

♦In

sule Is. (P

ola)—

Cor

fu♦

Cep

halo

nia

Mod

on—

Rho

des—

Beiru

tJa

ffa

Ogi

er d

’Ang

lure

Com

m. s

hip

Dec

139

6W

Alexa

ndria—

♦Lim

asso

l—♦Kas

tello

rizo

♦C

ourr

ans

Is.

(Ven

ice,

nav

e gr

osse

)(L

ycia

). . .

?. .

.O

gier

d’A

nglu

reL

ocal

shi

pFe

b 13

96W

Kas

tello

rizo

♦St

op (L

ycia

) Rho

des

(Kas

tello

rizo

, bar

chet

a)O

gier

d’A

nglu

reL

ocal

shi

p (G

reek

)A

pr 1

397

WRho

des—

♦»R

agus

a—Ven

ice

Ruy

Gon

zale

zC

omm

. shi

pM

ay 1

403

EC

adiz

(Spa

in) M

alag

a Ib

iza—

Gae

ta M

essina

—Rho

des

de C

lavi

jo(C

astil

ia, c

arra

ck)

Ruy

Gon

zale

zL

ocal

shi

pA

ug 1

403

ER

hode

s ♦

Rho

des ♦

Lan

go ♦

Ani

mal

Is.

♦L

eros

Chi

osde

Cla

vijo

BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 277

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4

Tra

velle

r/so

urce

Vessel

Tim

eDir.

Stop

s R

uy G

onza

lez

Com

m. s

hip

Nov

140

5W

Con

stan

tinop

le G

allip

oli C

hios

—♦»S

top (Sicily

)Gae

ta

de C

lavi

jo(C

affa

, Gen

oa, c

arra

ck)

♦G

aeta

♦C

orsi

ca G

enoa

Ruy

Gon

zale

zC

omm

. shi

p Fe

b 14

05W

Gen

oa—

Seville

De

Cla

vijo

(Gen

oa)

Nic

olò

d’E

ste

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

A

pr 1

413

EV

enic

e ♦

Bad

ia (P

ola)

♦C

hers

o ♦

Neu

me

(Dal

mat

ia)

cara

van,

usi

ng o

ars)

Zar

a—♦Cas

opoliC

orfu

♦C

epha

loni

a M

odon

—♦St

ampa

lia♦

Stop

(Lyc

ia) ♦

Sym

i ♦St

op ♦

Stop

Rho

des

Paph

os—♦»J

affa Ja

ffa

Nic

olò

d’E

ste

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice

May

141

3W

Jaffa—

Salin

es♦

Lim

asso

l ♦C

. Bia

nco ♦

Ven

gra

(Rho

des)

cara

van

(2),

usin

g♦

St O

rmo ♦

Nio

♦St

op I

s. (C

. Mal

eas)

oa

rs)

♦P.

Giu

nco

Cor

fu ♦

Cas

opol

i ♦C

aste

llo (A

lban

ia) R

agus

a♦

Stop

(Zar

a) ♦Silva—

Ven

ice

Zos

imy

Com

m. s

hip

1419

EC

onst

antin

ople

Chi

os P

atm

os E

phesus

—Ja

ffa

Seig

neur

de

Cau

mon

tC

omm

. shi

pM

ar 1

419

EBar

celona

—♦Bou

tes (S

ardini

a)♦

F. C

aille

(Sic

ily)

Syra

cuse (S

icily

)—Rho

des—

Jaffa

Seig

neur

de

Cau

mon

tC

omm

. shi

pJu

l 141

9W

Jaffa—

Fam

agus

ta—

Rho

des—

Mod

on♦M

odon

—Sy

racu

se (S

icily

) . .

.?. .

.Z

osim

y C

omm

. shi

pA

ug 1

420

WJa

ffa—

S Cyp

rus

Rho

des

. . .?

. . .

Pier

o Q

uiri

noC

omm

. shi

pA

pr 1

431

WCan

dia—

Cad

iz (S

pain

) . .

.?. .

.(p

riva

te, c

oca)

Mar

iano

da

Sien

aPi

lg. g

alle

y (V

enic

e,A

pr 1

431

EV

enic

e Po

la Z

ara ♦

Cur

zola

♦R

agus

a C

orfu

Mod

onca

rava

n (2

),C

andi

a R

hode

s Pa

phos

—Ja

ffa

shor

t-ha

nded

)M

aria

no d

a Si

ena

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

Jun

1431

WJa

ffa—

♦Kek

ova (L

ycia)♦

Kas

tello

rizo

Rho

des—

cara

van

(2),

Mod

onC

orfu

. . .

?. .

.sh

ort-

hand

ed)

Mar

iano

da

Sien

aL

ocal

shi

p (b

arca

)Ju

l 143

1W

Cor

fu ♦

Cas

opol

i (C

orfu

) ♦»B

ari

Ber

tran

don

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

May

143

2E

Ven

ice

Pare

nzo

Pola

Zar

a Se

beni

co—

Cor

fuM

odon

de

la B

roqu

ière

cara

van

(2))

Can

dia

Rho

des Pa

phos

—Ja

ffa

278 BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT

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4

Ber

tran

don

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

M

ay 1

432

EV

enic

e Pa

renz

o Z

ara Se

beni

co—

Cor

fuM

odon

de

la B

roqu

ière

cara

van

(2))

Can

dia—

S Cyp

rus—

Jaffa

Gui

llebe

rt d

e L

anno

yL

ocal

shi

p14

37E

Can

dia—

Alexa

ndria

(Con

stan

tinop

le)

Gui

llebe

rt d

e L

anno

yC

omm

. shi

p (G

enoa

)D

ec 1

437

E. .

.?. .

. N

apol

i Messina

—M

odon

♦C

rete

♦C

rete

♦P. M

alfeta

n (L

ycia)—

Fam

agus

taG

uille

bert

de

Lan

noy

Loc

al s

hip

(gre

pper

ia)

1437

EFa

mag

usta

—Ja

ffa

Gui

llebe

rt d

e L

anno

yL

ocal

shi

p14

37W

Jaffa—

♦Kek

ova (L

ycia)L

indo

s (R

hode

s) .

. .?.

. .

Gui

llebe

rt d

e L

anno

yC

omm

. shi

p (C

atal

onia

)14

37W

. . .?

. . . Rho

des—

Cor

on. .

.?. .

.G

uille

bert

de

Lan

noy

Com

m. s

hip

(Ven

ice)

1437

W. .

.?. .

. M

odon

♦C

epha

loni

a ♦

Paxo

Cor

fu—

Parenz

o. .

.?. .

.E

in P

ilger

büch

lein

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice)

1444

EV

enic

e Pa

renz

o Zar

a—Cor

fuM

odon

Can

dia

Rho

des

. . .?

. . .

Ein

Pilg

erbü

chle

inL

ocal

shi

pSe

p 14

44W

Trip

oli L

imas

sol

Ein

Pilg

erbü

chle

inL

ocal

shi

pO

ct 1

444

WLim

asso

l—M

odon

Stef

fan

von

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice)

Sep

1449

EVen

ice—

Cor

fu ♦

St N

icol

o (C

orfu

) Mod

on ♦Cor

on—

Gum

penb

erg

Rho

des ♦St

op (L

ycia)—

Jaffa

Stef

fan

von

Com

m. g

alle

yM

ar 1

449

W. .

.?. .

. L

imas

sol ♦

Paph

os R

hode

s ♦

Stop

(Lyc

ia) ♦

Stop

Gum

penb

erg

(Ven

ice,

usi

ng o

ars)

(Lyc

ia)—

Mod

onC

orfu

♦»C

orfu

♦C

ipol

etti

Is. (

Cor

fu)

♦St

op (A

lban

ia) R

agus

a ♦»S

eben

ico Zar

a—Ven

ice

Var

sono

fiiC

omm

. shi

p14

56E

Kie

v B

elgr

ad C

onstan

tino

ple—

Crete

Rho

des

Cyp

rus

Lat

akia

(Syr

ia) T

ripo

li B

eiru

tR

ober

to d

a Sa

nsev

erin

oPi

lg. g

alle

y (V

enic

e,M

ay 1

458

EVen

ice—

Rag

usa♦Dur

azzo

—Can

dia

Rho

des

Lor

edan

a II

, ♦Episk

opi (Lim

asso

l)—Ja

ffa

usin

g oa

rs)

Will

iam

Wey

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

May

145

8E

Ven

ice Pa

renz

o—Rag

usa

Dur

azzo

Cas

opol

i (C

orfu

)ca

rava

n (2

),Cor

fu—

Can

dia—

Paph

os—

Jaffa

Con

tari

na)

John

Tip

toft

Pilg

. gal

ley

(Ven

ice,

Jul 1

458

WJa

ffa—

S Cyp

rus Rho

des—

Ven

ice

Lor

edan

a II

,us

ing

oars

)

BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 279

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Febr

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146

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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 281

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282 BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT

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Febr

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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 283

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1519

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ei B

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1546

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1547

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1549

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553

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BETWEEN VENICE AND THE LEVANT 287

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Baumgarten, The Travels of Martin Baum -garten, A Nobleman of Germany, ThroughEgypt, Arabia, Palestine, and Syria in ThreeBooks (London, 1732); N. Porges, ‘Elia Capsali,et sa chronique de Venise’, Revue des EtudesJuives, No. 155–6 (Jan-Jun, 1924), 28–60; JeanThenaud, Le Voyage d’outremer (Égypte, MontSinay, Palestine) de Jean Thenaud: suivi de laRelation d l’Ambassade de Domenico Trevisanauprès du Soudan d’Egypte, 1512, C. Schefer,éd. (Genève, 1971); Biblioteca Nacional deMadrid, MS 10883, c. 1520 [‘Viaje de TierraSanta’]; Y. Bellenger, Jacques Lesage: voyage enTerre Sainte d’un marchand de Douai en, 1519(Paris, 1989); R. Röhricht, ‘Zwei Berichte übereine Jerusalem fahrt, 1521’, in Zeitschrift fürdeutsche Philologie, 25 (1893), 163–220,475–501; [‘Moshe Basola’] A. Ya’ari, Travels inPalestine (Jerusalem, 1946) (Hebrew); B. M.Manzano, Íñigo de Loyola, Peregrino enJerusalén, 1523/4: según la “Autobiografía” delsanto, los tratados de los franciscanos Medina yAranda y las monografías de Fussly, Hagen, elmarqués de Tarifa y de otros peregrinosespañoles y europeos (Madrid, 1995); R. Fulin,‘Itinerario di Pietro Zeno oratore aCostantinopoli nel MDXXIII compendiato daMarino Sanuto’, in Archivio Veneto, XI, 1881,104–36; A.Z. Aescoly, ed., The Story of DavidHareuveni: Copied from the OxfordManuscript (Jerusalem, 1993) (Hebrew); P.Martin and N. Cazin, ‘Le voyage de DomLoupvent: un lorrain en Terre Sainte en 1531’,Annales de l’Est. Société des Letters, Sciences etArts de Bar-le-Duc, 6. S., 51 (2001), 113; DenisPossot and Charles Philippe, Le voyage de laTerre Sainte, composé par maître Denis Possotet achevé par messier Charles Philippe, C.Schefer, ed. (Paris, 1890); J. Chavanon, Relationde Terre Sainte,1533/4, par Greffin Affagart(Paris, 1902); Jost von Meggen, Pellegrinaggio aGerusalemme, avventure di viaggio per mare ea cavallo di un gentiluomo svizzero delCinquecento, F. di Ciaccia, ed. (Milano, 1999);Jean Chesneau, Le voyage de monsieurd’Aramon ambassadeur pour le roy en Levant:escript par noble home Jean Chesneau, C.Schefer, ed. (Paris, 1887); J. Ray, A Collection ofCurious Travels & Voyages, Tome II (London,1693), 90; André Thevet, Cosmographie deLevant, Frank Lestringant, ed. (Genève, 1985);

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AcknowledgementI wish to thank Professor Benjamin Arbel forhis support, and the anonymous referees fortheir helpful comments and suggestions.

References1 Examples are: J. Sottas, Les messageries

maritimes de Venise aux XIVe et XVe siècles(Paris, 1938), 106, pl. V; A. Tenenti and C.Vivanti, ‘Le film d’un grand système denavigation: les galères marchandes vénitiennes,XIVe–XVIe siècles’, Annales E.S.C., No. 1, 16(1961), 84–5; E. Fasano Guarini, ‘Au XVIesiècle: comment naviguent les galères’, Annales

E.S.C., No. 2, 16 (1961), 279–96; M. Mollat,‘Problèmes navals de l’histoire des croisades’,Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 10 (1967),345–59, republished in Etudes d’Histoiremaritime (Turin, 1977), 353–70; F. Braudel, TheMediterranean and the Mediterranean World inthe Age of Philip II, translated from the Frenchby S. Reynolds, vol. 1 (New York, 1972),103–67; F.C. Lane, Venice: A MaritimeRepublic (Baltimore, 1973), 66–82; J.K. Hyde,‘Navigation of the Eastern Mediterranean in theFourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries Accordingto Pilgrims’ Books’, in H. Mck. Blake, T. W.Potter and D. B. Whitehouse, eds., Papers inItalian Archaeology I: The Lancaster Seminar,Recent Research in Prehistoric, Classical andMedieval Archaeology, pt 2, British Archaeo -logical Reports Supplementary ser. 41(2)(Oxford, 1978), 521–40; R. W. Unger, The Shipin the Medieval Economy, 600–1600 (Montreal,1980), 33–74, 161–200; A.R. Lewis and T.J.Runyan, European Naval and MaritimeHistory, 300–1500 (Indiana, 1985), 62–86; M.Balard, ‘Navigations génoises en Orient d’aprèsles livres de bord du XIVe siècle’, in Comptes-rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions etBelles-Lettres, Nov–Dec. 1988, 781–93; M.Balard, ‘Les transports des Occidentaux vers lescolonies du Levant au Moyen Age’, in F. Klaus,ed., Maritime Aspects of Migration(Cologne,  1989), 3–26; U. Tucci, ‘I servizimarittimi veneziani per il pellegrinaggio inTerrasanta nel Medioevo’, Studi Veneziani, 9(1985), 43–66; D. Stöckly, Le système del’Incanto des galées du marché à Venise, finXIIIe–milieu XVe siècle (Leiden, 1995),93–178; P. Spufford, Power and Profit: TheMerchant in Medieval Europe (London, 2002),398; P.O. Long, D. McGee, A.M. Stahl eds.,The Book of Michael of Rhodes: A Fifteenth-Century Maritime Manuscript, volume 3:Studies (Cambridge, Mass. 2009), 2, 7, 16–20.

2 J.H. Pryor, Geography, Technology, andWar: Studies in the Maritime History of theMediterranean, 649–1571 (Cambridge, 1988),9–11, 109.

3 Pryor is cited by many researchers in thefield. His conclusions are used to supportvarious claims regarding navigation at seathroughout the Mediterranean, including:Balard, ‘Les transports’, 8–9; Stöckly, Le

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système de l’Incanto, 132; N.A.M. Roger, TheSafeguard of the Sea: A Naval History ofBritain, 660–1649 (New York, 1998); S. Rose,‘Islam Versus Christendom: The NavalDimension, 1000–1600’, The Journal of MilitaryHistory, 63, no. 3 (July, 1999), 562–3, 567.

4 Braudel, The Mediterranean, 103, 109.5 Tenenti, Naufrages, corsaires et assur -

ances maritimes à Venise, 1592–1609 (Paris,1959), 45–65, pl. II. Pertes de Mer (Échouagesou Naufrages).

6 Braudel, The Mediterranean, 106;Balard, ‘Navigations génoises’, 784–6; Balard,‘Les transports’, 21.

7 J.H. Pryor, ‘Winds, Waves and Rocks:The Routes and the Perils Along Them’, in F.Klaus, ed., Maritime Aspects of Migration(Cologne,  1989), 71–85; J.H. Pryor, ‘TheMediterranean Round Ship’, in R.W. Unger,ed., Cogs, Caravels and Galleons: The SailingShip, 1000–1650 (London, 1994), 59–76; J.H.Pryor, ‘The Geographical Conditions of GalleyNavigation in the Mediterranean’, in J.Morrison, ed., The Age of the Galley:Mediterranean Oared Vessels since Pre-classicalTimes (London, 1995), 206-16; R.B.C.Huygens, ed., Peregrinationes tres. Saewulf,John of Würzburg, Theodericus: With a Studyof the Voyages of Saewulf by John H. Pryor(Turnhout, 1994), 34–57.

8 Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 51–2.9 Following Pryor, Balard claims that a

voyage along the southern shores of theMediterranean was considered a high-riskadventure throughout the twelfth andthirteenth centuries. Commercial ships found itdifficult to sail against the NNW winds, andwere frequently swept back to go aground onthe shores of Egypt and Africa. Galleys with ashallower draught, he writes, took advantage ofthe coastal routes as in ancient times. Seerespectively Pryor, Geography, 73; Balard, ‘Lestransports’, 8–9.

10 Braudel, The Mediterranean, 105–6;Lane, Venice, 48; Pryor, Geography, 57; Pryor,‘Winds’, 71–85; P. Falchetta, ‘The Portolan ofMichael of Rhodes’, in P.O. Long, D. McGee,A.M. Stahl eds., The Book of Michael ofRhodes: A Fifteenth-Century MaritimeManuscript, volume 3: Studies (Cambridge,Mass. 2009), 193–210.

11 As was the case for pilgrims andtravellers in past times, my voyage was notuneventful. Progress westward from the Levantwas  thwarted  by the Meltemi winds whichcarried my modest vessel towards the southern -most islands in the Aegean, only to narrowlyescape going aground on the southern shores ofKasos Island due to confused winds in theproximity of the shore. Fierce gusts near SpinaLonga in Crete tore one of the sails, and thepassage north-westward from the SW tip of thePeloponnese demanded much patience, as ithad demanded from mariners 500 years ago.Close to Ston in Croatia, the fierce Bora windstearing down the mountain slopes were also adanger to my craft. One night in an openanchorage the wind was so ferocious that againwe were at risk of grounding. In his diary thetraveller Sir Richard Torkington mentioned asimilar case where the sailors opened all hatchesand doors to allow the wind to pass through thevessel as much as possible, thereby reducing thetension on the anchor – information I foundvery useful. The homeward voyage was not allplain sailing either, and I was compelled tospend five days in Ios Island due to a storm inthe Aegean Sea.

12 This paper is based on research carriedout for a masters degree under the supervisionof Prof. Benjamin Arbel at Tel AvivUniversity’s Faculty of History. Those withreservations about Pryor’s conclusions include:N.M.H. Fourquin, ‘Review Article’, Mariner’sMirror, 75 (1989), 104; P. Horden and N.Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study ofMediterranean History (London, 2000),137–43.

13 Hyde, ‘Navigation’, 521.14 On the numerous variations in routes

and stops, see also ibid., 532; Horden andPurcell, The Corrupting Sea, 139–40.

15 The same terminology is used in otherdiaries included in that collection. S.Feyerabend, ‘Beschreibung der Wallfahrt zumH. Grab Herrn Steffan von Gumpenberg’, inReyssbuch des Heyligen Landes (Frankfurt,1584), 236r–7r.

16 A. Ya’ari, ed., Meshulam of Volterra: AVoyage in Eretz Israel (Jerusalem, 1948), 83(Hebrew).

17 Ya’ari, Meshulam of Volterra, 25, 80–1.

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18 See ‘L’itinéraire du Saint Voyage’, in Y.Bellenger, Jacques Lesage: voyage en TerreSainte d’un marchand de Douai en, 1519 (Paris,1989).

19 Balard, ‘Navigations génoises’, 782–3.20 Ibid., 784–5, 793.21 Pryor, ‘Winds’, 80; Huygens, Peregrin -

ationes tres, 52.22 M.M. Newett, Canon Pietro Casola’s

Pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the Year, 1494(Manchester, 1907), 236; ‘Steffan vonGumpenberg’, in Feyerabend, Reyssbuch desHeyligen Landes, 237v; V. Castagna,Pellegrinaggio ai luoghi santi: Liber pere -grinationis di Jacopo da Verona (Verona, 1990),52; Niccolò of Poggibonsi, A Voyage Beyondthe Seas, 1346–50, T. Bellorini and E. Hoade,eds., (Jerusalem, 1945), 5; A. Ya’ari, Travels inPalestine (Jerusalem, 1946), 131 (Hebrew);Hans von Hirnheim, Des Ritters Hans vonHirnheim: Reisetagebuch aus dem Jahre,1569, mit einem Nachworte heraugegeben vonFerdinand Khull (Graz, 1897), 25.

23 R. Röhricht, ‘Die Jerusalemfahrt desKanonikus Ulrich Brunner vom HaugstiftWürzburg, 1470’, in Zeitschrift des DeutschenPaläftsführenden Ausschub, 29 (1906), 49.

24 Martin Baumgarten, The Travels ofMartin Baumgarten, a Nobleman of Germany,Through Egypt, Arabia, Palestine, and Syria inThree Books (London, 1732), 496.

25 ‘. . . a sol a monte ne stava bocca diCattaro per Tramontana largo miglia 20.Malonta per Maestro Tramontana, Budua perGreco, Trasto alla quarta di Greco verTramontana, Dulcigno per Levante, et Antivariper Greco Levante, et fu tutto il giorno nuvolo.’Alessandro Magno, Voyages, 1557–65, WilfredNaar, ed., (Fasano-Paris, 2002), 606.

26 Biblioteca del Civico Museo Correr,Venezia, MS Cicogna 3596/29. [‘Viaggio perCipro della Nave Giustiniana, 1567’] I amcurrently preparing a full transcription of thetext for publication.

27 Tenenti bases  his thesis on dataextracted from insurance policies. However, inany case, most wrecks are to be found along theshores, where shoals and rocks are often a causeof damage or sinking: Tenenti, Naufrages,45–65, pl. II. Pertes de Mer (Échouages ouNaufrages).

28 Pryor, Geography, 13–4, 35, 95, 119,fig. 2, fig. 27; Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 51.

29 POEM Group, ‘General Circulation ofthe Eastern Mediterranean’, Earth-SciencesReviews, 32 (4) (1992), 285–309; C. Millot,‘Circulation in the Mediterranean Sea:evidences, debates and unanswered questions’,Scientia Marina 69 (Suppl. 1) (2005), 5–21; N.Hamad, C. Millot, I. Taupier-Letage, ‘TheSurface Circulation in the Eastern Basin of theMediterranean Sea’, Scientia Marina 70 (3)(2006), 457–503.

30 Hamad, ‘The Surface Circulation’, 490,496.

31 M. A. Gerges, ‘Preliminary Results ofNumerical Model of Circulation Using DensityFields in the Eastern Mediterranean’, ActaAdriatica, 1976, 18, No. 10, 165–76.

32 R. Heikell, Greek Waters Pilot (Cam -bridgeshire, Imray, 2004), 25–6; T. and D.Thompson, Adriatic Pilot: Albania, Monte -negro, Croatia, Slovenia and the ItalianAdriatic coast (Cambridgeshire, Imray, 2004), 7,53.

33 Hamad, ‘The Surface Circulation’, 460,468, 486–7, 496–7, 500.

34 Pryor, Geography, 92; Pryor, ‘Winds’,73, 82; See also, Huygens, Peregrinationes tres,43, 51–2.

35 Y. Goldreich, The Climate of Israel,Observation, Research and Application(Heidelberg, Springer, 2003), 48–51; R. Heikell,Mediterranean Cruising Handbook(Cambridgeshire, Imray, 2004), 122.

36 Compare Pryor’s claims with datacollected by the US Navy Weather ResearchFacility regarding prevailing winds in differentstations along the shores of the Mediterranean:E. R. Reiter, Digest of Selected WeatherProblems of the Mediterranean, The NavyWeather Research Facility (Virginia, 1971),Appendix C: ‘Statistics of the Etesian,Frequency (%) and strength (Beaufort) for thethree most frequent wind directions at selectedisland and coastal stations (average ofobservations at 08:00, 14:00 and 20:00 LT)(Metaxas)’, 1–3.

37 If the wind is strong enough to passover an obstacle such as an island, it will blowwith great force down the leeward slopes of theobstacle. Otherwise, the wind will alter its

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direction up to 90 degrees from its originalcourse, as is the case with the Etesian winds inthe Aegean sea and the Bora winds in theAdriatic during the summer months: Heikell,Mediterranean, 118, 122–3.

38 Pryor, Geography, 93, 95; Heikell,Greek Waters, 25-6.

39 See for example the US Navyconclusions regarding visibility and the hazeeffect in different parts of the Mediterranean: L.R. Brody and J. R. Nestor, Handbook forForecasters in the Mediterranean, Part 2:Regional forecasting aides for theMediterranean basin, Naval EnvironmentalPrediction Research Facility (California, 1980),VII-13, V-19, VI-33.

40 Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 34–57.41 In addition, Saewulf’s stop at the island

of Cephalonia was due to a storm (‘we weredriven by a tempest . . .’) and was not pre deter -mined for trade purposes as implied by Pryor:T. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine (London,1848), 31.

42 Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 37–8.43 Ibid., 40–1, 43; Pryor, Geography, 98;44 Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Narrative of

the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to theCourt of Timour at Samarcand, 1403–6 (NewYork, 1970), 18–21.

45 Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 45.46 Pryor, Geography, 98; Wright, Early

Travels, 33. Other travellers also mention asimilar event: see ‘The Itinerary of a CertainEnglishman, 1344/5’, in E. Hoade, ed., WesternPilgrims (Jerusalem, Rpt. 1970), 58; Guillebertde Lannoy, Voyages et ambassades de MessireGuillebert de Lannoy, chevalier de la Toisond’or, seigneur de Santes, Willerval, Tronch -iennes, Beaumont et Wahégnies, 1399–1450,C.P. Serrure, ed., Société des bibliophiles deMons (Mons, 1843), 127.

47 See Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 48;Pryor, ‘Winds’, 81.

48 Wright, Early Travels, 34. Huygens,Peregrinationes tres, 48.

49 Castagna, Pellegrinaggio, 55; FelixFabri, The Wandering of Felix Fabri, vol. 1,Palestine Pilgrim’s Text Society, VII (London,1887), 202.

50 Pryor, ‘Winds’, 73, 81.

51 Wright, Early Travels, 47; Huygens,Peregrinationes tres, 51–2.

52 Lannoy, Voyages, 128; Denis Possotand Charles Philippe, Le voyage de la TerreSainte, composé par maître Denis Possot etachevé par messier Charles Philippe, C. Schefer,ed., (Paris, 1890), 188.

53 See respectively, Niccolò ofPoggibonsi, A Voyage, 127; Bernhard vonBreydenbach, Peregrinations: un viaggiatoredel quattrocento a gerusalemme e in egitto,Ristampa anastatica dell’incunabolo (Roma,1999), 245–6; Jean Thenaud, Le Voyaged’outremer (Égypte, Mont Sinay, Palestine) deJean Thenaud suivi de La Relation dl’Ambassade de Domenico Trevisan auprès duSoudan d’Egypte, 1512, C. Schefer, éd. (Genève,1971), 121–3, 216; A.Z. Aescoly, ed., The Storyof David Hareuveni, copied from the OxfordManuscript (Jerusalem, 1993), 31 (Hebrew);‘Beschreibung der Reyß ins heylig Land, DanielEcklins von Arow’, in Feyerabend, Reyssbuchdes Heyligen Lands, 401; Magno, Voyages,297–306; ‘Beschreibung der Wallfahrt zum H.Grab Herrn Albrechts Graffen zu Louwen -stein’, in Feyerabend, Reyssbuch des HeyligenLands, 205.

54 In earlier times it is probable that mostof the vessels tacked mainly to the NE just toreach Rhodes or the Lycian shore. Even so,crossing northward from Egypt was thecommon route for the return voyage. See alsothe article by Abraham Udovitch and commentsby Eliyahu Ashtor: A.L. Udovitch, ‘Time, theSea and Society: Duration of commercialvoyages on the southern shores of theMediterranean during the high middle ages’, inLa Navigazione Mediterranea nell’AltoMedioevo, Centro italiano di studi sull’altoMedioevo (Spoleto, 1978), 503, 509, 541–5,558–9.

55 Magno, Voyages, 297–301.

Renard Gluzman completed his MAdissertation in the Early Modern HistoryDepartment at Tel Aviv University under theguidance of Professor Benjamin Arbel. He iscurrently a PhD student. He owns a smallketch and is about to embark on anotherinvestigative voyage in the easternMediterranean.

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